DEFINING THE TARGET LANGUAGE IN LANGUAGE GENESIS 65 lexemes in MC in order to support the superstrate hypothesis. In order to communicate within this heterogeneous language community, immigrants had to find words which other members of the community would understand. French was the only language to which the entire community had some varying degree of limited exposure. Logically, French words were more likely to be understood in encounters between people who did not share a common ancestral language. In other words, the majority of the words used within this community were likely to have been French regardless of the linguistic aims of the community. "It is not the proportion of MC words which are of French origin which is significant so much as the ways in which those words differ from French in pronunciation, form and function" (1994:69). Baker claims that phonological, morphological and sociohistorical evidence tends to support his conception of creole genesis (i.e. the 'creativist' model). Evidence of substrate influence noted is mainly the phonemic inventory, which appears to represent a selection of common sounds to the majority of languages represented in Mauritius in the 18th century. This strategy would have minimized the number of novel phonemes to be acquired by the linguistically diverse population. But there is no evidence to suggest that non-Francophone immigrants relexified their original languages with French words. Baker notes that while the MC article system has French etyma, the system as a whole is clearly not derivable from any French variety, nor does it closely resemble any language introduced by the CFP. In other words, the article system was clearly created in Mauritius and supports the creativist model. A subset of MC's TMA system can be attributed to East African Bantu languages, partially supporting the substratist position. But the TMA system allows the possibility of combining two or more preverbal markers in a single predicate, which provides some support for the universalist position. The MC verbal system, which emerged during the first half of the 19th century, has two forms, neither of which encodes any temporal or aspectual information. When the verb governs an overt element, the short form is used. The long form is found in all other contexts (e.g. mo sante 'I sing sing/sang/(am/was) singing' vs. mo sant en sante 'I sing a song'). Texts indicate that this was clearly an innovation by the CFP. After reviewing a range of features from MC, Baker concludes that the creativist model was far more consistent than any of the other three positions. The three features attributed to Bantu and Malagasy origin were all valuable vocabulary building devices. That is to say, non-French strategies were employed precisely where they expanded