1981). Setting goals and objectives is outside the farmer's purview
when the farm has to respond to resource scarcity. Farming is reactive
when access to inputs is limited. When access is even more limited because of
gender and differential power, often caused by a colonial history (Etienne
and Leacock, 1980), farming becomes even more reactive.

 Farm management research in the United States has assumed that the farmer
 is male, and the successful farmer "involves his wife as a meaningful helpmate
 in his business and community affairs" (Buller, 1976:4). The assumption behind
 farm management research is that farming is a family enterprise and is only
 successful when this occurs. This same assumption is held in FSR. The.
 difference is thatwe realizethat in theThird Worldthe farmer will sometimes be
 female and, in certain situations (particularly when we are talking about
 marginal farmers producing subsistence crops) the farmer is more likely
 to be female than male. The realization of who does the farming
 versus who is getting the agricultural information is crucial. This
 disjuncture must be taken into account as we try to overcome our cultural
 biases in approaching developing processes.

 Farm management in the United States arose as farming became more
 commercialized and capitalistic (Case and Williams, 1957:5). This commer-
 cialization and capitalist nexis is very important to remember when we contrast
 FSR&D in the Third World with farm management in the First. Farming systems
 in the Third World (particularly those of small farmers) very often have a
 subsistence basis rather than a commercialized basis. Many of the economic
 structures into which the farms are placed are pre-capitalist rather than
 capitalist.

 Third World farms are linked to the capitalist market in three ways: the
sale of their products, the sale of their labor, and the inputs they purchase.
Linkage through the sale of crops is most common in the United States. Yet,
the majority of the crops very often are not sold, but are consumed on the
farm or bartered locally, particularly in parts of Africa and Latin America.

 The more usual way in which the small farm in the Third World is linked
to the market economy-that is to say to the world system-is through the sale
of labor. The farm family becomes semi-proletarianized, with one part of the
3fmily maintaining the farm and production, and another part oa the -fmily
selling their labor in the market (Goodman and Redclift, 1982). The people who
sell their labor tend to be those who command the highest wages because cash
takes priority. These people tend to be males (Leon, 1982). This leaves women
in charge of production of subsistence crops-the wage foods-that are the
backbone of the economy and, yet, these crops are the least valued within that
society. Men will take jobs, generally through temporary migration
(Friedman, 1978; Laite, 1977) and will work in the harvest of cash crops,
particularly export crops (Homen- de Melo and Zockun, 1977). Export crops
include cotton, coffee, cacao, and sugar. The men may also be involved in the
construction booms that accompany petroleum development, particularly in
petroleum countries. For instance, in Equador and in Nigeria, people will
migrate to the urban centers to provide a low-wage, construction labor force.
Employment in extractive industries, particularly mining, can also be the first
major link with the monetary economy. In much of southern Africa, the movement
of males to work in the mines has left farms in the hands of females.