Herrera) indicates that female proletarization cannot be understood only in terms of the

labor / capital relation, but also in terms of other hierarchical relations that influence

women's integration into the labor force. These relations that include gender, ethnicity

and race, help us to understand gender roles in the local and national contexts (Roldan

1982, cited by Herrera). In addition, the effects on rural women are different depending

on whether they are married or single. For married women, working as a wage laborer

implies a responsibility added to their domestic tasks, thus doubling their workload. This

means not only physical but also social displacement because of the pressures that

women feel to do their tasks well and on time (Roldan 1982, cited by Herrera).

 The cases transcribed eloquently exemplify how complex the participation of rural

women in the capitalist workforce is. In the following sections I will describe the

experience of such work participation in the community of Mulauco.

 Household and Subsistence Economy Disruption in Mulauco

 The household in Mulauco has experienced a sudden transformation in the last two

decades. As in all Ecuadorian rural areas, households from Mulauco have relied on

subsistence agriculture, which was the predominant system until 1980. Although men

were, and still are, the household heads,1 women's agency was important for the

maintenance of the subsistence system. Under their responsibility were some aspects of

agricultural activities, which included feeding animals, cropping, harvesting, milking,

etc.2 Before the trend of working outside the community, some men were linked to the






1 In some cases women are the heads of households. This happens when men are gone due to divorce or
long absences for work in other regions of the country, especially in the Amazon area and Coast.
2 Interview with Maria's mother.