REVIEWS


variety of resources including popular cultural productions, interviews,
demographics and participant observation narratives. This makes their
work relevant to scholars from other areas such as literature, linguis-
tics, cultural studies and history. The opening article of the collection,
"Culture, Political Economy, and Sex/Gender Systems," by Richard Parker
provides a review of anthropological studies of masculine homosexuali-
ties in Brazil and Latin America in general, indicating the way traditional
notions of sexuality among the popular classes based on active/passive
roles have been shifting towards the Anglo-European categories of ho-
mosexuality, heterosexuality and bisexuality in large part due to the AIDS
epidemic. He concludes that in an increasingly interconnected world in
which sexual identities or categories are not simply imposed and static
but negotiated and fluid, researchers need to deconstruct monolithic
myths of gender and sexuality in favor of "a far more complex economy
of the body" in Latin America and the Caribbean.
 Another key article along the lines of laying a conceptual framework
for analyzing constructions of masculinities that result in "differential
access of men to power and control" is "Masculine Identity and Sexual-
ity: A Study of Puerto Rican Blue-Collar Workers," by the editors and
Myriam L. V6lez-Galvdn. Their pilot study, which surveyed 41 Puerto
Rican working-class men along with ten in-depth interviews, finds that
strict heterosexuality and rejection of homosexuality were the most
important constituents of their sexual and 'masculine' identities. How-
ever, they conclude that the future study needs to cut across class and
sexual orientation in order to sketch out the way in which masculinities
are constructed and negotiated within Puerto Rico. In "Power Games
and Totalitarian Masculinity in the Dominican Republic," E. Antonio de
Moya's eleborates the construction of masculinities by identifying over
200 labels used to characterize men in that culture. From these he pos-
its four interrelated categories of masculinity: hegemonic, subordinate,
marginal, and residual. His study draws from three types of sources:
participant observation in public places, informal discussions, and his
own autobiographical memories and experiences. Most interesting is
the residual category which is comprised of viragos or virile women that
are reacted to and labeled as if they were competitive men.
 While Antonio de Moya admits the need to understand the comple-
mentary cultures of the calle/casa (household/street), Mark B. Padilla
in his personal account, "Ethnographic Reflections on the First Gay
Pride March in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic," challenges this
paradigmatic opposition first formulated by Peter Wilson, which lim-
its women to the casa sphere. The parade, celebrated on March 23,