70 CECILY JONES the profits from slave-produced sugar that observers soon proclaimed Barbados one of the richest spots in the world. By the close of the seventeenth century, unfree African labour formed the backbone of the Barbadian plantation labour policy. Observing the phenomenal success of the Barbadian plantocracy, planters on neighboring islands tried to follow suit.2 Slave societies throughout the Americas enacted comprehensive Slave Codes governing the master-slave relationship. Enslaved Africans were legally defined as a species of property. As property, they were denied judicial rights accorded to humans. The Codes further established slave- owners' absolute right of ownership in their human property, denied the enslaved freedom of will, movement or expression, ensured the absolute submission of the enslaved to the authority of their owner, and functioned as powerful mechanisms through which slave-owners could exert control over virtually every single aspect of the enslaved's existence. Slaves could be bought, sold, mortgaged or leased according to their owner's will, without regard for their familial bonds and obligations. Masters could inflict violent punishment or torture against male and female slaves alike, without fear of judicial intervention, and even the murder of a slave might attract a mere monetary fine. Slave Codes compelled owners to provide their enslaved labour force with shelter, food and clothing allowances, but beyond these basic provisions, imposed few other requirements on the master. Plantation labour regimes were harsh, and enslaved field workers - men, women and children alike were forced to toil for long hours, from can'tt see to can't see;' leisure time was limited and entirely at the owner's dispensation.3 Slave Codes gave owners legal mastery over the enslaved, but that authority was always coloured with fear of resistance. Resistance originated in the hinterlands of Africa, continued on the long and terrifying Middle Passage, and persisted wherever slavery existed. Resistance assumed diverse forms, ranging from mundane acts of defiance to outright violence, such as the successful 1792 slave revolution in the French colony of Santo Dominga.4 Powerful campaigns in England and America by anti-slavery societies forced intense parliamentary debates on the issue, and despite vigorous opposition by the Caribbean planters and their Westminster allies, Wilberforce's Abolition of the Slave Trade Bill, was passed in 1807, sounding the death-knell of one of the most horrendous and sustained acts of genocide 2 See Dunn (1973) and Beckles (1990). 3 For a comprehensive overview of the Slave Codes of the Caribbean, see Goveia (1970) and Higginbotham (1978). The personal writings of slave owners also provide insight into the nature of the master-enslaved relationship. See, for instance, Hall (1989). 4 See Genovese (1979). On the nature of gendered resistance to slavery in the Caribbean, see Mathurin Mair (1975); and Beckles (1989).