the area that can be worked by
each farming household, leading to
higher rural incomes (Figure 19).
On the other hand, since many
farmers do not own oxen and must
wait to use hired animals, plowing
and planting may be delayed, so
that the effect of the larger area
planted may be offset in part by
lower yields. In a few more densely
populated zones, expansion in total
cultivated area has reduced the
availability of land for pasture, and
the resulting shortage of animal
feed resources has created economic
incentives for farmers to seek ways
to reduce their use of draft animals.

Tractors, which first appeared in
Africa in large numbers immedi-
ately following World War I, were


used almost exclusively by Euro-
pean settlers and on large govern-
ment farms; not until after World
War II did their use spread to
African farmers. In eastern and
southern Africa, tractors are now
used for maize production primarily
on large commercial farms, al-
though more smallholders have
started to rent tractors, particularly
where labor is scarce. However,
lack of local manufacturing capac-
ity and maintenance facilities con-
tinues to keep operating costs high,
restricting adoption in many areas.
In western Africa, tractor use for
maize production remains much
more limited, partly because of
technical factors (small fields, fields
with stumps) and partly because of
economic factors (low profitability of
maize, high operating costs).


Revenue (CFA 000)
100 -Rmm m


Mali Central Central Mali Central Central
Sud Burkina Burkina Sud Burkina Burkina
 (Zone 1) (Zone 2) (Zone 1) (Zone 2)


Source: Pingali et al. (1987).

Figure 19. Effect of animal traction on farm income in the Sahel: change
in revenue per hectare and per laborer.


Inadequate Incentives
for Producers and
Marketing Problems
One reason for the low yields of
maize in many parts of Africa is
that producers are not always given
adequate price incentives. Maize
producer prices vary across Africa:
some countries maintain prices
above the world price, whereas
others maintain them below the
world price. These policies often
change over time as well. Govern-
ments that attempt to increase the
profitability of maize production by
supporting producer prices are
often forced to abandon this policy
in favorable years, when large
marketed surpluses quickly ex-
haust the funds available to buy
and store grain; as a result, pro-
ducer prices fall precipitously (see
"Maize Price Cycles in Eastern and
Southern Africa," p. 36). Low
producer prices for maize do not
necessarily discourage production,
since much depends on the prices of
alternative crops, but they decrease
the likelihood that farmers will look
to maize production as an attractive
source of income.

In addition to supporting producer
prices, African governments have
also attempted to stimulate maize
production by facilitating market-
ing. Unfortunately, although public
sector participation in maize mar-
keting sometimes improves per-
formance, more often it places a
severe financial and administrative
burden on the state while improv-
ing market performance only
marginally. Poorly equipped,
inadequately staffed, and under-
funded government marketing
organizations frequently fail to sup-
port and stabilize producer prices
or provide guaranteed market
outlets. Pan-seasonal and pan-
territorial pricing policies, suppos-
edly introduced to raise and stabi-