36 KRISTA A. THOMPSON generally the class transcendence often attributed to the mass-produced postcard (Schor 211), the so-called "poor man's art form," in Europe and the United States, was not a feature in the region. Yet, despite the seemingly prohibitive costs, some black inhabitants did acquire postcards and put them to new uses. In 1908, for instance, a traveler to Nevis documented that local masqueraders wore costumes made out of postcards (Williams). In this artistic appropriation, the masquerade participants co-opted and personalized the postcard for their own purposes. The "poor man's art form" literally became the poor black man's art form in Nevis, a Christmas masquerade costume. While some residents creatively displayed the cards, others denounced the representations as thoroughly offensive. Sustained critiques of postcards, and touristic images generally, throughout the first half of the twentieth century reveal how local black audiences constantly surveilled the presentation of the island in the miniature universe of postcards, being particularly vigilant of the construction of the black race in these representations. A speaker at the grassroots Universal Negro Improvement Association (U.N.I.A.) organization in Jamaica in 1915, for instance, critiqued the singular focus in postcards on the most economically disadvantaged and uneducated segments of the black population. He called attention to the deliberate "methods employed by a good many people in this island in making up [the] advertisements," noting how photographers paid the island's inhabitants "to pose," in essence to perform an image of black backwardness, in postcard representations. Contemporaneously, E. Ethelred Brown, a member of the Jamaica League, advocated a boycott of the offending producers of postcards purporting to be "native scenes" and declared it "the duty of those of us who are unfavourably and unfairly advertised to protest . ." (DG January 18, 1915). While postcard producers constructed the islands' picturesque image and naturalized this ideal through several devices, black critics of these representations constantly called attention to and protested the artifice of these representations the singular focus of their subject-matter (black backwardness, poverty, tropicalness) and the constructed character of their form. To recap, postcards of the West Indies were originally produced to meet the specific needs of the islands' tourism industries at the turn of the twentieth century and were consumed primarily by travelers. This tropicalized image world was, however, from early on inherently open to alternate and even opposing meanings, as the changing captions and handwritten commentaries testify. The cards, as publicly displayed images, were also viewed by unintended audiences. While black inhabitants "wrote back," protesting the visual narratives of these representations, these critiques and contestations left no traces on the visual archives archives that centrally pictured the islands' black population. The absence of these