networks to borrow the money for the journey through Mexico. Once in the United States, she

found that her husband did have a new wife and two other children. He left his other woman for

a short period and stayed with Maria, but soon returned to his other family. Maria divorced him

in the United States and was able to obtain child support. The judge instructed her to return to

Guatemala so she-and not her in-laws-would receive the child support.

 While Maria's story is unusual for the demonstration of her strong character and defiance

of her in-laws, the community, and her husband, it exemplifies the fear and powerlessness

women often experience when their husbands migrate to the United States. It also shows how

video and cell phone technology have enabled women to negotiate with their husbands,

sometimes defying social and familial constraints in the process.

 Transnational Couples and Communication

 For this section, I collected and analyzed the stories of 15 couples to see how they

communicated during their time apart. Through examination of the important decisions made

during the migration process-such as prospective return, housing, and remittances-and the

ways in which the migrants had made these decisions, I demonstrate how conflicts inherent to

gender difference are intensified by transnational migration. While the occasional direct

communication, such as letters or phone calls, may suffice to quell some of the concerns

migrants may have about their home community, the power of rumors and gossip should not be

underestimated. As Mahler points out, and as I confirm, restraints on communication can

exacerbate marital tensions as well as force women into a more subordinate position. While all

the women I interviewed struggled with their in-laws and husbands over money and over their

supposed behavioral indiscretions, those from the town were able to use their increased access to

communication mediums, such as letters and phone calls, in order to maintain their transnational