complete self-sacrifice and availability to children, and fatherhood means economic

provision and "helping" mothers with child care.

 Also at the interactional level, "gatekeeping" may contribute to gendered divisions

of labor. A survey of 622 married mothers employed in the paid workforce revealed low

paternal involvement reported in families in which mothers set rigid standards for how

domestic labor should be completed, attained satisfaction and validation from completing

housework and child care, and held beliefs that men have less enjoyment of and less skill

at completing domestic tasks (Allen & Hawkins, 1999). While this study focused solely

on mothers' influence on fathers' involvement, the authors suggested both mothers and

fathers can become invested in maintaining an unequal division of labor. This situation

allows men the time and energy to pursue other interests; at the same time, it provides

women with an arena "in which they may feel irreplaceable and can exercise significant

autonomy and power" (Allen & Hawkins, 1999, p. 202) in contrast to the lack of power

and status they may achieve in the workforce. Cultural stereotypes about fathers'

selfishness and lack of skill further polarize parents' completion of household tasks.

Allen and Hawkins (1999) noted: "Mothers may feel they need to manage or oversee

their husbands' participation in housework and child care because fathers can't do it

'right' without supervision from someone more competent and responsible" (p. 202). The

authors continued:

 Mothers also may redo tasks, set unbending standards for family work, or criticize
 their husbands' work to protect their own authority in the home. Fathers also may
 collude or act in ways that support maternal gatekeeping to maintain gender
 specialization in family work. Men may choose to do less frequently performed
 tasks, outwait their partner, ask many questions about the task, do the task poorly,
 or plead ineptness. (p. 203)