disagreements over programmatic goals, the factional discourse now evolved into

name-calling and imprecise labels that characterized the GOP. Taft and Dewey

partisans hoped these charges would give them a short-term electoral advantage, but

their frequency and intensity lasted well beyond the next election cycle.

 The battle between the newly-christened liberal and conservative factions took

place on two fronts: the halls of Congress and the meeting rooms of the RNC. On

Capitol Hill, the liberal Republicans, known mostly for their pro-labor and pro-civil

rights votes, coalesced into a viable coalition opposed to Taft's continued leadership

and legislative aims. As the 81st Congress began its first session, a group of self-

described liberal Republican Senators challenged Taft for control of the Republican

Senate Policy Committee. Under the existing rules, the chairmanship of the

committee was limited to a four-year term and, since Taft had led the RSPC's

predecessor, the Republican Strategy Committee, since the 79th Congress, he could

not run again. In December 1950, his closest allies made it known that they would

present a rule change to allow the Ohioan to continue in his position and maintain his

critical role in the legislative process. Taft had guided Republican policy and the Old

Guard deemed his leadership critical to opposing the new Democratic majority.

 Cognizant that Taft had successfully used the policy committee to shape the

Republican agenda during the 80th Congress, the so-called "Young Turks" promised a

showdown with the Old Guard and nominated Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts

to take over the RSPC.11 On January 3, the Republican Senators approved the rule

change twenty-nine to thirteen, and re-elected Taft twenty-eight to fourteen.

Nebraskan Kenneth Wherry remained floor leader and, in an effort to rebuild unity in

the Republican caucus, Taft and the conservative majority re-elected Young Turk


11 Los Angeles Times, 1 January 1949; Patterson, Mr. Republican, 427.