CECILY JONES two, tree or four wives" (Wright 87). How, she mused, were the blacks to acquire sexual morality when daily they witnessed the depravity of their masters? White women also suffered from their husbands' sexual relations with black and coloured women. They were injured by the knowledge of their husband's mulatto mistresses and offspring, and white family life was disrupted as wives and children were forced to endure the constant evidence of white male's penchants for black and mulatto women. Discord reigned in white households as husbands neglected and mistreated their wives in favour of mulatto mistresses, and at times, jealousies over these illicit relationships could end in tragedy. Nugent's journal records one such murder. Slavery therefore retarded the development of strong family structures among both black and white populations. It would be difficult to argue that Mrs. Nugent recognized any common ground between herself and enslaved women. She recognized flaws in the institution, but stopped far short of offering a sustained criticism of slavery itself. To do so would have required a critical questioning of the basis of the justification of slavery, and Maria Nugent, though asserting her belief in the humanity of Africans, nevertheless perceived them as a species of inferior beings. Christianity represented the surest route to African salvation and ultimately, contentment with their lot. Imparting the word of God was a task she undertook seriously, insisting that her own domestics be taught religion, daily teaching them their catechisms, providing them with Christian tracts, and organising their baptisms. Maria Nugent often described Africans as "childlike," and "happy" yet paradoxically her Jamaican sojourn was constantly overshadowed by fear of these childlike peoples. When in 1802 news reached Jamaica of a black uprising in St. Domingo in which 320 white people had been massacred, Mrs. Nugent had to revise her opinion of these 'children.' While professing the loyalty of her own slaves, there was ample evidence all around her that the enslaved of Jamaica were not immune from revolutionary fervour, and might be tempted to emulate their Haitian counterparts. Rumours of real or actual conspiracies constantly circulated throughout Jamaica, leaving Mrs. Nugent in a persistent state of worry for her family, and one that would not abate until the summer of 1805, when the threat of an imminent uprising persuaded George Nugent of the necessity of his family's departure from Jamaica. Seven years separated the publications of Lady Nugent's Jamaica Journal and Mary Prince's autobiographical narrative of her experiences of slavery. Mary Prince's testimony, however, was not that of a free, elite white woman, but that of an enslaved African woman. This first person testimony represents a rare female voice, but the History's value exceeds it's rarity; within anti- slavery discourse, the History acquired immense propaganda worth, as for the first-time, an enslaved woman's own voice exposed British audiences to the reality of the indignities, humiliations, and brutalities suffered by the