Past Guatemalan ethnographies and ethnic studies in this region of Guatemala were

completed over fifty years ago in the nearby town of San Luis Jilotepeque, located in the valley

adjacent to San Pedro Pinula (Gillen 1951; Tumin 1945). San Pedro Pinula refocuses attention

on the Eastern Highlands, historically a region with a large percentage of Ladinos where ethnic

relations have always been strained (Handy 1984). Current ethnic labels and identities in the

Eastern Highlands challenge the dualistic model of Indian/Ladino ethnic classifications (Little-

Siebold 2001). So, while some studies suggest migration strengthens Mayan ethnic identity

(Burns 1993; Kearney 1990), the Eastern Highlands constitute a new and unique arena to

contemplate how Maya-Ladino identities are reformulated in light of historically particular

community relations as well as transnational migration.

 Central Research Questions

 I asked four fundamental questions about how transnational migration impacts gender,

ethnic relations, and local development. These central inquiries, along with a review of past

research on transnational migration, led me to four hypotheses. The following questions framed

my data collection and methodology.

 First, were remittances being used for reproductive activities, such as sustaining the

household, or were they being used for productive activities, such as purchasing cattle and

starting businesses? My first hypothesis was that Ladino households would be more likely to use

remittances for investment because of their dominance in the local economy and longer history

of international migration. I investigated whether there is a correlation between ethnicity and the

use of remittances for either productive or reproductive activities. More specifically, did local

social and economic conditions limit Maya ability to enter productive Ladino-dominated

enterprises such as cattle ranching?