a generation or two pass by and carry away with them the old
 traditions, and an English governor-general will be found pre-
 siding over a black council delivering the speeches made for
 him by a black prime minister ; and how long could this endure ?
 No English gentleman would consent to occupy so absurd a
 situation."

 So there we are, Ladies and Gentlemen, three of Britain's most
 distinguished intellectuals were prepared to accept representative or
 responsible government only for white people. That explains why Bar-
 bados has always had an all-elected Assembly, why Trinidad has not
 had one up to today, and why Jamaica lost hers in 1865.

 Pardon me now if L stop a while for a pause that refreshes to address
 a few questions, in the best university manner, to a gentleman, who
 may possibly be a member of the audience. The gentleman's name is
 H. Neal Fahey, O.B.E. A few weeks ago he accused me in the press of
 creating "class and colour hatreds from end to end of this island ",
 of being influenced by racial and colour prejudice ", and of rushing
 into print with a deluge of personalities having absolutely no bearing
 on the subject matter." I just wish to ask you tonight, Mr. Fahey,
 whether you have ever told the people of Trinidad and Tobago that
 Carlyle, Trollope and Froude, men much greater than I can ever hope
 to be, have created class and colour hatreds from end to end of this
 island and have been influenced by racial and colour prejudice. If you
 have not done so, Mr. Fahey, will you tell us why ? Are we to under-
 stand that, if you have not done so, it is because they are a deluge of
 personalities having no bearing on the subject matter ? Or could it be
 that you have not heard of Carlyle, Trollope and Froude, just as you
 never heard of Clarkson until, by your own. public confession, I brought
 him to your attention ?

 It is against this background of intellectual prejudice and Colonial
Office contempt for local opinion and ability that the agitation for con-
stitution reform developed in Trinidad in the past hundred years. If
the movement in Jamaica was away from self-government to crown
colony inferiority, the demand for the abolition of crown colony status
in Trinidad was so much breath and time wasted.

 The first advocate of reform was the Governor, Lord Harris, who,
between 1850 and 1851, made three separate proposals, all involving
the introduction of an elected element into the nominated council, to
the extent of either 50%, or 40%, or 33-1/3 % of the total membership.
Lord Harris' principal concern was to guard against two evils, which
he described as follows :

 "Either by restricting the franchise too much, legislation
 may be delivered over to an oligarchy in the shape of a mer-
 cantile plutocracy, or on the other hand by not having sufficient
 checks it may be commanded by a half civilised and uneducated