outside the West Indies, that is, to places which are not included in our analysis, and the
people who emigrate from these islands very seldom intend to return home except after
some extended duration. Hence they are, in a sense, lost to the area.

 In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, migrants have always been attracted to it from the
Windward Islands. They are not really lost to the area since they do not leave the West
Indies. They therefore influence the differential rates of growth by shifting from one
area to another. The point which emerges from this very brief treatment seems there-
fore to be that the different rates of growth registered in Table 2. 1. iii are influenced
more by migration (whether intra- or extra-West Indies) than by differences in the rate
of natural increase for the various territories.

 This leads us to the very important question of migration and its probable effects upon
our projections. Past trends of migration are hardly the best indicator of the future pat-
tern of migration since the factors which operated in the past may not operate in the future.
Further, the amount of migration which takes place in any one year depends on such fac-
tors as job opportunities both in the losing and receiving countries, financial resources of
the prospective emigrants, family commitments and social ties, to name only a few of
the factors. All of these make it extremely difficult to hazard any estimates of the future
levels of migration. Nevertheless it is possible within broad limits to discuss the prob-
lem of migration in general terms and in the light of present events come up with some
rough estimates.

 Table 2c shows the net migration from each of the individual territories between 1946
and 1960. Although some years are missing for some of the smaller territories, espe-
cially the Leeward Islands, the overall pattern is sufficiently clearcut forourpurposes.
In any case the available data suggest that the most that those missing years would do
would be to accentuate the trend. We see that between 1946 and 1949 the West Indies
were on balance net receivers of migrants, that is, arrivals exceeded departures. We
notice too that this inflow of migrants quickly dried up in 1949 and gave way to a net out-
flow in 1950. The chief reason for the inflow between 1946 and 1949 would appear to be
the return home of many West Indians after the war.

 But starting in 1950 there was a definite outflow of migrants, which steadily gained
momentum throughout the fifties. From over 1,000 in 1950 the stream increased to about
40,000 by 1960, if we include an estimate for those islands for which data are not avail-
able. Our present analysis does not allow us to go beyond the bare outline of the prob-
lem and consider the migration from each territory individually, but we see from Table
2c that the amount of migration from the West Indies throughout the fifties was mainly in-
fluenced by migration from Jamafca. The heavy outflow of migrants from Jamaica was
directed mainly to the United Kingdom. As a matter of fact, practically the whole stream
of West Indian migration in the fifties was to the United Kingdom. The stream continued
unabated or rather at an accelerated rate between 1960 and 1962 when the United Kingdom
Government imposed certain immigration restrictions upon Commonwealth immigrants.
We do not have data to indicate the volume of migration which took place from the West
Indies to the United Kingdom between 1960 and July of 1962 when "the ban" was imposed,
but informed opinion seems to incline to the view that the volume was about double that in
1959. What we do know however, is that "the ban" has practically dried up the stream of
emigrants from the West Indies seeking to enter the United Kingdom. So over the next