resent the restricted roles into which they have fallen or have been forced. This pattern

has far-reaching practical, psychological, relational, and cultural consequences.

 Researchers have long examined the division of labor in marriage. The transition to

parenthood seems a particularly relevant area of inquiry as it often represents a catalyst

setting off the development of gender-stereotyped parenting roles and divisions of labor.

Therefore, research on this transition and on the division of labor in marriage may be

mutually informing and relevant. A landmark finding regarding the division of labor was

Hochschild's (1989) description of the "second shift" women in families perform. After

analyzing qualitative data from interviews of 50 couples and observations of 12

households, she noted women continue to do the vast majority of housework and child

care, despite increased participation in the workforce. Women not only sacrifice the time

and effort required to complete these tasks, but must also grapple with the fact that

domestic labor is usually unrecognized, unappreciated, and devalued (Ferree, 1990;

Thompson & Walker, 1989). When men do increase their contribution to domestic labor,

it is usually in child care, not housework (Hawkins & Roberts, 1992; Thompson &

Walker, 1989). Men are rarely expected to care for their children and complete

housework concurrently, a situation quite different from their wives (Fox, 2001). In their

literature review, Thompson and Walker (1989) noted men often "contribute more to the

need for household work than they contribute to its completion" (p. 854). Although some

assistance with child care is preferable to no help at all, Hawkins and Roberts (1992)

argued child care and housework are inherently interconnected. They provided the

example of a father giving his child a bath, recognizing that the bathtub must be cleaned

by someone before this task can be completed. Women still are largely responsible for