IN WARSAW 175

they were to take to trading themselves, there would be no
place for us here. But this has nothing to do with our
present purpose.

“Certainly if it was a question of Polish affairs, neither
the foreign nor the Jewish merchants here would move a
finger one way or the other. We have everything to lose
and nothing to gain. Suppose we took sides with one of
the parties, and the other got the upper hand. Why, they
might make ordinances hampering us in every way, laying
heavy taxes on us, forbidding the export of cattle or horses,
and making our lives burdensome. True, if they drove us
out they would soon have to repeal the law, for all trade
would be at an end. But that would be too late for many
of us. However, I do not say that at the present time
many would not be disposed to do what they could against
Augustus of Saxony. We are accustomed to civil wars;
and though these may cause misery and ruin in the districts
where they take place, they do not touch us here in the
capital. But this is a different affair. Augustus has, with-
out reason or provocation, brought down your fiery King
of Sweden upon us; and if he continues on the throne we
may hear the Swedish cannon thundering outside our
walls, and may have the city taken and sacked. ‘Therefore
for once politics become our natural business. But though
you may find many well-wishers, I doubt if you can obtain
any substantial aid. With Saxon troops in the town, and
the nobles divided, there is no hope of a successful rising
in Warsaw.”

“The king did not think of that,” Charlie said; “his
opinion was that were it evident that the citizens of Warsaw
were strongly opposed to Augustus of Saxony, it would have
a great moral effect, and that perhaps they might influence
some of the nobles who, as you say, are deeply in their
books, or upon whose estates they may hold mortgages, to
join the party against the king.”