DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE
OF BOLIVIA AND PERU

By
LUCY THERINA BRIGGS

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF
THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1976
This deseription of dtalectal variatton in the
Aymara language of Bolivia and Peru ts dedicated
to all the Aymara speakers who helped make tt
posstble, and to the Aymara linguists of the
future who will improve upon tt.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This study is based on research conducted from
1970 through 1975 at the University of Florida and in
Bolivia and Peru, under the auspices of (1) a graduate
teaching assistantship (1970-71) in the Aymara Language
Materials Project funded by Title VI of the National
Defense Education Act, (2) a National Science Foundation
graduate fellowship (1971-74), and (3) a University of
Florida College of Arts and Sciences graduate fellowship
(1974-75). To the sources of that support I wish to
express my deep appreciation.

Special thanks are due also to my parents,

Ellis Ormsbee Briggs and Lucy Barnard Briggs, who
gave me financial and moral support throughout my doc-
toral studies.

My field work in Bolivia was authorized by the
Instituto Nacional de Estudios Lingiifsticos (INEL) and
facilitated by the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara
(ILCA). My field work in Peru was authorized by the
Instituto Nacional de Investigaci6n y Desarrollo de la
Educaci6n (INIDE). Copies of this study are being made
available to the three named entities, for whose coopera-

tion I am very grateful.

iv
The list of persons who assisted me in the
research is long. I wish here to single out three per-
sons whose contributions were crucial to my undertaking
the task and bringing it to a conclusion. They are
Dr. M. J. Hardman, director of my doctoral dissertation,
and two native speakers of Aymara who were my teachers at
the University of Florida: Ms. Juana V&squez, writer and
artist, and Mr. Juan de Dios Yapita, founder and director
of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara of La Paz and
professor at the Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in
La Paz. Whatever insights I have gained concerning Aymara
language and culture are due in large measure to their
knowledge and patient guidance. Without the training I
received from them and their considerable help in the
analysis, this study could not have been completed.
Specifically, Ms. Vasquez helped me review the extensive
literature on Aymara, commenting on the Aymara examples
contained therein. Mr. Yapita reviewed a near-final
draft of the whole manuscript of this study, sometimes
listening to tapes to check the accuracy of the tran-
scriptions of the Aymara examples. Both worked with me
in the analysis of translation dialects culminating in
Chapter 9.

In the various stages of the work Dr. Hardman
was my constant mentor, challenger, and support. The

final draft also benefitted from the suggestions of the
other members of my doctoral committee, as well as those
of Professor Bohdan Saciuk of the Program in Linguistics
of the University of Florida, who kindly read and com-
mented on Chapters 3 and 4. I also wish to thank Dr.
Charles Palmer for preparing the final versions of the
maps, and Ms. Patricia Whitehurst for typing the final
draft of the manuscript.

In acknowledging the help I have received, I do
not wish to imply that this study is free ef errors. For
them 1 take full responsibility, trusting that researchers
who follow me will correct my mistakes with ‘the same zeal
that I have applied to correcting my predecessors, in
pursuit of the objective we all share--ever more accurate

descriptions of the Aymara language.

vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ---------------------- cere nner
ABSTRACT --------------- n-ne on nr rrr rrr rire
CHAPTER
] INTRODUCTION -------------------------------
1-1 Demography --------------- enn --
1-1.1 Number and location of Aymara
speakers ------ n-ne cn rn renner nee
]-1.2 Status ----------------- nee renee
1-1.3 Monolingualism, bilingualism,
and multilingualism -----------------
1-2 History ~----------- een n nce rene
1-2.1 Language family ---------------------
1-2.2 Dialects ----------------------------
1-2.3 Summary description of La Paz
Aymara ~----------------r errr errr
1-3 The Present Study -------------------
1-3.1 Theoretical bases -------------------
1-3.2 Purposes and scope ------------------
1-3.3 Methodology and data ----------------
1-3.4 Sites and sources -------------------
1-3.5 Organization of the study -----------
1-3.6 Conventions and terminology ---------
2 A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE -----------------
2-1] Introduction -------------<----------
2-2 Colonial Period ---------------------
2-3 Prelinguistic Studies--19th and 20th

Centuries ---------------------------

Vii
2-4 Linguistic Studies ------------------ 62
2-4.1 Synchronic studies ------------------ 62
2-4.2 Historical studies ------------------ 78
2-5 Summary and Projection -------------- 78
VARIATION IN PHONOLOGY AND IN PHONOLOGICAL
SHAPE OF MORPHEMES ------------------------- 80
3-1] Introduction ------------------------ 80
3-2 Phonemes ---------------0r rere c nnn 80
3-2.1 Phonemic inventory ------------------ 80
3-2.2 Allophones -------------------------- 83
3-2.3 Canonical forms --------------------- 86
3-2.4 Restrictions on phoneme occurrence -- 87
3-3 Nonphonemic Phenomena --------------- 89
3-3.1 Stress ------------- een nner ere 89
3-3.2 Intonation -------------------------- 90
3-3.3 Spanish loans ----------------------- 90
3-4 Phonological Correspondences Within

and Across Dialects ----------------- 9]
3-4.1 Vowel correspondences --------------- 92
3-4.2 Consonant correspondences ----------- 100
3-4.3 Correspondences of vowels and/or

vowel length and nonstop consonants -- 127
3-4.4 Metathesis --------------------------- 132
3-4.5 Correspondence of final (C)CV

sequence with another CV sequence

OY Z@YO --------- n-ne nnn er renee 136
3-4.6 Correspondence of final /n(V)/ and

Z@YO ------------------- ee 137

3-4.7 Correspondence of initial /ja/ and
vowel length or zero, and corre-

spondence of final /ma/ and zero ----- 139
3-4.8 Combinations of correspondences in

One word ---------------- nnn n nner nee 139
3-5 Conclusion -----------------9--------- 140
VARIATION IN MORPHOPHONEMICS ---------------- 145
4-] Introduction ------------------------- 145

viii
Page

4-2 Morphologically Determined Vowel-
Deleting and -Retaining Rutes

(Morphophonemics of Suffixes) ------- 146
4-2.1 Phonological and morphological

conditioning ---------------- rrr -- 147
4-2.2 Morphological conditioning ---------- 148
4-2.3 Phonological and syntactic

conditioning ------------- rrr rrr 149
4-2.4 Morphological and syntactic

conditioning ------------- rrr nn 149
4-3 Phonotactically Conditioned Rules

(Canonical Form Conditions) --------- 149
4-3.1 Word-initial position --------------- 150
4-3.2 Medial position --------------------- 154
4-3.3 Final position in morphological

Word ------------- nee een reer cence 185
4-3.2 Final position in syntactical word -- 192
4-4 General and Dialect-Specific Rules -- 193
4-4.1 Variation in morphophonemics of

suffIXeS ------- e-em recone 194
4-4.2 Variation in other morphophonemic

YULES ---- ee nn eo mm ne rrr rrr 195
4-5 Conclusion ------------ screen 197
VARIATION IN THE NOUN SYSTEM --------------- 202
5-1 Introduction ----------------r- HH 202
5-2 Closed Classes of Noun Roots -------- 203
5-2.1 Interrogatives --------------- nn 203
5-2.2 Demonstratives ---------------------- 210
5-2.3 Personal pronouns -----------~------->- 215
5-2.4 Numbers -------------------- cnr H-- 216
5-2.5 Positionals --------------------- 0-H 222
5-2.6 Temporals ----------------- reno 226
5-2.7 Ambiguous noun/verb roots --~--------- 243
5-3 Noun Suffixes ---~---------- rrr -- 245
5-3.1 Class of limited occurrence --------- 245
5-3.2 Class 1 suffixes -----------9-------- 259
5-3.3 Class 2 suffixes -----------4-------- 274
5-3.4 Class 3 suffixes (verbalizers) ------ 300

ix
 

5-4 Summary and Conclusions -------------- 309
5-4.1 Types of variation in the noun

SYSTEM ---- nn een en ee nr rr errr nn 309
5-4.2 Dialectal patterning ----------------- 311
VARIATION IN THE VERB SYSTEM ~---------------- 317
6-1 Introduction ------------------------- 317
6-2 Verbal Derivational Suffixes --------- 318
6-2.1 Class 1 suffixes --------------------- 321
6-2.2 Class 2 suffixes --------------------- 345
6-2.3 Class 3 suffixes --------------------- 374
6-3 Verbal Inflectional Suffixes --------- 384
6-3.1 Introduction ------------------------- 384
6-3.2 Verbal inflectional distinctive

features --------------- eee rn rrr 386
6-3.3 Tenses ------------ rrr errr rrnne 389
6-4 The Verb sa.fia 'to say' -------------- 445
6-4.1 sa.fia with Simple tense -------------- 447
6-4.2 sa.fia with Future tense -------------- 450
6-4.3 sa.fia with other tenses -------------- 453
6-4.4 Dialectal patterning -~---------------- 454
6-5 Summary and Conclusions -------------- 455
6-5.1 Types of variation in the verb

SYSt@M ------ non nnn ner er renner nnn 455
6-5.2 Dialectal patterning ----------------- 459
SYNTACTIC AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC VARIATION ----- 468
7-1 Introduction ------------------------- 468
7-2 Particles and Syntactic Suffixes ----- 469
7-2.1 Particles ----------------------- eee 469
7-2.2 Syntactic suffixes ------------------- 473
7-3 Basic Sentence Types ----------------- 508
7-4 Morphosyntactic Processes ------------ 509
7-4.1 Reduplication ---~--------------------- 509
7-4.2 Subordination ------------------------ 517
7-4.3 uka linker and summarizer ------------ 562
7-4.4 sa.fia embedding ---------------------- 564
7-4.5 Negation ----------------------------- 576
7-5 Conclusion --------------------------- 587
10

VARIATION IN SEMANTICS ---------------------

i
_

& Whr—

.
ad

co © CO © co wwocnc oo
'
> ww wo nM PON PP

i
ot

Introduction ------------------------

Linguistic Postulates ---------------
Four-person system ------------------
Human/Nonhuman ----------------------
Directly/Indirectly acquired

knowledge (data source) -------------
A nonpostulate: Singular/Plural ----

Semantic Variation in Roots and

Suffixes -------------- nen nen n eee
Noun system -------------------------
Verb system -------------------------
Metaphor ------------------- ene

Summary and Conclusion --------------

MISSIONARY, PATRON, AND RADIO AYMARA -------

9-1 Introduction ------------------------
9-2 Phonology --------- reer nner rrr
9-3 Morphophonemics ---------------------
9-4 Morphology ------------ rrr r nnn r ne
9-5 Morphosyntax and Syntax ~-------------
9-6 SemanticS --------- ec rrr rrr errr ne
9-6.1 Linguistic Postulates ---------------
9-6.2 Other semantic peculiarities --------
9-7 Summary and Conclusion --------------
CONCLUSION ---------------------- 9-2-0 ------
10-1 Dialectal Variation in Aymara -------
10-2 Regional Dialect Groups and

Features ~--------------- nee one nee
10-2.1 Northern group: La Paz, Juli,

Socca, Huancané ---------------------
10-2.2 Southern group: Jopoqueri (and/or

Corque), Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or
Calacala) ---------------------------

x7

718
722

724
10-2.3 Intermediate dialects: Calacoa
and Sitajara ----------------------- 727
10-2.4 Peripheral (as distinguished from
central) dialects ------------------ 728
10-2.5 Cross-regional features ------------ 733
10-2.6 Cross-dialectal perceptions -------- 735
10-2.7 Attitudes toward Aymara language
and culture ------------------------ 736
10-3 Interpretation of Research Results
and Their Implications ------------- 739
10-4 Directions for Future Research ----- 746
APPENDICES
A ELICITATION LIST OF WORDS, PHRASES, AND
SENTENCES ---------------------------------- 752
B ONOMATOPOEIC PARTICLES --------------------- 782
C REGIONAL VERSIONS OF GREETINGS AND
COMMON EXPRESSIONS --------------- ---------- 784
D REGIONAL VERSIONS OF A SAYING AND A
RIDDLE ------------------------------------- 803
E INDEX OF SUFFIXES -------------------------- 811
REFERENCES ------------------------------------------ 835
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH --------------------------------- 847

xii
Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE
OF BOLIVIA AND PERU

By
Lucy Therina Briggs
August, 1976

Chairman: M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista
Major Department: Linguistics

The Aymara language is spoken on the high Andean
plains of Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake
Titicaca to the salt flats south of Lake Poop6. South-
west of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the upper reaches
of some of the river valleys that descend to the Pacific
coast and to the east it extends into the subtropical
Yungas valleys, but its domain is primarily the altiplano.
The total number of speakers approaches two million, of
whom about one and a half million live in Bolivia and
the rest in Peru. There are also a few speakers in
northern Chile. Predominantly farmers or herders, the
Aymara have traditionally traded over a wide area, Aymara
women playing a major role in regional marketing of agri-

cultural produce.

x1ii
Aymara belongs to the Jaqi family of languages
whose other extant members are Jaqaru and Kawki, spoken
in the department of Lima, Peru. The relationship of
Aymara to Quechua, the other major Andean language, is
undetermined. Dialects of Aymara have not hitherto
been systematically studied, although dialectal variation
has been known to exist since colonial times. The present
study was conceived to begin the task of determining the
extent and character of dialectal variation in Aymara.

Based cn research in ten Aymara communities and
incorporating data from a survey of the literature from
colonial times to the present, this study examines
regional variation in phonology, morphophonemics, mor-
phology, syntax and morphosyntax, and semantics, and
three translation dialects not specific to any one region:
Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara. The appendices
include the elicitation list used in fieldwork, a list
of onomatopoeic particles, regional versions of greetings,
a brief dialogue, a saying, and a riddle, and an index
of suffixes.

The study confirms that all dialects share the
basic structures attributed to two La Paz dialects in
earlier studies by M. J. Hardman and associates at the
University of Florida. Aymara is a polysynthetic language

in which suffixes play not only morphological but also

%
syntactic roles and retain or lose their own or preceding
vowels according to complex morphophonemic rules. All
dialects also have certain linguistic postulates: a
system of four grammatical persons, a distinction of human
and nonhuman reference, and a distinction of direct and
indirect knowledge. All dialects are mutually (though

not equally) intelligible.

Regional differences occur primarily in phonology
and morphophonemics. Two dialects have a phoneme lacking
in the others, and there is considerable variety in phono-
logical shapes in morphemes stemming from phonemic insta-
bility and morphophonemic variation. Regional patterning
involves two overlapping distinctions: (1) a division
into northern and southern dialects (with two intermediate
dialects sharing some features of both), and (2) a division
into central and peripheral dialects reflecting the spread
of La Paz influence toward outlying areas that retain
certain features La Paz has lost. The dialectal picture
is further complicated by the existence of certain features
shared by a few dialects without regard to regional
patterning.

While many La Paz innovations are attributable
to Spanish influence and all dialects of Aymara appear
to be adopting Spanish loans at an accelerating rate,
Aymara is a vigorous language that will survive due to
natural population increases for at least several genera-

tions. In the long run the future of the language will

XV
depend on many factors, not least of which will be the
extent to which its speakers succeed in fostering its

use as a vehicle of literature and education.

XVI
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

1-1 Demography

1-1.1 Number and location of speakers

Aymara is spoken on the high Andean plains of
Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake Titicaca
to the Uyuni salt flats south of Lake Poopé (see Figure
1-1). Southwest of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the
upper reaches of some of the many river valleys that
descend to the Pacific coast, and to the east it extends
into the subtropical Yungas valleys, but its domain is
primarily the altiplano.

The majority of native speakers of Aymara today
are Bolivians and constitute approximately a third of
the Bolivian population (Hardman et al. 1975:3.2). As
the total estimated population of Bolivia in 1973 was
5.3 million (U. S. Department of State 1974:1), Bolivian
Aymara alone may account for well over a million and
a half speakers.

In Peru, according to the national census of 1961,

persons for whom Aymara was the first (maternal) language
\, \ . : ¢ :
\. NX. »* PANDO 4 . 8
oN, N, VY os N, &
Lima °, ~. : foe ‘ ] “sees 4
© Cachuy (Kawki) ’. \, . / ™., 2
7, OTupe ( \Cu ~. ST
Lp , upe Jagaru), \ : nN L
Y a \ NO

AP E, R U
4 MS /
\ “low ost a

“wen ~/

7 ‘
ee w,
pinte ee

‘AREQUIPA ; As
Socca

“ig yop

i~

(a A Am i
>. or .
ye - VEE ie, B oO L I V I A
0 atkeba he \
Moquesvs f 4 lA % Jestis de Mi CH

Z Area Where Aymara Is Spoken OSKias San Andrés de. MENA 4,8 4 Z SANTA
Fag ati Vs fy © Liallagua on CRUZ

. Primary Aymara Sites For This Study OTacné/, 72 \eUneia’ Voi Carasi
j . \o Calacala \

Z,\ Sorodontatea, aN
fo R yy of L. P5506 1 iN

Other Sites Where Aymara Or ** O YL) Xu,
i a Oe ‘

T ae

 

Secondary Aymara Sites For This Study

Another Jaqi Language Is Spoken O%Salinas dé
ose vom

Certain Other Towns Or Cities U7 a
A/

Mentioned In Text ni" / tee A
, ICHUQUI SACA

-——-» International Boundaries £0 p
. . : Os
—-— Departmental Boundaries

 

_)

Figure 1-1. Area Where Aymara is Spoken
made up only 3.5% of the population five years old and
older, or 290,125 out of a total of 8,235,220 (Repablica
del Perd 1966:4-45). According to the 1972 Peruvian
census, their number had grown to 332,593, although this
then constituted only 2.9% of the total population five
years old and older (Repdblica del Perf 1974:2.646).
Allowing for the inclusion of Peruvian Aymara children
under five, the total of Aymara speakers in Bolivia and
Peru today may be estimated as nearing two million.

The 1961 Peruvian census gave breakdowns of
Aymara speakers by department and province. Unfortu-
nately, such figures are not yet available for 1972.
The 1961 census indicated that of the total 290,125,
83.9% were in the department of Puno, in the provinces
of Puno, Chucuito, and Huancané. Of the rest, 8.4%
were in the interior highlands of the departments of
Moquegua (province of Mariscal Nieto) and Tacna
(province of Tarata), with the remaining 8.5% scattered
in the departments of Arequipa (provinces of Arequipa
and Istay), Puno (provinces of Sandia and San Roman),
Lima, and Cuzco.

For Bolivia, reliable statistics on numbers
and location of Aymara speakers are not available. The
majority of speakers are generally considered to be in
the departments of La Paz and Oruro. There are also

Aymara in the northern and western parts of the department
of Potost and (Javier Alb6 and Walter Pefiaranda, personal
communications) along the western border of the department
of Cochabamba. The presence of Aymara throughout the
department of La Paz is well known although the north-
eastern provinces beyond the Cordillera Real (Larecajas,
Mufecas, Bautista Saavedra, and part of Camacho) are
shared with Quechua speakers, some villages being pre-
dominantly Quechua, others Aymara. The situation in
eastern Oruro is similar, with a preponderance of Quechua
as one approaches the Potosi border.

In northwestern Potos?t between the departments
of Oruro and Cochabamba the linguistic situation is
complex. The mining centers just east of the Oruro-
Potosi border are Quechua speaking, but surrounding
towns, such as Calacala and Morocomarca (see Figure 1-1)
are often Aymara. In some of these, as in Calacala, the
younger generation is bilingual in Spanish and Quechua
rather than Aymara. Although persons over 15 are capable
of telling stories in Aymara they obviously prefer to
use Quechua; children under 12 do not understand Aymara.
The situation is like that noted by 0. Harris (1974)
in some other communities in the province of Bustillos
and in the province of Charcas, where Aymara is spoken
only at home; its use in public is met with embarrassment,
if not shame, and Quechua is used primarily in public or

with strangers. This situation suggests a kind of
diglossia, perhaps a relic of an earlier time when general
languages coexisted with the particular languages used in
each locale. Harris has also noted, however, that many
areas of Potosi traditionally considered to be Quechua
speaking are inhabited by Aymara-speaking groups for

whom Quechua does not appear to be becoming the dominant
language. For example, the valleys of San Pedro de

Buena Vista in northern Potosi? and the area of Llica in
western Potos? near the Uyuni salt flats are Aymara
speaking.

In some cases, according to Harris, the designation
of a given ayllu (clan group) as Aymara or Quechua speak-
ing is inappropriate; language cuts across ayllu lines.
For example, Harris found that the Machas, who live near
the border of Chuquisaca department and are generally
considered to be Quechua speaking, speak Aymara in the
most remote part of their valley, near Carasi, province
of Charcas. The situation of the Laymis, on the other
hand, is the reverse: in the high puna near Uncia they
all know Aymara while in the remote parts of their
valley they speak Quechua.

These are examples of the complexities that need
further study to determine the exact areas where Aymara
is spoken today. The mobility of the Aymara must also
be taken into account. Predominantly farmers or herders,

the Aymara have traditionally traded over a wide area.
Aymara women play a major role in regional marketing
of agricultural produce. Aymara families that move to
the cities maintain close ties with their villages and
frequently own agricultural property at several ecologi-
cal levels, a system of vertical archipelagos that has
existed since prehistoric times (Murra 1968 and 1972).
Aymara is also spoken in the environs of Arica,
Chile, and is taught at the Universidad del Norte in
that city (Juan de Dios Yapita, personal communication).
It may also be spoken along the Chilean border of the
Bolivian department of Oruro. Whether the Aymara popula-
tion of Chile is native or predominantly of recent Bolivian
or Peruvian Aymara settlers also needs further clarifi-

cation.
1-1.2 Status

Both Bolivia (in 1970) and Peru (in 1971) have
recognized Aymara as a national language, together with
Quechua and Spanish, but this action has failed to alter
the social fact that monolingual Aymara speakers are
effectively barred from active participation in national
life (Hardman et al. 1975:3.2). This situation is offset
by the efforts of small but active groups of Bolivian
Aymara speakers to educate other Aymara and the public
at large on Aymara language and culture and to stimulate

the production of written literature in the language.
These efforts received considerable impetus from the
participation of members of the Bolivian Aymara community
in the Aymara Language Materials Project at the Univer-
sity of Florida (see 2-4.12) and have continued under
the leadership of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura
Aymara (ILCA) and the Instituto Nacional de Estudios
Lingifsticos (INEL) in La Paz. The Centro Pedagédgico

y Cultural de Portales in Cochabamba has promoted the
development of teaching materials in Quechua and Aymara
and is involved with ILCA and INEL in sociolinguistic
surveys to determine speaker attitudes toward education
in the two languages.

The government of Peru has recently embarked on
an educational development plan which includes primary
education in vernacular languages for those who do not
speak Spanish. Programs in Aymara have yet to be
developed but the government is financing the translation
into Spanish of the Aymara teaching and reference grammar
produced at the University of Florida (Hardman et al.

1975) for use in training teachers of Aymara children.
1-1.3 Monolingualism, bilingualism, and multilingualism

Figures for Aymara monolingualism, Spanish-Aymara
bilingualism, or multilingualism of other types are
either lacking or untrustworthy. The 1961 Peruvian

census indicated that of the total of 290,125 speakers

4
of Aymara five years or older, 162,175 said they did

not speak Spanish when asked if they did and that 96%

of these were in Puno (Repablica del PerG 1966:2-3).
Other official Peruvian sources differentiate coordinate
and subordinate bilingualism but the application of these
terms to actual cases varies. Redefinitions and refine-
ments of the terms monolingual and bilingual are needed
for the Andean situation, which includes such complexi-
ties as those of northern Potosi (1-1.1). Some persons
encountered in this research who were designated by
other Aymara speakers as monolingual appeared to have a
receptive if not productive competence in the Spanish
lanauage within a narrowly defined set of topics. Other
persons who on first acquaintance appeared to be fairly
fluent in Spanish later proved to have many difficulties
in comprehension and production. The role of cultural
and social factors must also be taken into account.

(See the remarks for bilingualism of sources, 1-3.3.
Present-day Aymara dialects that show heavy Spanish

influence are discussed in Chapter 9.)
1-2 History
1-2.1 Language family

Aymara is a member of the Jaqi language family

(Hardman 1975) which Torero (1972b) prefers to call the
Aru family. Other extant members of the family are
Jaqaru and Kawki, spoken in Tupe and Cachuy, respectively,
in the highland province of Yauyos about 150 miles south
of Lima, Peru. Jaqaru is still vigorous but Kawki is
dying out.

Citing historical and toponymical evidence,
Torero (1972b) has established the probable extension
of this language family in the 16th century as from the
area of two present provinces of Lima, Huarochiri and
Yauyos, south to what is now southern Bolivia. Aymara
occupied the most extensive area, south and southeast
of the River Pampas basin in southern Huancavelica and
northern Ayacucho departments, while the other Jaqi
languages were spoken in a more restricted area to the
north. Hardman (1966:15) has reported evidence for the
existence of a Jaqi language in the valley of Canta
north of Lima in the early 1900's. According to Torero
the language family entered its expansive phase with
the rise of Huari (Ayacucho) and Aymara has since moved
south, taking over territories of other languages such
as Puquina. Torero has cited his and Hardman's
glottochronological calculations as indicating approxi-
mately 1,490 years of minimal divergence between Jaqaru
and Aymara beginning in approximately A. D. 480. By
this reckoning Kawki and Aymara are 1,130 years apart,

having diverged around A. D. 840.
10

On the basis of these dates and linguistic evi-
dence from Hardman of a closer linguistic relationship
between Kawki and Aymara than between Jaqaru and Aymara,
Torero has posited the following phases in the expansion
of the language family: (1) a first split in the fifth
century A. D. or before, (2) a second split in the
ninth century, and (3) a proto-Aymara period a few cen-~-
turies before the establishment of the Inca empire.
Tying these in with archaeological evidence, Torero has
identified the first phase with the beginning of Nazca
influence in the region of Ayacucho and the second phase
as occurring during the Vifiaque culture centered in the
city of Huari, which controlled the area from Yauyos in
Lima to southern Cuzco and Arequipa between A. D. 500
and 1000. The third phase coincided with the third
stage of the Middle Horizon after the decline of the
important Vifiaque centers (Torero 1972b:92,94,97).

With respect to the expansion of Aymara on the
altiplano, Torero has calculated the date of divergence
between the dialect of Moho in the province of Huancané,
department of Puno, and that spoken near La Paz, Bolivia
as about A. D. 1550. While holding that a comparison
of these dialects with one from southern Bolivia would
show a longer period of separation, he has tentatively
suggested that Aymara penetrated the area around Lake
Titicaca during the 13th century A. D. in the latter part
of his third phase (Torero 1972b:62-63).
1-2.2 Dialects

11

According to colonial and later sources cited

by Tschopik (including Cieza de Leon, Bertonio, Rivet,

and Markham), the following were independent Aymara

states existing before the Inca conquests and in

Tschopik's view probably also dialect groups (Tschopik

1946:503).

Name

Canchi

Cana

Colla

Lupaca

Collagua

Ubina

Pacasa or Pacaje

Caranga or Caranca

Charca

Location

Vilcanota valley between Com-
bapata and Tinta (department
of Cuzco, Peru)

Between Tinta and Ayaviri
(department of Puno, Peru)

On the plains of the Pucara
and Ramis rivers as far as the
city of Puno, Peru

On the southwestern shore of
Lake Titicaca between Puno and
the Desaguadero River

North of Arequipa (Peru) on the
upper course of the Colca River

East of Arequipa in the upper
drainage of the Tambo River
(department of Moquegua, Peru)

South of Lake Titicaca along
both banks of the Desaguadero
River (Bolivia)

South of the Desaguadero River
to Lake Coipasa (Bolivia)

Northeast of Lake Poopé near
Chuquisaca (Bolivia)
12

Quillaca or Quillagua Southeast of Lake Poop6
(Bolivia)

Omasuyo East of Lake Titicaca (Bolivia)

Collahuaya Provinces of Mufnecas and

Caupolican (Bolivia)

Aymara is spoken today in the areas attributed
to the Lupaca, Pacasa or Pacaje, and Caranga or Caranca,
and in parts of the areas attributed to Omasuyo and
Collahuaya, other parts of which, like the other regions
cited above, are now largely Quechua speaking. Other
areas where Aymara is spoken today are not included above,
e.g. the present region of Mariscal Nieto province of
Moquegua and of Tarata province of Tacna, Peru. In any
case, determining where the early Aymara groups were
located is complicated by the ancient Andean system of
maintaining vertical archipelagos of colonies at differ-
ent ecological levels (Murra 1968 and 1972). For example,
the report of the administrative inspection (visita
general) by Garci Diez de San Miguel of the Lupaca-
controlled Chucuito province in 1567 cited the names
of towns subject to Chucuito but located in the valleys
sloping westward to the Pacific and eastward to the Yungas
and the valley of Cochabamba. Among these towns were
the following, most of which have modern counterparts:
Moquegua and Torata (department of Moquegua), Sama and

Tarata (department of Tacna), Larecaja (department of
13

La Paz, east of the Cordillera Real), Chicanoma
(Chicaloma is a modern town in Sur Yungas province,
La Paz department), and Capinota (western Cochabamba
department) (Diez de San Miguel 1964:14,17,27,203;
modern departments and correspondences supplied).

According to the Relaciones geogrdficas de Indias
(colonial geographic reports), the Pacaxe (sic) also had
colonies interspersed among those of the Lupaca near
the Pacific coast (Jiménez de la Espada 1881:1.338).

The only detailed information so far available
as to the size of any Aymara-speaking population during
the colonial period is also for the Lupaca. The earliest
figures date from the visita general of 1549 which gave
a total of 18,032 heads of household in Chucuito province
(Diez de San Miguel 1964:202-203). The 1567 visita
found a total of 63,012 persons, children and adults,
of whom 15,047 were Urus; the figure of 63,012 was said
to include the population of the Chucuito colonies
mentioned above. Of the total, 15,404 were identified
as taxpayers. The principal cacique of the province,
Martin Cari, claimed an additional 5,000 taxpayers,
but Diez de San Miguel disputed this claim, saying that
the original figure of 15,404 already included ‘many
Indians that the said caciques and heads of ayllus
declared they had in Potosf and La Paz and the province

of Charcas and other parts of these Kingdoms' (Diez de
14

San Miguel 1964:204-206). It may be hoped that as addi-
tional visitas from the colonial period become available
to scholars (Murra 1970), more details for the populations
of the other Aymara nations may come to light.

With respect to the linguistic situation in
Chucuito and its colonies, Diez de San Miguel gave
little information. He used the term aymaraes to refer
to the people but not their language, recommending that
priests sent to the area remain long enough to learn
‘la lengua colla' (Diez de San Miguel 1964:227).
Originally the name of one Aymara nation, Colla acquired
a wider connotation under the Incas after they designated
their southernmost province Collasuyu. According to
Tschopik (1946:503), Cieza de Le6n's Cr6nica, written
about 1550, used the terms Colla and Collao indiscrimi-
nately, and the use of the term Aymara to designate a
language first appeared in a relation of Polo de
Ondegardo of 1559. The term apparently did not come
into general use until the 17th century, however.

It is not clear from the visita of 1567 whether
the Urus, who were considered a separate ethnic-cultural
group from the Aymara, were nevertheless native Aymara-
speakers. Torero believes the Urus spoke a language
related to Chipaya but also spoke one or more of the
general languages of the area (Torero 1972b:60). Urus

living among the Aymara would speak Aymara but to what
15

extent or degree of native fluency is unknown. There is
some evidence that the Urus constituted a servant class
(Hardman, personal communication).

Differences among Aymara dialects have always
been considered minor from colonial times to the present.
The priests who went to the mines in Potosi to preach
and hear confessions had no trouble understanding Aymara
speakers from different provinces, according to the Jesuit
missionary Ludovico Bertonio (1612, A 2). Bertonio
(1603b and 1612) occasionally identified certain forms
as preferred by the Lupaca but not until recent times
have compilers of Aymara word-lists or grammars some-
times indicated the geographical origins of the forms
cited. The published literature gives no indication
whatever of social differentiation of dialects as dis-

tinguished from regional variation.
1-2.3 Summary description of La Paz Aymara

The most complete and accurate ethnographic
and grammatical description of Aymara to date, based
on that spoken in Compi and Tiahuanaco, two communities
near La Paz, Bolivia, is contained in Outline of Aymara
phonological and grammatical structure by Hardman et al.
(1975:3). The Outline describes Aymara as a polysynthetic
language in which suffixes and retention or loss of

vowels perform almost all grammatical functions.
16

Suffixes have complex but usually regular morphophonemics.
Some suffixes require a preceding consonant, others
require a preceding vowel, and others allow either;

some suffixes also determine the retention or loss of
their own final vowel. Syntactic units are signalled

by final suffixes and by morphophonemic vowel loss or
retention. Suffix order is usually fixed, as is word
order within the noun phrase; otherwise word order is
fairly free although some orders are preferred.

The phonemic inventory consists of three vowels,
vowel length, and 27 consonants, including plain,
aspirated, and glottalized stops and affricates,
as well as fricatives, nasals, laterals, glides, and
a flap or trill.

Morpheme form classes are roots and suffixes
which together form stems. Root classes are nouns,
verbs, particles, and a class of interrogatives cutting
across the others. Suffix classes are noun (derivational),
verb (derivational and inflectional), independent nonfinal
(occurring before inflection on verbs and before final
suffixes on nouns and particles), and final suffixes
(occurring on any word, after all other suffixes).

Verb roots are bound; nouns and particles are free.
Class change through verbalization and nominalization
(a special kind of derivation) is extensive and recursive,

creating verb and noun themes. Inflection, defined as
7

closing a root, stem, or theme to further derivation,

is limited to verbs and to one noun 'suffix', zero
complement vowel drop; noun case suffixes permit further
derivation. Accumulation of suffixes on one stem is common.

Morphosyntactic subordination is accomplished
by nominalization and use of final suffixes to mark
dependent clauses. Syntactic processes include use of
the demonstrative uka 'that' as linker and summarizer,
and sentence embedding with the reportive verb sa.fia
‘to say'.

Apart from these features, Aymara shares with
the other Jaqi languages certain linguistic postulates.
Hardman (in press a) has defined linguistic postulates
as

. recurrent categorizations in [a]

language . . . the most tightly tied to

the perceptions of the speakers. ...

The most powerful .. . are those involved

in the obligatory grammatical system.
Typically, a postulate is realized at

several levels . . . morphologically,
syntactically, and in the semantic struc-
ture.

The principal Jaqi linguistic postulates according to

Hardman (1972a) are a four-person system, a distinction
of human and nonhuman, and a distinction of direct and
indirect knowledge with respect to data source. These
three postulates are marked throughout Aymara structure

in morphology, syntax, and semantics.
18

1-3 The Present Study

1-3.1 Theoretical bases

Theoretical bases for this study are two: one
concerning the nature of language, and the other concern-
ing scientific description of a language.

A language or dialect is a system of interlocking
contrasts, or rules, used in social and cultural inter-
action by a given community. Like all natural phenomena
language is always changing. At any moment certain con-
trasts are being neutralized; certain rules are being
suspended temporarily or broken; new rules are being
created as people adapt language to their own needs.

Some rules are more resistant to change than others;
these include the linguistic postulates. But language
variation is a major fact of the nature of language:
variation within one idiolect, within one dialect, or

in a group of dialects. The extreme of language varia-
tion is the proliferation of languages that are mutually
unintelligible although perhaps still related and sharing
a number of rules. The point at which dialects become
separate languages is arbitrary, usually determined by
political rather than strictly linguistic considerations.

To investigate variation within a language is to
seek a more complete description of that language. In

a praiseworthy attempt to go beyond one-dimensional,
19

single-dialect descriptions of English, Labov and his
followers have developed the concept of variable rules
and a methodology to collect and analyze data reflecting
them, using statistical measurements. There is an
obvious need for such studies of other languages con-
ducted by native speakers trained in linguistic field
methods. In early stages of research, however, what is
needed are structural descriptions upon which to base
later studies in greater depth. Such descriptions,
while limited in accuracy and completeness and relatively
informal in presentation, may be considered scientific
if they meet certain criteria. These are (1) use of
sound field methods for gathering and recording not only
linguistic, but also relevant social and cultural data;
(2) collection of sufficient data to insure the identi-
fication of significant features; and (3) adherence to
analytical methods that respect the structure of the
target language or dialect and that base the description
on that structure.

The last criterion implies a willingness to
experiment with different models and to select models
that best fit the data, while avoiding the temptation
to choose for description only those aspects of a
language or dialect that lend themselves to description
in terms of currently popular models, or worse, to force

the data into a distorting mold. Ideally, this approach
20

requires the analyst to know how to use a variety of
models. Traditional phonemic, generative, or stratifi-
cational models might be used for phonology and morpho-
phonemics; structuralism or tagmemics might be appropriate
for morphology; generative or interpretive semantics,

case grammar, or Chafian models might be used for

Syntax and semantics.

Unfortunately, questions of time and expediency,
as well as personal taste, limit the linguist's access
to different models. Moreover, theories and models have
a way of evolving into dogmas with schools of more or
less fanatic leaders and disciples who demand commitment
to one model, one terminology, one faith. The linguis-
tics scholar wishing to try different models must learn
to switch philosophies and metalanguages with the skill
of a simultaneous interpreter. Even then, he or she
often finds that communication across theoretical
boundaries is difficult, if not impossible. Theoretical
schools tend to draw circles to shut each other out;
few draw circles to take each other in (Edwin Markham,
Outwitted). But different languages and different parts
of a given language may call for different theoretical
approaches.

For the best results different models should
be kept in mind at every stage of analysis. For early

stages of the investigation the discovery procedures
2]

developed by Pike and Nida are still unsurpassed;
Hockett's item and arrangement and item and process
models are still relevant. Generative grammar has
refined the item and process model, enabling it to
account more adequately for relationships among rules.
The generative phonology model, focusing on distinctive
features that underlie or compose phonemes, can illumi-
nate and show in an easily grasped notation aspects of
phonology and morphophonemics that structural phonemics
is not so well prepared to handle; case grammar or
Chafian semantics may offer similar advantages lacking
in earlier models. Having a repertory of models or
conventions to choose from in presenting the rules
discovered enhances the likelihood that the linguist
will choose the model best reflecting the rules'
operation.

This point of view does not reject the
existence or the importance of language universals
or the need to search for ultimate truth. It merely
holds that at present, linguistic diversity, whether
among languages or within one language, is more interest-
ing than linguistic uniformity. By the same token, it
favors the encouragement of theoretical diversity as
ultimately leading to more accurate and therefore more

scientific language description.
22

1-3.2 Purposes and scope

As noted above, the existence of dialectal vari-
ation in Aymara was known in the 17th century, although
differences were dismissed as insignificant. The Aymara
examples cited by Hardman et al. (1975) include some
cases of dialectal variation between Compi and Tiahuanaco
(La Paz) but other contemporary published references to
Aymara dialectal variation are extremely rare. This
study was conceived to carry forward the task of describ-
ing such variation and thereby to increase knowledge of
the language as a whole.

Using the description by Hardman et al. (1975)
as a basis for comparison, I decided to sample selectively
the Aymara spoken over a wide area (approximately
that shown by the shaded area of Figure 1-1), investigating
phonological, morphological, morphophonemic, syntactic,
and semantic variation with a view toward seeking answers
to the following questions: What is the extent of dia-
lectal variation in Aymara? Is it indeed minor, or does
it affect intelligibility? In what parts of the grammar
does variation occur? Does it occur within as well as
across dialects? What kinds of variation are most preva-
lent and/or significant? What are the major features
distinguishing dialects and the major dialect groups

identifiable on the basis of them? What of interdialectal
23

attitudes: are some dialects more prestigious than
others? What of the effects of the dominant language,
Spanish: is Aymara an ‘oppressed language' showing
signs of decline, as suggested by Alb6 (1973a), or is
it vigorous and growing?

Apart from their intrinsic interest for linguis-
tics, answers to such questions would have a number of
practical applications. A full description of variation
in Aymara is needed for reconstruction of proto-Aymara
and of proto-Jaqi, a task already begun by Hardman.
Descriptions of areal features in conjunction with
information contained in colonial documents may enable
historians to reconstruct past population movements and
relationships among areas (Murra 1970:20). And now that
programs of bilingual education are being undertaken or
considered in Peru and Bolivia, there is a growing demand
for detailed descriptions of Aymara and other indigenous
languages to be used for developing teaching materials.

The field work for this study was conducted from
July to September 1972 and from March 1973 to January
1974. After returning to the University of Florida,

I reviewed the literature on Aymara from the 17th century
to the present, incorporating into the analysis of field
materials Aymara texts and grammatical information of
relevance to the present study. However, the focus of
this study is on Aymara as presently spoken in Peru and

Bolivia.
24

1-3.3 Methodology and data

Methodology for the present study was based on
that of Pike (1947), Nida (1965), and Samarin (1967)
as interpreted and applied by Hardman. Two complementary
kinds of data were sought: (1) free texts recorded on
tape, and (2) materials obtained through an elicitation
list of words, phrases, and sentences presented orally
in Spanish to Aymara-Spanish bilinguals for translation
into Aymara.

Free texts included messages of greeting; tradi-
tional folk tales, riddles, songs, and sayings; and con-
versations among native speakers, or monologues, on such
topics as life in the community, festivals, local agri-
culture, education, illness, and other personal experi-
ences. Recordings were also made of a Baptist sermon
in Aymara, of Baptist and Catholic hymns, and of several
Aymara radio broadcasts in La Paz.

The elicitation list in Spanish was developed
to obtain a body of data readily comparable from one
site to another. Based on the longer Swadesh list, it
included words, phrases, and sentences originally
elicited in Aymara or one of the other Jaqi languages
in earlier research by Hardman and associates and sub-
sequently translated back into Spanish as spoken in the
Andean area. In the course of the field work for this

study, these materials were modified in order to elicit
25

already-identified Aymara grammatical categories and
syntactic structures, and individual lexical items show-
ing dialectal variation. Eventually the list was refined
to eliminate material not showing variation and to focus
on areas of differences. In areas having the velar
nasal phoneme, Jaqaru words containing it were added to
the list in an effort to elicit Aymara cognates.
Although the use of Spanish in the elicitation
list sometimes resulted in Aymara translations that
reflected Spanish syntactic patterns, this drawback was
minimized by deliberate inclusion of Andean Spanish
examples already paralleling Aymara structure, and
balanced by analysis of free texts recorded in Aymara.
Grammatical structures were also elicited directly in
Aymara. For example, verb tense paradigms were
elicited by changing subject and complement pronouns
once an example of a verb with person/tense suffix had
occurred. Because the purpose of the investigation was
to elicit variation, it was important to encourage use
of local forms which sources might tend to suppress if
La Paz dialect forms were used to elicit them; the use
of Spanish avoided this problem. For example, using
Spanish made it possible to elicit in each site a brief
selection of common remarks (see Appendix C). A somewhat
abbreviated version of the elicitation list is given in

Appendix A.
26

The free texts provided examples of previously
unattested forms or variations which were then sought
elsewhere. Although no attempt was made to obtain the
same folktales in different places, a few occurred more
frequently than others, providing readily comparable
data complementary to that obtained through the elicita-
tion list. All free texts were tape-recorded; in most
cases translations of the elicitation list were not.

A total of approximately five hours of tape-recordings,
plus another five hours of data transcribed directly
without recording, constitutes the basic corpus of this
study. (Included in the total are approximately 30
minutes kindly recorded on my behalf in Torata, Moquegua
by Francisco Gangotena and Carlos Saavedra.) Another
five hours of tape-recorded texts were used as background
only. (Included were some recordings made in Oruro and
northern Potosi by Javier Alb6 and generously made
available to me.) Several hundred hours were spent

in reviewing original transcriptions with one or more
native speakers, whenever possible the source of

the text or another resident of the same community.

(A text recorded in a trilingual area of Potosi was
checked with a Quechua speaker from Llallagua to see
whether a certain unusual form might be a Quechua loan,
but no formal attempt was made to compare Aymara texts

with Quechua.) Some texts were later checked with
27

speakers from other areas, revealing further dialect
similarities or differences. Transcriptions were then
exhaustively analyzed with regard to phonology, morphology,
morphophonemics, syntax, and semantics, including linguis-
tic postulates.

The key factor making possible my entry into
and acceptance in the several Aymara communities where
I conducted research was my previous training in field
methods and study of Aymara language and culture under
Hardman and the Bolivian Aymara linguists Juana Vasquez
and Juan de Dios Yapita. Carter (1972) has noted that
ethnographic research in a given community can succeed
only if it is desired by a leading member of the community;
this is true of linguistic research also. As the first
native speaker of Aymara to receive formal linguistics
training and to teach Aymara at universities in Bolivia
and in the United States, Yapita is such a leader. In
1972 he founded the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara
(ILCA) in La Paz to encourage the development of scholarly
research conducted by and for members of the Aymara
community. My initial field work in Bolivia was under-
taken with his approval and support and with the help
of persons who had been his students or were otherwise
associated with him; subsequently my work contacts ex-

tended to persons who knew him only by reputation.
28

In order to facilitate my research in Peru,
where his work was not known, Yapita provided me with
a two-minute tape-recorded message in Aymara conveying
his greetings on behalf of ILCA and the Bolivian Aymara
community. This message, supplemented by my explanation
of the purposes of my research and by my assurances that
its results would be made available to ILCA to advance
the study of Aymara language and culture, served to
create a very favorable climate for cooperation among
the Peruvian Aymara I met.

Although my command of spoken Aymara was rudi-
mentary, making it necessary for me to rely heavily on
Spanish as a contact language, my familiarity with
Aymara grammar and culture and my association with
community leadership enabled me to accomplish most of
my research goals.

Questions of ethics and the sources' rights to
privacy were considered during the research. In most
cases recordings were made with the participants’ knowl-
edge; in the few cases when participants were not aware
that they were being recorded, the recordings were later
played for them with the offer to erase anything unac-
ceptable; this was never requested. Typed transcripts
of some of the recorded stories were later provided to
the tellers, and some have been published through ILCA

or the Aymara Newsletter (2-3.12) with due credit given
29

the authors. In order to respect sources' privacy,
recorded texts or transcriptions containing information
of a personal nature will not be made public without

the source's permission.
1-3.4 Sites and sources

Communities mentioned in this section may be
found in Figure 1-1, except as noted.
In Peru I collected data in the following com-
munities:
Huancané (province of Huancané, department
of Puno)
Juli (province of Chucuito, department of
Puno)
Calacoa (province of Mariscal Nieto, depart-
ment of Moquegua)
Tarata and Sitajara (province of Tarata,
department of Tacna)
In addition, I recorded in Puno examples of the Aymara
of Socca (province of Puno).
In Bolivia I collected data in the following
communities:
Corque (province of Carangas, department of
Oruro)
Salinas de Garci Mendoza (province of Ladislao

Cabrera, department of Oruro)
30

Calacala (province of Bustillos, department of
PotosT)
Compi (province of Omasuyos, department of
La Paz)
Achocalla (province of Murillos, department
of La Paz; just south of the capital, and
not on Figure 1-1)
In addition, in Bolivia I obtained examples of Aymara
from the following communities although I did not visit

them:

Jopoqueri (Carangas)
Morocomarca (Bustillos)
Jesds de Machaca, San Andrés de Machaca,
and Taraco (province of Ingavi, department

of La Paz)

Yapita and Vasquez furnished additional data from their
own dialects representative of the communities of Compi
and Tiahuanaco (Ingavi), respectively, as modified by
many years of residence in the city of La Paz. As
Aymara translator for the American Universities Field
Staff Film Project, Vasquez also provided examples from
the dialect of Vitocota (near Ayata in the province of
Mufiecas, department of La Paz) from the sound tracks

of four films made there in 1972.
31

Serendipity was largely responsible for choice
of sites; weather conditions, in particular as they
related to the state of the roads, determined the timing
of visits. In Peru I intended to visit areas of greatest
Aymara concentration as indicated in the 1961 census.
While attending a meeting of the International Linguistic
Association in Arequipa in March 1973, I met three young
Aymara men who responded to Yapita's recording and my
description of research interests. One was originally
from Juli and provided me with a letter of introduction
to his family there. Another was a school teacher in
Lima, originally from Huancané; I interviewed him in
Lima and visited his family in Huancané. The third
was from Socca, near Puno; although I was unable to
visit there, I did obtain several texts from him in
Puno.

After the Arequipa meeting I went to Tacna
hoping to visit Aymara-speaking areas in Tarata province.
An Aymara taxi driver encountered by chance in Tacna
took me to the town of Tarata, where he helped me find
and interview Aymara speakers. Some months ljater, after
roads became passable, he took me to visit his mother
in the nearby town of Sitajara. Shortly thereafter
he drove me to Moquegua, where he helped me locate an
Aymara bus owner from Calacoa who arranged for me to

visit that community and stay with his wife's family.
32

In Bolivia I hoped to collect data in areas
where the Aymara was popularly thought to be different
from that of the city of La Paz and its environs. The
initial selection of areas to visit was made in consul-
tation with Yapita and with Javier Alb6, an anthro-
pologist with many years of residence and travel in
Bolivia, but as in the case of Peru, final choice of
sites was fortuitous. A former student of Yapita's
was my first source on the Aymara of Carangas. Through
him I met a teacher who arranged a visit to his brother's
family in Corque. Later, the teacher's wife invited me
to accompany her on a visit to her mother in Salinas
de Garci Mendoza (hereafter referred to as Salinas),
a trip postponed some months because of impassable roads.
With the help of a young woman related to the teacher,
I made contact with Aymara speakers in the Quechua mining
town of Llallagua, in northern Potosi, who invited me
to visit the nearby town of Calacala. In Uncia, near
Llallagua, I met through the local parish priest a young
Aymara man from the village of Morocomarca and inter-
viewed him in Uncfa as time did not allow a visit to
Morocomarca.

As in the case of choice of sites, the selection
of sources (the term source is being used here in pref-
erence to the somewhat negatively loaded term informant)

was random. An attempt was made to obtain data from both
33

sexes, of different ages and educational levels ranging
from illiteracy to completion of several years of uni-
versity study. Occupations included market seller, certi-
fied school teacher, bus driver, farmer, student (ele-
mentary, secondary, normal school, or university), taxi
driver, housewife, university professor, administrator
of community development programs, and Baptist minister.
All sources 40 and under were bilingual in the sense of
being able to carry on an intelligible conversation in
Spanish, although in some cases their phonology was
heavily Aymara (see 1-1.3).

Below iS a chart showing sex, age, and (for
sources over 40) knowledge of Spanish, the latter
determination based usually on a speaker's self-evaluation.
Ages shown are approximate as age was not obtained for
all sources. An average of six sources was consulted
for each major site, the numbers ranging from one to

13.

0 - 19 20 - 39 40 - 59 60+ Totals

 

+Sp -Sp +Sp_ -Sp

M 3 16 5 1? 25
F 7 13 5 2 1 2 30
55

(The question mark refers to a speaker who was not

heard to speak Spanish and was not asked if he did.)
34

As may be seen, a preponderance of sources were
under 40 and hence by definition bilingual in Spanish.
(Sources from Calacala and Morocomarca were trilingual
in Spanish, Aymara, and Quechua.) Monolinguals were
relatively less accessible to me than were bilinguals
primarily because lack of time and difficulties of
travel prevented visits to remote communities where
monolingualism is reportedly widespread and secondarily
because most monolinguals encountered in the communi-
ties visited were elderly and infirm, often with missing
teeth and consequent faulty diction. Determination of
the location of communities with a high proportion of
monolinguals of different ages must await future
research, preferably with the participation of native
speakers trained in linguistic field methods.

With regard to training of native speaker
linguists, an informal attempt was made throughout
this research to instill in sources the basic concepts
of anthropological linguistics and field methods, by
example if not in formal classes. For example, two
young women from urban centers were taken on field trips
to act as interpreters and to learn the basics of
informant-investigator relations. One source who
already had a firm grasp of the Yapita phonemic alphabet
(3-2) was asked to transcribe a tape-recorded story from

a dialect other than his own, at whose telling he had
35

been present. His mistakes in transcription were sig-
nificant in showing points of difference between the

two dialects and, when brought to his attention, made

him aware of the ways that one's own language or dialect
grid may structure one's perception. Throughout the
research I maintained and encouraged in all persons with
whom I worked an attitude of respect or even enthusiasm
toward the diversity that became apparent, noting, however,

their occasional linguocentric comments (see 10-2.6).
1-3.5 Organization of the study

This study is organized into chapters on the
following topics: a survey of literature on Aymara
from the colonial period to the present; variation in
phonemics and in phonological shape of morphemes within
and across dialects; variation in morphophonemics, in-
cluding rules general to all dialects and rules limited
to certain dialects; variation in the noun system, in
the verb system, and in morphosyntactic and syntactic
Structures and processes; variation in semantics, including
a section on the nonvarying linguistic postulates; three
translation dialects: Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio
Aymara; and a conclusion summarizing kinds of variation,
identifying regional dialect groups on the basis of sig-
nificant variation, and offering suggestions for future

research. Following the chapters there are Appendices

v “My
36

as follows: (A) the elicitation list used in field work;
(B) a list of onomatopoeic particles; (C) regional versions
of greetings and certain common expressions; (D) regional
versions of a saying and a riddle; and (E) an index of

suffixes.
1-3.6 Conventions and terminology

In this study the following conventions are
observed, conforming in most cases to those used by
Hardman et al. (1975).

Aymara examples are usually written in the
Yapita phonemic alphabet (see 3-2) modified by the use
of a colon (:) rather than a dieresis mark (“) for vowel
length in order to permit separation of morphemic length
from the vowel it occurs on. Occasional examples are
given in phonetic transcription within square brackets
([]). Place names are spelled as they appear on maps
for ease of reference although users of the Yapita
alphabet prefer to spell them according to its rules,
e.g. Qumpi for Compi. Aymara examples from published
sources other than Hardman and associates are usually
converted to Yapita orthography. All examples not
attested by Hardman et al. (1975) or later reported
by Vasquez, Yapita, or me are preceded by a raised
cross (7); morphemic as well as phonemic analyses of
such forms are mine. An asterisk (*) before an example

means it is unattested; context will indicate whether it is
37

rejected by native speakers or presumed to exist on the
basis of other evidence.

Periods separate morphemes within a word, e.g.
uta.xa ‘a/the/my house.' Unsuffixed bound roots (verbs)
are followed by a hyphen, e.g. juta- ‘come.' In citation
form, suffixes which may close a construction are pre-
ceded by a hyphen, e.g. the final suffix -xa. Other
suffixes are preceded and followed by a hyphen, e.g.
the verbal derivational suffix -t'a-. Recurrent sub-
morphemic partials are placed within hyphens and within
Slants, e.g. /-pa-/. A lowered v before a suffix indi-
cates it must be preceded by a vowel; a lowered v after
a suffix indicates it must retain its own final vowel
when followed by another suffix; a lowered c before a
suffix indicates it must be preceded by a consonant; a
lowered c after a suffix indicates it must drop its
final vowel before a following suffix and/or when it
occurs word-finally. For example, in most dialects
the possessive/locational suffix -

na. is preceded by

v-——c
a vowel but drops its own vowel word-finally and before
following suffixes, e.g. uta.n, uta.n.xa ‘in/of the
house.' When a suffix may be preceded by either a vowel
or a consonant the more common (or base) occurrence is

indicated above a tilde (~) and the less common below

the tilde, e.g. = da first person possessive suffix.
Cc
A similar notation after a suffix indicates it may in
38

some circumstances keep and in others lose its own final
vowel. If no subscript v or c follows a suffix, either
other factors determine the retention or loss of the
final vowel or the rule has not yet been determined.
Grammatical persons are indicated by the numbers
1, 2, 3, and 4, usually followed by a p, e.g. -ja Ip
possessive suffix, -ma 2p possessive suffix. Verbal
inflectional suffixes have the subject person on the
left and the complement person on the right of a right-
pointing arrow, e.g. 1+2 means Ip subject, 2p complement.
Verb tenses are sometimes abbreviated as S
(Simple), F (Future), I (Imperative), RDK (Remote
Direct Knowledge), RIK (Remote Indirect Knowledge),
D-1 (Desiderative), D-2 (Remonstrator), IF (Inferential),
and NI (Non-Involver).
Aymara examples are underlined when treated as
base forms or words (that is, as morphemes or combina-

tions thereof):

juma.mpi ‘with you' juma 2p pronoun
-mpi os 'with'

the suffix -jama and variants
Jupa.x wali suma jagi.wa. ‘He/she is a good
person.'
Aymara examples are placed between slant lines when

treated as allomorphs:
39

ss
cy

/-mpi/ occurs in La Paz, /-nti/ in Salinas
The suffix -jama has the allomorphs

/-~jama/, /-:ma/, /-ja/

What may sometimes appear to be inconsistency with re-
spect to this notation will be due to the fact that a
morph that at the individual dialect level is a base
form (morpheme) may be considered an allomorph of a mor-
pheme at the supradialectal level and/or in another
dialect. In such cases context will dictate whether the
morph is to be treated as an allomorph or as a morpheme.
If there is only one invariant allomorph for all dialects,
it will always be underlined unless given in phonetic
transcription. If there is one allomorph that occurs
almost everywhere (even if some dialects have others),
it will be considered the base form of the morpheme in
question and underlined, e.g. the final suffix -xa
which has the allomorph /-:/ (vowel length) in some
areas. If a morpheme has several allomorphs, they may
all be referred to at once in alphabetical order and
underlined, e.g. the suffix -mpi_ ~ -nti, the suffix
~taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay.

Examples are glossed in one of two ways: (1)
If the example is short or for added clarity (for
example when a morpheme occurs without its final vowel )

individual morphemes are glossed to the right:
40

jani.w ‘no’ jani ‘not' -wa final suffix

(2) If the example is long, it will be glossed
beneath and followed by a free translation of the whole
example:

Kuna.r un.ta.t sar.naqg.ta.xa,
anything look at go 2>3

around S

jagi.tak p'inga, anu.tak unra.
people shame dog honor

 

"How stupid you are, you are a shame to the
human race, an honor to dogs.' (La Paz/Compi)

(Yapita 1975:3)

As shown here, examples from Yapita are identified as
being from La Paz/Compi; similarly, material obtained
from Vasquez is identified as being from La Paz/Tiahuanaco.
Thus is noted the fact that both have lived many years
in the city of La Paz although their dialects are
basically those of their communities of origin.

Noun suffixes and verbal derivational suffixes
are identified in either (or both) of two ways: (1)
by a term describing the function of the suffix, e. g.
-mpi agentive/instrumental, or (2) by a gloss, e. g.
cmpi ‘with, by'. Function terms are not placed with-

in single quotes, while glosses are. The function term
4]

may be a neologism like distancer (used for the verbal
derivational suffix -waya-); such terms are those used
by Hardman et al. (1975).

Aymara sentences, defined by the presence or
absence or certain final suffixes, have the first word
capitalized and usually have a period, question mark,
or exclamation point at the end. Often the final suf-
fixes in Aymara convey semantic and emotional overtones
which are conveyed in spoken English by intonation and
in written English by punctuation. When a question mark
or exclamation point would be superfluous in Aymara
they are usually omitted even though the English gloss
may carry them. Aymara examples that are not sentences
in Aymara may in some cases be translated by sentences
in English but in such cases the Aymara punctuation will
usually be adhered to in the gloss as well as in the
Aymara example unless meaning would thereby be obscured.

Example:

kama.cha.ta.:.rak.pacha.:t"a ‘what could have

happened to me'

(Sitajara)

Embedded quotes are shown within angled brackets:

«Jach.k.i.w > S.i.way.
cry 373 Say
S

'"They are crying,"

they say.'
42

Spanish words occurring in Aymara sentences
are written as Spanish if they were so pronounced, e. g.
contento ‘happy, content'. If they were phonologically
adapted to Aymara (Aymarized) they are written as Aymara,
e. g. kuntintu. In some cases decisions whether to treat
a given word as Spanish or Aymara were arbitrary, and a

few hybrids occurred, e. g. Pedru.
CHAPTER 2
A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE

2-1 Introduction

This chapter discusses the contents and merits
of selected works relating to Aymara dating from the
colonial period to the present. The two major biblio-
graphical sources for works on or in Aymara are (1)
Bibliograffa de las lenguas quechua y aymara by José
Toribio Medina (1930), and (2) the monumental four-volume
Bibliographie des Langues Aymara et Ki ua by Paul Rivet
and Georges de Créqui-Montfort (1951-1956; henceforth
Rivet). To my knowledge no bibliographical work
specifically on Aymara has been published since Rivet's

fourth volume (1956).

2-2 Colonial Period

As is well known, the Spanish found no written
materials in the languages of the Inca Empire. In the
16th and early 17th centuries all works published in or
on Aymara were written for the purpose of spreading the

Christian faith by missionaries assisted by unnamed Aymara

43
44

converts bilingual in Aymara and Spanish. Such works
consisted of catechisms and other religious tracts and

of grammars to be used by missionaries wishing to learn

to speak and understand the language. The earliest work
known to contain Aymara is the anonymous Doctrina
christiana, y catecismo para la instruccién de los Indios,
published in Lima in 1584 (Rivet 1951:4-9).

According to Rivet (1956:631) a study of the
early Catholic evangelization of Peru from 1532 to 1600
and the use of Aymara and Quechua as languages of con-
version is Cristianizaci6n del Pera (1532-1600) by
Fernando de Armas Medina (1953). Two other publications
useful for information about Aymara society in the 16th
century are Visita hecha a_la provincia de Chucuito ...
en_el afio 1567 by a colonial administrator, Garci Diez
de San Miguel (1567), reporting on his inspection of
Chucuito province (see 1-2.2), and an ethnological
appraisal of the Diez de San Miguel inspection, Una
apreciaci6n etnolégica de la visita by John V. Murra
(1964).

The first attempt at a complete grammar of Aymara
was written by Ludovico Bertonio in the early 17th
century. Born in 1552 in Italy, Bertonio joined the
Company of Jesus in 1575. Sent to Peru in 1581, he
remained there for 44 years, dying in Lima in 1625 or

1628 (Rivet 1951:26-27). Bertonio apparently spent most
45

of his time in Juli, capital of the Aymara-speaking
Lupaca kingdom, on the shores of Lake Titicaca. There
he wrote three grammars of Aymara, a Spanish-Aymara/
Aymara-Spanish dictionary, and several Aymara transla-

tions of religious texts. In 1603 he published two

grammars, an Arte breve de la lengua aymara (1603a) and

an Arte y grammatica muy copiosa de la lengua aymara
(1603b). A facsimile edition of the latter was published

in Leipzig in 1879 by Julio Platzmann (Rivet 1953:35).
Juan de Dios Yapita owns a volume containing the first
14 pages of the Arte breve (Bertonio 1603a) bound
together with pages 19 through 348 of the Arte y
grammatica muy copiosa (Bertonio 1603b); the latter is
missing the title pages, a section entitled Al lector,
and pages 207 and 208. A photocopy of the Yapita volume
is in the library of the University of Florida.

In his longer grammar of Aymara (1603b), Bertonio
gave a detailed description of the language in terms
of Spanish and Latin. Spanish spelling is adapted
(inconsistently and inaccurately) to Aymara sounds,
Spanish grammatical categories are translated into the
nearest Aymara equivalents, and Spanish sentences are
rendered into Aymara. The grammar is valuable not only
as an example of the Latinate grammars of American
languages written during the colonial period but also

for the wealth of material it provides on the Aymara
46

language of the Lupaca kingdom in the early 17th century.
These data and Bertonio's analyses must be carefully
reinterpreted, however, in the light of techniques of
contemporary linguistic scholarship and recent discoveries
concerning Aymara language and culture. A review of
individual forms attested by Bertonio (for example, verb
derivational and inflectional suffixes) shows many forms
identical with some in general use today, others in use
in only one or a few present-day Aymara dialects, and
still others not attested in modern Aymara but extant
in other Jaqi languages. In some cases the semantics
of a form have shifted since Bertonio's time, if his
translations may be taken as accurate. But that is a
problem: reviewing Bertonio's Aymara sentences with
Juana Vasquez has revealed that most of them are unac-
ceptable. At best they sound translated; at worst they
are perceived as simply incorrect even when archaic or
unknown terms are replaced by contemporary terms. The
book contains no native Aymara texts--no sentences form-
ing a narrative that might have been spoken in the
language by native speakers--but only translations from
Spanish or Latin of isolated words, phrases, or sentences.
Bertonio's grammatical analysis of the language
missed many important features because of its focus on
Spanish categories. Nevertheless, Bertonio was a care-

ful observer and tireless organizer of his material.
47

On the morphological level his analysis is often accurate
in detail. For example, his grasp of the inclusive/
exclusive distinction in the Aymara person system is
essentially correct (Hardman 1972b). With respect to
syntax and cultural content, however, Bertonio's gram-
matical analysis must be characterized as distorted and
inadequate.

According to Rivet (1951:52-53), there exists a
third Aymara grammar by Bertonio, Arte de la lengua aymara
(1612), containing sentences in Aymara and Spanish and
a list of Aymara words; the only known copies are repor-
tedly owned by the Posnansky family in La Paz and by the
Biblioteca Nacional in Sucre, Bolivia.

In 1612 Bertonio published his Vocabulario de la
lengua aymara which has since appeared in several fac-
simile editions, most recently in La Paz, Bolivia in
1956. This Tengthy book is a dictionary, the first part
(474 pages) Spanish-Aymara and the second (398 pages)
Aymara-Spanish, with approximately 50 entries to a page.
A thorough study of this book with native speakers is
Tong overdue to determine how many and which forms are
in use today and to correct errors evident in a sampling
of the entries.

LaBarre (1948) (see 2-3) performed the useful
service of culling out and repeating, with English trans-

lations, some categories of words in the Vocabulario such
48

as kinship terms, diseases, and sins to be reported in
confession. Checking these with Vasquez revealed that
many terms cited by Bertonio are perceived today as
awkward translations of Spanish terms into Aymara rather
than as native words or expressions. In this connection
it is interesting to note that in the introductory section
to the Vocabulario Bertonio indicated that he took the
entries (1) from Aymara translations of the lives of
Christ and the saints, sermons, comparisons of vices and
virtues, and so forth written by certain Aymara brought
up as Christians during the 35 years that the Jesuits
had been in Juli, and (2) from similar materials collected
by other priests. The entire dictionary, in other words,
was based on materials translated from Spanish into
Aymara, not the other way around.

An example with respect to kinship is illustrative.
In modern Aymara the nominalized verb apa.fia ‘to carry'
may also be used with the metaphorical meaning of ‘con-
temporary', ‘of the same age' (i.e., a person carried by
his/her mother at the same time as another person was
similarly carried). Bertonio translated it (or the
derived term apa.fia.ni ‘having a contemporary') as
'relative' (Spanish pariente), and used it to translate
sentences like 'If that woman is your relative you may
not marry her.' The present-day meaning of the Aymara

sentence (see 6-3.34.13) is ‘If that woman is your
49

contemporary you may not marry her.' It seems unlikely
that a semantic shift has occurred with this word since
the 17th century. Rather, the Bertonio gloss probably
reflects an initial difficulty in translation when the
Aymara interpreter, having no one term in his language
for 'relative', finally approximated it with apa.fia.
The bafflement of the Aymara at hearing an injunction
to marry only someone older or younger may only be
imagined. Other such translation errors or distortions
have contributed to the development of the translation
dialects Missionary and Patr6n Aymara (Chapter 9).

Such errors may well have contributed to the
difficulties the missionaries encountered in their
efforts to convert the Aymara. Bertonio acknowledged
such difficulties in the Vocabulario in a section
addressed ‘to the priests of the Aymara Nation'. Deny-
ing that Aymara was a difficult language (he said the
Jesuits in Juli learned to preach in the language in a
year), he conceded that students of the language tended
to become disheartened, discerning in the Aymara a low
capacity for learning and a strong resistance to con-
version.

. they are so given to bad customs,

their hearts are so full of spines and

thistles, that the seed of the divine

word planted there will not bear fruit

(Bertonio 1612:unnumbered page
facing A 3; English translation mine)
50

The stubborn refusal of the Aymara to be con-
verted, in spite of the best efforts of gifted and ener-
getic priests like Bertonio, was attributed then and
later to incapacity coupled with sheer cussedness.
Recent discoveries with respect to Aymara linguistic
postulates (see 8-2) have put the Aymara recalcitrance
in a new light. In any event, negative stereotypes of
the Aymara character had by the end of 35 years become
fully accepted among the colonizers and were to persist
well into the 20th century (see 2-3).

Very similar to Bertonio's work although shorter
is a grammar by another Jesuit assigned to Juli, Diego
de Torres Rubio, whose Arte de la lengua aymara appeared
in 1616. A photocopy, the original of which belongs
to the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara in La Paz,
is in the University of Florida Library. The photocopy
and the original lack pages 65 through 68 and pages 72
through 77. The volume contains following the Arte
the complete Catecismo en la lengua espafiola y aymara
del Piru originally published in Sevilla (1604) on the
basis of materials dating from a Provincial Council in
Lima in 1583. According to Rivet (1951:75), several
known copies of the Torres Rubio 1616 grammar are bound
with the Catecismo in this manner.

It is not known whether Torres Rubio and Bertonio

collaborated or worked independently. They were almost
5]

the same age and had similar careers. Torres was born

in 1557 in Spain, joined the Jesuits in 1572, and arrived
in Peru in 1579. He died there in 1637 or 1638 (Rivet
1951:71). In 1967 Mario (to be distinguished from
Alejandro) Franco Inojosa published a version of the
Torres Rubio Arte in modern Spanish, giving the Aymara

in Torres' original spellings followed by transcriptions
in the official Peruvian alphabet for Aymara and Quechua
adopted in 1946.

After the middle of the 17th century the early
fervor of missionary activity subsided and for the next
hundred years little was published in Aymara except
occasional sermons, few of which have survived. As
described by Tovar (1961:186-194) the alternating lin-
guistic policies of the Spanish conquerors help explain
the relative dearth of materials published in Aymara
between the second half of the 17th century and the
late 18th century. In 1550 it was decided to teach
the Indians in Spanish. As this attempt proved unsuc-
cessful, in 1583 the policy of using native languages
was adopted, stimulating the production of grammars and
religious texts in those languages. By 1596 the earlier
policy was reinstated over the missionaries’ objections.
The impasse was resolved in practice by the use of gen-
eral languages which at first included Aymara although

during the 17th century it gave way to Quechua. By the
52

late 18th century the Spanish crown had expelled the
Jesuits from Peru and shortly thereafter the crown re-
stored the Spanish-only policy. Nevertheless, the wealth
of material on New World languages which the Jesuits

had gathered soon began to be published in Europe, mostly
in the form of comparative vocabulary lists. From that
time on the amount of published Aymara material gradually

increased.

2-3 Prelinguistic Studies--19th and 20th Centuries

Prelinguistic studies are those written without
benefit of the theories or techniques of modern linguis-
tic scholarship or dealing primarily with other than
linguistic aspects of Aymara culture.

The great European philologists Hervas, Vater,
Adelung, Pott, and Jéhan, writing in the late 18th and
early 19th centuries, included in their encyclopedic works
references to Aymara taken from earlier sources and super-
ficial comparisons of Aymara words with those of other
languages. In the second decade of the 19th century
political speeches and documents relating to the inde-
pendence movements in South America were published in
some native languages including Aymara.

In 1826 appeared the first Protestant materials

in Aymara, translations of the New Testament. From then
53

On a series of such translations emanated first from the
British and Foreign Bible Society and subsequently from
the United States. Catholic materials (mostly by Bolivian
priests) began to appear in greater numbers also. Later
in the 19th century there began to appear accounts by
European scholar-adventurers of their travels on the
Bolivian and Pervuian altiplano. These usually included
grammatical sketches of Quechua and Aymara or word lists
of numbers, animals, plants, medicines and diseases, and
kinship terms.

The first detailed ethnographic account of the
Aymara was On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru
by David Forbes (1870), based on research done in Bolivia
and Peru from 1859 to 1863. A British mining engineer
of scholarly bent and the stamina necessary to remain for
Tong periods at altitudes up to 15,400 feet, Forbes was
best at concrete measurement and description of the
activities he witnessed. His account of the Aymara was
somewhat sympathetic, revealing the relentless physical
hardships and social injustices they suffered, but some
of his explanations for Aymara behavior suggest he may
have given too much credence to tales spread by whites
and mestizos based more on myth than on fact.

Forbes gave Aymara names for objects, activities,
and the like most of which, though deformed by an inade-

quate transcription, are recognizable today. His
54

grammatical analysis of Aymara is sketchy but accurate
so far as it goes. Appendix C of his book is a vocabu-
lary of Aymara words, including kinship terms, with
English translations. Forbes cast light on the status
of Aymara studies at the time in remarking on his fruit-
less efforts while in Bolivia to obtain a copy of a 17th
century Aymara grammar or dictionary even though he had
advertised in the papers that he would pay the ‘high
sum of 50 dollars' (274, fn.) for it.

In 1891 the German physician-turned-philologist
Ernst Middendorf published Die Aimara-Sprache, the fifth
volume of his study of aboriginal languages of Peru
(Rivet 1952:558). The introduction to Middendorf's Aymara
grammar was translated into Spanish by the Bolivian scholar
Franz Tamayo in an article published in 1910 in La Paz
(Rivet 1952:558). Later, the Peruvian scholar Estuardo
Ndnez, working from an incomplete copy of the Tamayo
translation, revised and added some notes to it and
published it in a volume entitled Las lenguas aborigenes
del Perd (1959) prepared under the auspices of the Univer-
sidad Mayor de San Marcos in Lima to commemorate the 50th
anniversary of Middendorf's death. The following section
refers to that volume (1959:96-102).

Middendorf indicated that his grammar was based
on Bertonio's and on the dialect then spoken in La Paz,

which he visited on several occasions. He stated that at
55

that time both whites and mestizos spoke Aymara but in
most cases only as a lingua franca for communication with
Aymara servants or sellers in the marketplace. Middendorf
was able to find only a few persons with enough knowledge
to teach him the language. Like Forbes, he found no one
who possessed a Bertonio grammar, adding that no one had
even heard of such a book, not even the President of
Bolivia or members of his cabinet. Middendorf was finally
able to find some lawyers who had lived among rural
Aymara and claimed to know more of the language than the
city-dwellers. With them Middendorf reviewed a copy of
the Bertonio grammar in his possession, comparing forms
then in use with earlier ones, noting both, and using
them to draw up rules of sentence formation. In the
introduction to his Aymara grammar he devoted several
paragraphs to Aymara vowel-dropping, giving examples
of inflected verbs, and commented on Aymara verbs of
going and carrying. It is to be hoped that someday
Middendorf's grammar of Aymara may be translated into
Spanish.

In 1917 another Aymara grammar based largely
on Bertonio's appeared, by Juan Antonio Garcia, a Bolivian
priest. Subsequently, etymologies and word lists for
such topics as kinship, place names, and musical instru-
ments proliferated, and a number of Aymara stories, poems,

and legends were written by self-styled Aymara scholars
56

(aymarélogos). Novels on Indian themes, such as Alcides
Arguedas' Raza de bronce (1945), contained some Aymara
phrases. There was a continuous spate of dictionaries

or handbooks of Aymara, Quechua, and Spanish words and
phrases, as well as both Catholic and Protestant publica-
tions.

The matter of a standardized alphabet for Aymara
and Quechua has engaged the sporadic attention of scholars
and governments for years. In 1939 the Twenty-Seventh
International Congress of Americanists proposed an
alphabet for Aymara and Quechua which was adopted by offi-
cial Peruvian government decree in 1946 (Rivet 1956:265).
In 1954 the Bolivian government adopted a virtually
identical alphabet approved earlier that same year by
the Third Inter-American Indigenist Congress (Rivet 1956:
675).

Catholic missionaries on the altiplano adopted
this alphabet. It represents an improvement over earlier
ones in that it shows phonemic vowel length; distinguishes
plain, aspirated, and glottalized stops and an affricate”
in the proper articulatory positions; and distinguishes
the velar and postvelar fricatives. But it uses the
five Spanish vowels to represent the three phonemic Aymara
vowels and allophones of two of them which are not always
predictable from the environment, unnecessarily confusing

the transcription.
57

Meanwhile, Protestant missionaries developed a
variation which employs some Spanish letters, such as ¢
and qu to represent the Aymara velar stop, in the belief
that their use makes it easier for the Aymara to learn
Spanish. This alphabet, known as the CALA alphabet for
the first initials of the Comisi6n de Alfabetizaci6n y
Literatura Aymara (Aymara Literacy and Literature Com-
mission), was adopted as official by Bolivian government
decree in 1968, apparently without rescinding support. of
the earlier alphabet. Since then the two official Bolivian
alphabets have coexisted in uneasy competition.

Beginning in the 1930s American anthropologists
turned their attention to the study of Aymara society.
The Aymara (1946) and The Aymara of Chucuito, Peru
1. Magic (1951) by Harry Tschopik and The Aymara Indians
of the Lake Titicaca Plateau, Bolivia (1948) by Weston

 

LaBarre are generally considered classics, but research

in the last decade has shown them to be deficient in
important respects, based as they were on data obtained
through mestizos and whites. A more balanced account

is The Aymara of Chinchera, Peru: Persistence and change
in a bicultural context (1964) by John Marshall Hickman,
reporting on a Peruvian Aymara community near that studied
by Tschopik 20 years earlier; Another look at Aymara
personality (1966) by John S. Plummer questioned earlier

negative assessments of the Aymara character. William E.
58

Carter has conducted extensive studies among the Bolivian
Aymara in the department of La Paz. His Bolivia, a profile
(1971:89-91) brought together the various expressions of
the Aymara negative stereotype and put them in historical
perspective. The Bolivian Aymara (1971) by Hans C. and
Judith-Maria Buechler is a somewhat superficial network
analysis of the community of Compi on Lake Titicaca.
The languages of South American Indians (1950) by

John Alden Mason contains a short section on the Aymara
language, but it is full of inaccuracies, not only with
respect to the supposed relationship of Aymara to other
languages, but also to identification of Aymara-speaking
areas and dialects. Catdlogo de las lenguas de América
del Sur (1961) by Antonio Tovar represents a slight
improvement in the information provided but the work is
still incomplete and inaccurate and the brief grammatical
description of Aymara is very weak. Other publications
on Aymara well into the 1960s testify to the sorry state
of scholarship with respect to the language.

| Characteristic are the many virtually identical
handbooks or catalogues of common expressions in Aymara,
Quechua, and Spanish published in Bolivia, Peru, and
even Chile from the middie of the 19th century to the
present. (The latest to come to my attention is dated
1971, but new editions have probably appeared since then.)

These little books contain the kind of Aymara spoken by
59

white and mestizo landowners who learned to speak the
language imperfectly as children and whose attitude
toward the Aymara people and their language ranges

from kindly but patronizing to contemptuous. This kind
of Aymara is referred to as Patr6én Aymara (from the
Spanish patr6n 'owner') by Bolivian Aymara native speakers.
In the catalogues individual forms may be correctly trans-
lated but Spanish phrases are translated word for word
into Aymara that is usually discourteous if not insulting,
and often incorrect. Moreover, chaotic spelling reflects
a very inadequate grasp of Aymara phonology. (See Chapter
9 for examples.)

A variation on the catalogue is Gramética del
kechua_y del aymara (1942) by German G. Villamor. It
contains short grammatical descriptions of Quechua and
Aymara, a brief three-way dictionary of words from those
two languages and Spanish, and sections on history, myths,
and superstitions. Insofar as the Aymara is concerned,
the book is deficient in every respect, with incorrect
material poorly arranged. Another variation on the cata-
logue is Vocablos aymaras en el habla popular pacena
(1963) by Antonio Paredes Candfa, containing Aymara words
purported to occur in colloquial La Paz speech. Accord-
ing to Vasquez, who reviewed the book with me, many of
the Aymara forms are incorrectly translated and in any

case are terms used by whites or mestizos in the city
60

rather than by rural Aymara. The book is useful primarily
to show what the white or mestizo understands by certain
Aymara words. Usually the context is not culturally
Aymara and the tone is patronizing when not actually
insulting.

Two works which avoid the condescending tone of
the foregoing are a short Spanish-Aymara dictionary by
Mario Franco Inojosa, Breve vocabulario castellano aymara
(1965), and a more complete dictionary, Diccionario breve
castellano-aymara aymara-castellano (1970), by Pedro
Miranda. Mario Franco Inojosa, who updated the Torres
Rubio grammar (1616), uses the official Aymara alphabet
adopted by the Peruvian government in 1946. Most terms
he cites are the same as those used in La Paz, making it
useful for quick reference for that dialect; however,
the book is cheaply printed and has many typographical
errors. The Miranda dictionary (1970) is more complete
and better printed, and employs the official Bolivian
alphabet adopted in 1954.

Although it reflects patr6n and missionary
usages, by far the best of -the prelinguistic grammars
of Aymara is Gramaética y diccionario aymara (1965) by
Juan Enrique Ebbing. This reference grammar. was modeled
on Bertonio's longer grammar (1603b) and like it contains
a wealth of detail, although the geographical origins of

the forms attested are not given. The author's method
61

is to explain a Spanish grammatical category and then to
give its translation equivalent in Aymara. This makes
for a repetitious presentation as the same Aymara form
may translate several different Spanish forms, and the
method skews Aymara structure into a Spanish mold as in
the case of Bertonio's grammars. While some of the Aymara
examples are acceptable to native speakers, much of the
Aymara sounds translated and the book suffers from a
generally patronizing tone. The phonology is better than
most but confuses velars and postvelars. In spite of
its faults, however, this grammar shows an understanding
of certain aspects of Aymara usually overlooked such as
the fact that certain suffixes are essential to the Aymara
sentence, and although given to stating general rules to
which exceptions must then be made, Ebbing at least in-
cludes the exceptions, making up in accuracy of data for
loss of economy in presentation. As a handbook for study-
ing Aymara, his grammar is useful as a source of Aymara
glosses of individual Spanish forms. Translations of
Spanish sentences should be checked with Aymara native
speakers, however, as they are written in a style asso-
ciated with Catholic priests (for examples see Chapter 9).
The nadir in prelinguistic grammars of Aymara
was reached in Suma _lajjra_ aymara parlafia (1969) by
Erasmo Tarifa Ascarrunz. Another example of Patr6n Aymara,

this book contains a wealth of material, but so badly
62

analyzed and presented as to be very difficult to use.
As usual in prelinguistic grammars, the Aymara sounds as
if it were translated from Spanish. On the other hand,
the Spanish translations of the Aymara (or Spanish
sentences from which the Aymara was translated) are in
the popular Spanish of the Andean area which reflects
Aymara structure to a considerable extent even in the
usage of monolingual Spanish speakers. In all, the book
is an interesting compendium of fact and misconception
which should be checked with native speakers before any

of its contents are accepted as valid.

2-4 Linguistic Studies

2-4.1 Synchronic studies

As far as I am aware, the first linguist to
note in print that Aymara has a three- rather than a
five-vowel system was Bertil Malmberg (1947-48). Kenneth
Pike, in his Phonemics (1947:153), included an Aymara
problem with data that clearly implied a three-vowel
system, although Pike left this conclusion to the reader.
Tschopik (1948) and LaBarre (1950) provided partially
phonemic renditions of Aymara folktales with English
translations but without grammatical analysis. Although
transcribed with five vowels and no indication of vowel

length or of syntactic final vowel dropping, the texts
63

appear to be otherwise phonologically accurate native
Aymara. (The informants are identified as monolingual.)
These texts are useful for the dialectal variants they
contain and for comparison with present-day dialects
from the same areas for the purpose of identifying changes
during the past 30 years.

The first morphological analysis of Aymara was
made by Thomas Sebeok (1951a). However, it was
based on an Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood
translated from Spanish, rather than on a native Aymara
folktale, and the text is an example of Patr6n Aymara.
Sebeok (1951b) also collected data for an Aymara diction-
ary, using data from Tschopik, LaBarre, Villamor, Pike,
and Floyd Lounsbury as well as his own. Each entry
consists of a set of Aymara words sharing the same root
morpheme, with English (or in the case of Villamor's

data, Spanish) translations.
2-4.11 Missionary grammars and associated studies

The first attempt at a fairly complete grammatical
description of Aymara by a linguist using the methods of
modern scholarship was made by Ellen M. Ross, whose
Rudimentos de gramatica aymara (1953; second edition
1963) was published by the Canadian Baptist Mission in
La Paz with an introduction by Eugene Nida. The preface

indicates that the Aymara of Huatajata (department of
64

La Paz) is the dialect on which the grammar is based and
that it is similar to that of the city of La Paz. Three
Aymara native speakers collaborated with Ross in producing
the grammar, a trilingual textbook for English-speaking
missionaries and Spanish speakers. Making use of aural/
oral language-teaching methods, the book presents graded
Aymara dialogues and drills with translations into Spanish
and grammatical explanations in Spanish and English. The
grammar includes cultural notes such as a comment on the
importance of greetings among the Aymara. While it has

an index of grammatical forms and topics (in Spanish),

it lacks a table of contents and thus cannot easily be
used as a reference grammar.

In any case, although it represents a tremendous
improvement over its predecessors, Rudimentos contains
frequently inaccurate grammatical analyses. More impor-
tant, the text still reflects, in the tradition of earlier
Aymara grammars, the usage of missionaries and their fol-
lowers. For this reason the Ross grammar should be used
with caution by persons not wishing to be identified with
or aS missionaries. Also, the CALA writing system used
presents the learner with certain difficulties, especially
with respect to the postvelar fricative symbolized as jj
and reduplicated as the unwieldy and confusing cluster

aaa,
65

A reference grammar for native speakers of Aymara
is Ross's Manual aymara para los aymaristas (n.d. [con-
siderably after Ross 1953]). Its purpose is to enable
Aymara speakers already bilingual and literate in Spanish
to learn to read and write Aymara and to become aware of
differences between Aymara and Spanish structure which
create difficulties for Aymara monolinguals wishing to
learn Spanish. As indicated earlier, the CALA writing
system used by Ross is designed to familiarize Aymara
speakers with Spanish spelling with a view to facilitating
their learning to read and write in that language.
Accordingly, Spanish loans, even those which entered
Aymara hundreds of years ago and are completely adapted
to Aymara phonology, are spelled as Spanish and the five
vowels of Spanish are used even though Ross recognized
that Aymara has a three-vowel system. Evidence that
the CALA alphabet does in fact accomplish the objective
of making it easier for Aymara monolinguals to learn
Spanish is lacking.

The Ross Manual is in effect a contrastive study
of Spanish and (Missionary) Aymara, often describing
Aymara in terms of Spanish, although this is warned
against (n.d.:65). The manual is also prescriptive,
for example in Lesson IX on punctuation. The grammatical
analysis is lacking in some important respects; for

instance, the four-person system is not completely
66

understood. The distinction of personal and nonpersonal
knowledge is recognized, however, for the first time.
The importance of morphemic vowel length and morphopho-
nemic vowel dropping is also understood and the reader
is urged to write as he speaks, although this injunction
is not always followed in the examples given in the text.
The role of sentence suffixes (called enclitics) is well
covered. But while the Manual has its strengths, never-
theless the message conveyed by the book is that learning
to read and write Aymara is merely a means toward learning
to be fully literate in Spanish and not a worthy end in
itself. This attitude is clear in a discussion of the
embedding of direct quotes in Aymara: the reader who
wishes to write a more involved style is urged to consult
a good Spanish grammar or to observe the style of writers
in that language (Ross n.d.:121).

Two subsequent teaching grammars of Aymara owe
much to Ross. Paul Wexler and his associates attempted
in Beginning Aymara: A course for English speakers (1967)
to write a linguistically sound pedagogical grammar of
Aymara specifically for English speakers. Intended for
Peace Corps volunteers, this grammar was based on research
carried out in Bolivia by three American field workers
who spent a short time there aided by three Aymara native
speakers from La Paz who were bilingual in Spanish. It

is of value primarily as an example of what happens when
67

linguistic researchers fail to take cultural as well as
linguistic factors into account in spite of their obvious
importance in a grammar designed for foreigners proposing
to live and work in an unfamiliar society. While care-
fully organized into graded dialogues and drills on topics
generally relevant to altiplano life, the Aymara sentences
in the book sound translated from Spanish, often using
missionary and/or patr6n terminology, and are therefore
both culturally and linguistically unacceptable to some
native speakers. Wexler recognized that the Aymara of
the informants probably showed heavy Spanish influence,
but he was evidently unaware of the social dimension of
their dialect--its evangelical cast--although he did
recommend further research with monolingual speakers.
The book also suffers from problems of translating Andean
Spanish into English. For example, wank'u (Wexler
wanc'u) is translated 'rabbit' instead of ‘guinea pig',
probably because the Andean Spanish for guinea pig is
conejo (Peninsular Spanish 'rabbit').

The second Aymara grammar owing much to Ross,
and the best of the missionary grammars to date, is
Lecciones de Aymara (1971-72) by Joaquin Herrero,
Daniel Cotari, and Jaime Mejia, said to be based on a
dialect from roughly the same area as that of the Ross
grammars. Herrero is a native of Spain; Cotari and

Mejia are Bolivian Aymara speakers bilingual in Spanish.
63

Developed for use at the Maryknoll Language Institute

in Cochabamba, this grammar is superior to its predeces-
sors in grammatical analysis, but it has the same charac-
teristics perceived by some native speakers as non-Aymara
or substandard. An innovation useful for students of
Spanish dialects is the provision of two translations of
each Aymara dialogue, one in Andean Spanish and the other
in Peninsular Spanish.

The alphabet used by Herrero et al. is that
adopted by the Bolivian government in 1954. It differs
from the CALA alphabet only in its use of k and q for
the velar and postvelar stops, respectively, instead
of the CALA c and qu for velar and k for postvelar. The
phonology section includes numerous minimal triplets
illustrating plain, aspirated, and glottalized stops.

The importance of morphophonemic vowel dropping is clearly
grasped and suffixes are designated as weak (retaining
previous vowel) and strong (dropping previous vowel) when
they are first introduced, helping the learner to produce
correct forms from the beginning. The book is good on

the Aymara four-person system (while not calling it that),
avoiding Ross's error, repeated by Wexler, of designating
the inclusive fourth person as dual. Full verbal inflec-
tional paradigms with affirmative and negative examples

are presented in the body of the text.
69

A much shorter, less complete grammar is Método
de aymara (1973) by Marcelo Grondin, using the same alpha-
bet as Herrero. Published in Oruro, the book mentions
certain forms as different from those occurring in La Paz
but fails to include the distinctive allomorph of the first
person possessive suffix (with velar nasal) found in the
province of Carangas, Oruro. The Aymara four-person system
is clearly grasped, vowel-dropping is understood, and the
role of sentence suffixes noted, but the Aymara is pre-
sented in short dialogues that sound nonnative. The trans-
lations of the dialogues are in Andean Spanish.

The question arises why grammars of Aymara con-
tinued for so long to reflect only missionary and patré6n
usages. The answer lies in the fact that for many years
all linguists who undertook to study Aymara in depth were
missionaries who, however well prepared in linguistic
field methods, were more concerned with translating
Scripture from Spanish or English into Aymara than in
eliciting native texts on which to base a description of
the language. Their informants, being members of the same
religious community, were ready to accept the missionaries’
authority in matters of style and content. Many missionary
linguists, notably Nida (1957:58-60), are aware of the
linguistic pitfalls inherent in their approach and try
to avoid them; but it is unrealistic to expect missionary
grammars to be completely free of the distorting influence

of translation.
70

The few nonmissionary linguists who approached
Aymara did so either through missionaries or through
mestizos and whites. In such circumstances it is re-
markable that Tschopik and LaBarre were able to elicit
native Aymara folktales free of missionary or patron
influence. Sebeok was not so fortunate; the story on
which he based his morphological analysis is in Patr6n
Aymara. When the Wexler team sought to study Aymara they
proceeded through missionary contacts and thereby unwit-
tingly acquired informants trained in that tradition.

So long as all linguistic research was conducted
with sources speaking varieties of Missionary or Patr6n
Aymara, only data reflecting such dialects could be
obtained. A new point of entry into the Aymara community

was needed.
2-4.12 Aymara-centered studies

In 1965 M. J. Hardman arrived in Bolivia as a
Fulbright lecturer in linguistics. Together with Julia
Elena Fortin, Director of Anthropology in the Bolivian
Ministry of Education, Hardman founded the Instituto
Nacional de Estudios Lingitiisticos (INEL) in La Paz for
the purpose of training Bolivians in linguistics for
national development. Hardman had already investigated
Aymara's sister languages, Jaqaru and Kawki, and had

determined their relationship as members of the Jaqi
71

language family. Hardman's Jagaru: Outline of phonological
and morphological structure (1966) is the first grammar of
a Jaqi language described in its own terms rather than
from the point of view of Spanish. A second edition in
Spanish translation is now in press in Peru. (Pre-Hardman
Peruvian sources for the study of Jaqaru and Kawki are
the writings of J. M. B. Farf&n and of José Matos Mar.)
One of Hardman's students at INEL in La Paz was
Juan de Dios Yapita, a native speaker of Aymara from the
community of Compi on the shores of Lake Titicaca. Yapita
had been educated in La Paz but maintained close ties with
monolingual friends and relatives in Compi. As the out-
come of an assignment, Yapita wrote the first phonemic
alphabet of Aymara ever produced by a native speaker of
the language and later, together with Herminia Martin and
others studying under Hardman's direction, did field work
in the provinces of Ingavi, Pacajes, Andes, Omasuyos, and
Manco Capac, department of La Paz. Hardman also did
field work in the province of Larecaja. The first pub-
lished result of this research was Martin's Bosquejo de
estructura de la lengua aymara (1969), a brief sketch of
the Aymara spoken in the town of Irpa Chico, province of
Ingavi. It is important as the first published description
of Aymara by a linguist for linguists, combining both

adequate theory and competent field investigation.
72

On the basis of Aymara research undertaken by
Hardman and associates in Bolivia, the Aymara Language
Materials Project began at the University of Florida in
1969 with support from the U. S. Office of Education of
the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. The
goal of the project was to produce teaching and reference
grammars of Aymara reflecting linguistic and cultural
realities of the language from the point of view of
native speakers. The materials were prepared by a team
consisting of Hardman, two Bolivian native speakers of
Aymara trained in linguistics and anthropology (Yapita
and Juana Vasquez, who is from Tiahuanaco), and three
graduate students in anthropology and linguistics who
assisted with the analysis and tested the teaching
materials in Aymara classes. Their work was supplemented
by extensive help from a number of other native speakers
of Aymara as well as from other University of Florida
graduate students and staff.

The primary fruit of the project is a three-volume
work by Hardman, Vasquez, and Yapita entitied Aymar ar
yatiganataki ('to learn Aymara') which appeared first in
1973 and in a revised edition in 1975. Volume 1, which
bears the title of the whole work, is a course in Aymara
for English and Spanish speakers, consisting of graded
dialogues based on rural Aymara life and drills based

on the dialogues, with translations into both Spanish and
73

English and accompanying tape recordings with English
translations. Volume 2, Teacher's manual to accompany
Aymar_ar_yatiqafataki, is keyed to the course and provides
cultural as well as grammatical explanations. Volume 3,
entitled Aymara grammatical sketch in the first edition
(1973) and Outline of Aymara phonological and grammatical
structure in the second (1975), is a detailed reference
grammar which may stand alone. It incorporates University
of Florida master's theses by Laura Martin-Barber on
phonology and by Nora C. England on verbal derivational
suffixes, and my term paper on the structure of the
substantive system, as Chapters 3, 6, and 8, respectively.
The project has also produced a computerized concordance
glossary of words, roots, and suffixes.

Secondary results of the project include numerous
student papers for graduate courses in anthropology and
linguistics at the University of Florida, for example
Norman Tate's ethnosemantic study of verbs of carrying
(1970) and a paper by Andrew Miracle and Juana Vasquez
on ethnosemantic categories of feces in Aymara (1972).
Published articles related to the project include Hard-
man's on Aymara and Jaqi linguistic postulates (Hardman
1972a and in press a), Yapita's discussion of the role
of linguistics in Bolivian national development (1973b),
and Pedro Copana's recommendations concerning the educa-

tion of rural Aymara children (1973).
74

An increasing number of materials written in the
Aymara language have appeared as a result of the project.
The Aymara Newsletter has been published irregularly at
the University of Florida since 1970, originally under
the alternating editorships of Yapita and Vdsquez, who
also collaborated on a correspondence course for Aymara
speakers (Vdsquez & Yapita 1969). V&Asquez has written an
Aymara primer (1970) and is preparing another. Yapita has
edited several mimeographed Aymara literary journals,
among them Yatifiasawa (1970) and Literatura aymara
(1972-73). He has also produced materials for teaching
his phonemic alphabet in Bolivia (1973a) and a Spanish-
English-Aymara vocabulary (1974).

Former Yapita students who are members of the
Bolivian Aymara community have produced materials of their
own. Representative are articles by Vitaliano Wanka
Torres, describing results of the Aymara literacy pro-
gram he directs in Tiahuanaco (Wanka 1973a and 1973b);
an Aymara primer for adults (1974) by Francisco Calle P.,
of which a first edition of 17,000 was printed (Chaski
2:1974); and a bilingual manual on medicinal plants and
herbs (1974) by Gabino Kispi H. (Wanka and Kispi spell
their surnames, traditionally Huanca and Quispe, in
Yapita orthography. )

So far, lack of funds has precluded formal pub-
lication of more than a few of the Aymara-centered

materials that have begun to appear in growing numbers.
75

2-4.13 Sociolinguistic studies

In Peru the government has in recent years sought
the participation of missionary linguists associated with
the Summer Institute of Linguistics and of secular linguists
from academic institutions in the development of educa-
tional programs for speakers of indigenous languages
(loosely referred to as bilingual education programs).
While most publications on problems of multilingualism
in Peru focus on Quechua and the jungle languages rather
than on Aymara, several recent studies include references
to Aymara. As noted in 1-1, the two most recent Peruvian
national censuses (for 1961 and 1972) contain basic demo-
graphic data on the numbers and location of Aymara speakers
in Peru. The proceedings of a round table on problems
of Quechua and Aymara monolingualism held in 1963 have
been published in Mesa redonda sobre el monolingiiismo

quechua_ y aymara y 1a educaci6n en el Perd (1966). One

of the participants in the round table was Alberto
Escobar, a Peruvian linguist who later founded the
government- and Ford Foundation-supported Plan de Fomento
Lingiifstico (linguistic development plan) at the National
University of San Marcos in Lima and who has written
several thoughtful essays on the language problems of
Peru such as an article on literacy programs (Escobar
1972a). Escobar edited a collection of articles entitled

El_reto del multilingiiismo en el PerG which appeared in
76

1972, the year the Peruvian government inaugurated a new
policy of bilingual education. The book includes articles
by Hardman on Aymara linguistic postulates (Hardman 1972a),
by Alfredo Torero on historical background (Torero 1972b),
and by Escobar on linguistics and politics (Escobar 1972b).

Domingo Llanque Chana, a Peruvian Aymara who is
a Maryknoll priest and at present (1976) vicar general
of the Prelature of Juli, has presented in Spanish trans-
lation an interview he conducted in Aymara with a 56-year-
old Aymara man from a rural community near Lake Titicaca
(D. Llanque Chana 1973). The topic is social interaction
among the Aymara, including the way they treat outsiders
as well as each other. To my knowledge this is the first
time the topic has been discussed in print by an Aymara.
The author observes that the basic element of Aymara
interaction is mutual respect expressed primarily through
courteous speech as exemplified in greetings.

A graduate of a normal school in Puno, Justino
Llanque Chana, has given an overview of the educational
situation of Peruvian Aymara based on the results of his
1973 survey of 85 high school students in the town of
Chucuito near Puno (J. Llanque Chana 1974). The survey
revealed negative attitudes toward Aymara language and
culture which the author interpreted as confirming the
alienating effects of an educational system stressing
acquisition of Spanish skills while banning (in theory if

not in strict practice) the use of vernacular languages.
77

Meanwhile in Bolivia, where the government has yet
to give formal support to bilingual education, only one
organization has so far as I know published materials
relevant to sociolinguistics: the Centro Pedagégico y
Cultural de Portales in Cochabamba, which is supported by
the Patifio Foundation. In connection with a series of
educational conferences and seminars for Aymara and Quechua
speakers, Portales (as it is usually called) began in
1973 to publish in mimeographed form such materials as
articles by Javier Alb6 on the future of Aymara and
Quechua (which he considers to be ‘oppressed languages';
Alb6 1973a) and on Aymara and Quechua educational radio
programs in Bolivia (Alb6 1973b). Also in 1973 Portales
published the Yapita phonemic alphabet and in 1974, my
article on the Aymara four-person system (Briggs 1974a)
and a summary of Hardman's article on Aymara linguistic
postulates (Hardman 1972a).

Portales has also assisted sociolinguistic sur-
veys. In 1973 and 1974, Yapita and Pedro Plaza, the
director of INEL, conducted with Portales and Ford Founda-
tion support sociolinguistic surveys of groups of Aymara
and Quechua speakers in Bolivia using methods developed
by Wolfgang W6lck for Quechua in Peru (W6lck 1972 and
1973).

A valid contribution to knowledge of the Aymara-

speaking population of northern Potosi department is an
78

article by the British anthropologist Olivia Harris

(1974) on the Laymis and Machas (1-1.1).
2-4.2 Historical studies

Torero set forth well-grounded theories as to
the history of Aymara and its sister languages (1-2.1)
in an article entitled Lingiiistica e historia de los Andes del
Perd y de Bolivia (1972b). The relationship of Aymara and
Quechua, the other major language family of the Andean
area, is still a matter of debate. Mason (1950:196)
proposed 'Kechumaran' as a term 'to designate the yet
unproved but highly probable subphylum consisting of
Quechua and Aymara.' Also supporting a fairly close
relationship between Quechua and Aymara are Carolyn Orr
and Robert E. Longacre (1968) and Yolanda Lastra de
Suérez (1970). Hardman ascribes similarities in lexi-
con and phonology, where they exist, to geographic
proximity and overlap rather than to a genetic relation-
ship (Hardman, personal communication). Louisa Stark
(1970) has provided convincing data in support of Hard-

man's position.

2-5 Summary and Projection

The foregoing survey of representative litera-

ture on and in Aymara shows how scholarly and
79

not-so-scholarly treatment of the language has changed

in accordance with the focus of each period and the
development of more adequate method and theory. While

the production of written texts in Aymara is still meager,
it is increasing. Like the spoken language on which they
are based, these texts show dialectal variation, and they
will provide material for further dialect studies as well

as investigations of literary style.
CHAPTER 3

VARIATION IN PHONOLOGY AND IN
PHONOLOGICAL SHAPE OF MORPHEMES

3-1 Introduction

The basic phonology of Aymara has been described
by L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al. 1975:3, Chapter 3).
To the phonemic inventory therein described must now be
added the velar nasal, although it is of limited occur-
rence. Variations in phonological shape of morphemes
both within and across dialects are paralleled by morpho-
phonemic rules operating within dialects, to be discussed

in Chapter 4, to which this chapter is an introduction.

-*

3-2 Phonemes

3-2.] Phonemic inventory

Figure 3-1 shows Aymara phonemes in Yapita
phonemic orthography.
There are three vowels (front, central, and

back) and a phoneme of vowel length. |

The 27 consonants
are divided into voiceless and voiced. Voiceless conso-

nants are 12 stops, three affricates, and three fricatives.

80
 

 

81

 

Vowels: ioaeoou Vowel length:
Consonants:
bilabial
alveolar
palatal
Voiceless:
Stops
Plain p t
Aspirated p" t"
Glottalized p' t'
Affricates
Piain ch
Aspirated ch"
Glottalized ch'
Fricatives S
Voiced:
Laterals ] 1]
Nasals m n ni
Glides W y
- Flap r

postvelar

Figure 3-1. Aymara Phonemes (Yapita Phonemic Alphabet)
82

Voiced consonants are two laterals, four nasals, two
glides, and a flap. The stops occur in four positions
of articulation and three manners: plain, aspirated,
and glottalized. The three affricates are all palatal
and pattern with the stops. The three fricatives are
alveolar, velar, and postvelar. The laterals are alveo-
lar and palatal; the glides are bilabial and palatal;
the flap, which may be realized as a trill, is alveolar.

Included in the total of four nasals is the
velar nasal /nh/ ([ H 1), a phoneme in the related language
Jaqaru. The velar nasal has phonemic status in only two
Aymara dialects encountered to date, in the provinces
of Carangas (Oruro, Bolivia) and Tarata (Tacna, Peru),
specifically in the communities of Jopoqueri and Corque
(Carangas) and of Tarata and Sitajara (Tarata). Although
the phoneme occurs in few morphemes, these have a high
functional load. In both Carangas and Tarata the phoneme
occurs in homophonous allomorphs of two suffixes: /-nha/
first person possessive and /-nha/ verbal inflection of
first to third person, Future tense. In Tarata the
phoneme occurs in two more suffixes of the Future tense
(see Figure 6-3) and in at least two noun roots: anhanu
‘cheek' and panhara 'grinder.'

The two areas where the velar nasal phoneme occurs
are separated by the province of Pacajes, department of

La Paz, whose dialects were not investigated directly for
83

this study. The phoneme was not found in the Pacajes
dialects investigated in the research for Hardman et al.
(1975). Late in the research for the present study,
evidence was obtained for the existence of a relic of
the /nh/ phoneme in La Paz/Compi dialect, in one word:
the noun ch'inhi 'nit' (Spanish liendre). This con-
trasts with intervocalic /n/ and /fi/ (e. g. ch'ina ‘human
posterior' and fiufu ‘breast, teat'). Another apparent
relic of /nh/ is a velarized allophone of /fi/ occurring
in Morocomarca (4-3.21.2). It may possibly also occur

in other Aymara dialects not yet investigated. °
3-2.2 Allophones

The allophones described by L. Martin-Barber
(Hardman et al. 1975:3) exist for the dialects of Aymara
investigated for this study. The following additional

comments may be made.
3-2.21 Vowels

In Spanish-influenced dialects the mid vowel /a/
may approximate Spanish /a/ but in monolingual Aymara
(and some nonmonolingual dialects, for example in northern
Potosi, a trilingual Quechua-Aymara-Spanish area) /a/ is
more closed, being realized frequently as [A] or [a].
/i/ and /u/, as noted by L. Martin-Barber, are lowered

in the environment of postvelar consonants /q/ and /x/
84

and raised in the environment of /n/ and /y/ and word-
initially. Elsewhere intermediate or high allophones
occur. Additional study will be needed to determine the

conditioning.
3-2.22 Consonants

Most allophonic variation of consonants in Aymara
is morphophonemically conditioned, and is therefore dis-
cussed in Chapter 4.

Friction attending the velar and postvelar frica-
tives /j/ and /x/ and the flap /r/ is variable but whether
the variation is dialectal, stylistic, or idiosyncratic
is yet to be determined. Impressionistically it was
noted that some Juli speakers pronounced initial /j/ with
heavy friction whereas in other dialects initial /j/ is
more often a glottal [h]. Dialects having /j/ (Salinas,
Jopoqueri) where La Paz and other dialects have /k/, for
example in the incompletive verbal derivational suffix
-ja- ~ -ka-, articulate a somewhat prevelar, palatalized
/j/ and a clearly postvelar /x/. The difference is quite

noticeable even to a nonnative in such pairs as
Chur.j.t.wa. ‘I'm giving it to him/her/them. '
Chur.x.t.wa. ‘I gave it to him/her/them.' (Jopoqueri)

(The second example has the verbal derivational suffix
85

-xXa- completive.) The amount of friction attending both
/j/ and /x/ in those dialects seems impressionistically
about the same; it is the relative fronting and backing
which is distinctive, as in the case of Aymara vowels.
The front and back vowels lower in the environment of

postvelar consonants by assimilation, thereby assisting
the nonnative speaker of Aymara in distinguishing the

velar and postvelar consonants. Examples:

i
ik.i Liky] ‘he/she/it/they sleep(s)' (all dialects)

 

igqiqu [eqeqo] “mischievous spirit! (all dialects)

sar.j.i [sang ~ sar] ‘jt rusted' (La Paz)
> <

sar.Xx.i [sarxe] 'he/she/it/they left' (La Paz, elsewhere)
uU,uU uu ' ; <

puku puku [p~k~ p~k~] smal] owl' (Juli)
VvwVvwvvwYy

pug.u  [poqo] ‘it produces, ripens' (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Calacala)

ij
p'isi.ja [p" =s-Ja ~ p"~s~xa] ‘my cat' (San Andrés
IIx de Machaca)

1
p"isi.xa [p"ssexa] 'the/a cat' (San Andrés de Machaca)
86

In the related language Jaqaru the velar and post-
velar fricatives are allophones of the same phoneme
(Hardman 1966). Their distinct phonemic status in Aymara
is attested by the minimal pairs cited above. In certain
dialects, however, there are cases of one morpheme having
variants with both the velar and postvelar fricative,
which may indicate that the distinction between the two
is neutralized in those morphemes or that the phonemic
split into /j/ and /x/ is still underway in Aymara, having

yet to occur in certain morphemes.
3-2.3 Canonical forms

These do not vary dialectically. As noted by
L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al. 1975:3.69-70) most roots
have the canonical form CVCV(CV); another productive
form is CVCCV with a reduplicative subclass of the form
C,V,C,C,V,. Noun suffixes are of the form CV(CV), VCV,
or C,CoV (C, nasal, C, stop) except for the verbalizer
-pta- which is unique among the noun suffixes in that it
consists of two stops followed by a vowel. Verbal deri-
vational suffixes have the shape C,V((C,)V) except for
a few C,C,V in which Cy is a nasal and one C,CoV(C3)V,
-rypaya ~ -rpa: (VV = V:). Verbal inflectional suffixes,
except for the Simple and to an extent the Future tense,
which have suffixes of the form (C)V and C,VC(V), are

more complex, containing recurrent submorphemic partials
87

(see 6-3.2). Nonfinal independent suffixes (7-2.21)
and final sentence suffixes (7-2.22) are of the form
CV(CV). Verb subordinating suffixes (7-4.2) take the
form (V)CV(CV) in which the first V, if any, is /i/.

3-2.4 Restrictions on phoneme occurrence

3-2.41 Individual phonemes

The postvelar fricative /x/ occurs in root-initial
position in only a few dialects and very rarely. The

examples are

xaxchi.fia noun/verb ‘bobbin, already threaded;
to wind thread on a bobbin'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

xarsa.ni.fia ‘to have asthma, be out of
breath' (Vitocota)

Jupa.x__Xarsa.n.i.w. ‘He's out of breath.’
——— (Vitocota)

A phoneme that does not occur initially in native
Aymara roots is /r/. (A voiced fricative allophone of
Spanish or Quechua /r/ may occur initially in loanwords. )
The velar nasal may occur initially in suffixes
but not initially in roots, even in the dialect where
it is attested in roots. Evidence for the nonexistence
of roots with /nh/ in Carangas, where suffixes with
the phoneme do occur, is the pronunciation given

by a speaker from Jopoqueri to the following Jaqaru
88

noun roots containing the velar nasal phoneme.

Jaqaru Aymara (Jopoquer?)
inhatza ‘agricultural *inhatsa [ingatsa]
worker'
kanhara ‘dried maguey *kanhara [kangara ]
cord'

That is, the speaker did not pronounce the velar nasal
intervocalically in the two (to him) nonsense words given
above but rather inserted a voiced velar [g] after the
velar nasal, as did other speakers bilingual in Spanish
(as he was) who had no velar nasal phoneme in their dia-
lects. Below are shown Jaqaru-Aymara cognates in which
the Jaqaru has /nh/ while the Aymara (also of Jopoqueri)
has /ng"/, /n/, /y/, or /yn/. (Jaqaru words, like those

above, are from Hardman, personal communication. )

Jaqaru Aymara
manha 'down' mang"a ‘down, inside!
anhnatza ‘down' aynacha ‘down'
anhshishpta ‘to quarrel’ ayni.si.fa ‘to quarrel'
yanha ‘comrade, to help’ yanap.ta.fa "to help'

3-2.42 Phoneme sequences

Germinate (reduplicated) vowels may occur as

vowel length, but sequences of different vowels
89

(diphthongs) do not occur. Vowel-glide and glide-vowel
sequences do occur; the former are phonetically (but
not phonemically) diphthongs. As noted above, two-
consonant clusters occur medially in roots and initially
in some suffixes. The first consonant is usually not a
stop, while the second usually is.4
Ciusters of two or more consonants may occur
word-medially in all dialects as the result of suffixa-
tion accompanied by obligatory morphophonemic vowel-
deletion. Such clusters may also occur word-initially
or -finally in certain dialects under certain conditions

(see 4-3.12.1, 4-3.32, and 6-4).

3-3 Nonphonemic Phenomena

Nonphonemic phenomena include stress, intona-
tion, and the adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara.
Subphonemic voicing of prevocalic stops is discussed

in 4-3.21.3.
3-3.1 Stress

In all dialects stress occurs nonphonemically
on the penultimate vowel of a word having wore than one
vowel. (A word in Aymara may be defined as a free form
having at least one vowel, that is, a root, stem, or

theme.) Stress may appear to fall on a final vowel if the
90

final vowel is long.
sara.: [sard] ‘I will go.' /-:/ 173 F

Stress may also appear to fall on the final syllable if
after stress placement has occurred, the final vowel of
the word is devoiced or dropped.

sar.i.wa ---> sar.i.w(a) ‘he/she/it/they went'

°

Vowel restoration affects stress placement in the case

of certain verbal inflectional suffixes (see 4-3.33).
3-3.2 Intonation

No attempt was made in this study to assess vari-
ation in intonation patterns. Certain morphemes and
syntactic units in all dialects carry intonation patterns
that appear to adhere to them in all or almost all environ-
ments. Impressionistically the range of intonation levels
appears flatter in La Paz than in dialects distant from
the capital. Otherwise, differences in intonation seem
to be primarily stylistic, but further study of the pat-
terning is needed before definite statements of condition-

ing may be made.
3-3.3 Spanish loans

Spanish loans have entered and continue to enter

Aymara, especially in urban areas. L. Martin-Barber has
91

described adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara phonology
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.81-88). Depending on the extent
of the speaker's knowledge of Spanish phonology, such
loans may be more or less ‘Aymarized'. As will be noted
in examples in other chapters, certain speakers incor-
porate Spanish loans that preserve some Spanish phonemes
(for example /b/ or /g/) while other speakers adapt such
loans to Aymara phonology. The whole process of entry
of Spanish loans into Aymara merits a study of its own
taking into account sociocultural factors. (See Chapter
9 for a discussion of heavily Spanish-influenced Aymara
dialects. Aymara influence’ on Bolivian altiplano

Spanish is now being investigated by H. Martin and

Laprade. )
3-4 Phonological Correspondences Within and Across
Dialects

One morpheme (the base form) may have a slightly
different phonemic shape in one dialect (or idiolect)
than in another. Usually differences of one or two pho-
nemes are involved. Some phonological correspondences
within or across dialects parallel morphophonemic varia-
tion within certain dialects: the rules that change one
phoneme to another or delete or retain phonemes in
certain morphemes in certain environments. These morpho-

phonemic rules are discussed in Chapter 4.
92

The dialectal phonological correspondences to
be discussed here will be treated by type of phoneme
(vowels, consonants) and by morphological class of the
morphemes in which they occur. The tilde (~) will be
used between phonemes that correspond intra~- or cross-
dialectally, and between forms which are in free varia-

tion within a dialect.

3-4.1 Vowel correspondences

3-2.11 /a/ ~ /i/

Nouns:
‘old man' fachachi/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
/achichi/ (Sitajara)
‘toasted corn' /jamp'i/ (Calacoa)

/jampi/ (Morocomarca)

/jimp'i/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Sitajara)

‘beautiful ' /k"usa/ _ (Socca)
/k"usi/  (Calacoa)
/kusa/ (La Paz/Compi)

‘down, inside’ /mang"a/ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri)
/manq"i/ (Huancane, Sitajara)

/manq''a ~ mang"i/ (Calacoa)
‘last year'

‘hair cutting’

‘wild duck’

‘other'

Verbs:

‘to lose'

'to meet'

‘to toast in oven'

‘what to do'

93

/may .mara/

/miy.mara/

(Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca)

(Sitajara)

/may.mara ~ miy.mara/ (La Paz)

/rutucha/

/rutuchi/

/qanqata/
/qangati/

/yaq"apa/
/yaq" ipa/

/ch"iga.fia/

/ch"aqa.fna/

/jaki.si.fia/

/jiki.si.na/

/jamp'i.tia/

/jimp'i.tia/

/kami.cha.fa/

/kama.cha.tia/

(La Paz)

(Socca)

(San Andrés de Machaca)

(Socca)

(Vitocota)

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

(Salinas)

(elsewhere)

(Juli, Socca)
(La Paz, Jopoqueri,

Morocomarca, Salinas,
Sitajara, Calacoa)

(La Paz, Calacoa)

(Jopoqueri)

(Salinas)

(elsewhere)
3-4.12

94

Suffixes:

Verbal derivationals:

‘on top of, up to' /-xita-/

/-xata-/

distancer /-wa-/

/-wi-/

/-waya- ~
/-wiya-/
/-waya- ~
/-wiya- ~
/-waya- ~

Verb subordinator:

/-sana/
/-sina/
/a/ ~ fu/
Nouns:
"night, morning’ /arama/
‘evening’ /arama/

‘night! /aruma/

(Salinas)

(elsewhere)

(Juli, Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, Calacala)

(Jopoqueri )

-wa:-/ (La Paz)

(Salinas)

-wa:- ~ -wa-/ (Sitajara)

(Morocomarca)

-wiya-/ (Corque)

(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Calacala)

(elsewhere)

(Jopoqueri )
(Salinas)

(La Paz, Juli, Huancané,
Calacoa)
95

"night, morning,

midnight to dawn' /aruma/
‘morning' /aruma/
'chicha maker’ /chapira/
/chupira/
‘blindness' /ch"arpu/
/ch"u:rpu/

‘cloud’ /qinaya/
/qinayu/
Verbs:
‘to remember’ /amtasi.na/

/amtu.si.fia/

‘to cover a pot' /q"ap.t'a.na/

/g"up.t'a.na/
Suffixes:
Verbal derivationals:

‘away, off' /-mucha-/

/-muchu-/

(Morocomarca )

(Sitajara)

(Sitajara)

(Socca)

(Socca, Jopoqueri)

(Sitajara)

(La Paz/Compi)

(Huancané)

(La Paz)
(Juli)

(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)

(La Paz/Compi )

(Salinas)

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
96

‘placer’ /-nuga-/ (all dialects)

/-nuga- ~ -nuqu-/ (Jopoqueri)

Verbal inflectionals:

3-4 Desiderative /-istaspa ~ -istuspa/ (La Paz)
304 Remonstrator /-istasapa:na ~ -istusapa:na/ (La Paz)

3>1 RDK /-ituna/ (La Paz)
* 7 -4tana/ (Ebbing 1965: 146)

3-4 RDK /-istana ~ -istuna/ (La Paz)

/-stana ~ -stuna/ (La Paz)

Verb subordinator:

/-ipuna/ [ibuna] (Calacala)

/-ipana/ (elsewhere)

3-4.13 /if~ /u/?
Nouns:

'today' /juch"u:ru/ (Achocalla)

/jich"u:ru/ (elsewhere)
97

‘around' /tuqu/

/tuqi/

Verbs:

(Morocomarca, Calacala)

(elsewhere )

Stems based on the verb ina.na ~ ufna.na ‘to see'.

‘to wait for’ /ifia.s.t'a.fia/ (Morocomarca, Calacala)

/ufa.s.t'a.fia/ (Calacoa)

‘to look at' /ina.si.na/

(Morocomarca )

/ifia.si.fia ~ ufa.si.fia/ (Jopoqueri)

/ufia.si.fia/

‘to know' /if.t'a.na/

/ufi.t'a.na/

Other stems:

‘to water' /k'ayi.na/
/k'ayu.na/
‘to hate’ /ini.si.na/

/uni.si.na/

(elsewhere)

(Morocomarca, Calacala)

(Salinas, La Paz)

(Calacoa)

(Sitajara)

(Salinas, Jopoqueri)

(La Paz, Sitajara,
Calacoa)
98

Suffixes:

Verbal inflectionals:

3>1 RIK  /-itutu ~ -itu:tu/ (La Paz)
/-itutu/ (Morccomarca)

oo /-itu:tu/ (Salinas)
/-ititu ~ -ti:tu/ (Sitajara)

/-ti:tu/ (Jopoqueri )

34 RIK /-istutu ~ -stutu ~ -istu:tu/

(La Paz)
/-istu:tu/ (Salinas)
/-istutu/ (Morocomarca )
/-ti:stu/ (Jopoqueri )
Final suffix:
reiterator /-pi/ (La Paz, Juli,

Huancané, Socca)
/-pi ~ -pi:/  (Sitajara)
/-pi_~ -pu/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
/-pu ~ -pu:/ (Corque)

3-4.14 fa/ ~ /i/ ~ /u/

Examples are two verbs and one independent suffix.
3-4.15

3-4.16

‘to cook'

‘to wash clothes’

99

/p'aya.fia/ (La Paz, Salinas,
Calacoa)

/p"aya.fia ~ p"iya.fia/ (Jopoqueri)

/p"uya.na/ (Morocomarca, Calacala,
Huancané)
/t'axsa.fia/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,

Juli, Sitajara, Calacoa)
/t'axsi.fia/ (Salinas)
/t'axsa.fia ~ t'axsi.fia ~ t'axsu.a/

(La Paz)

Independent suffix:

'really'

/-pani/ (Jopoqueri )

/-pini/ (Juli, Sitajara,
Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala)

/-puni/ (Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa)

/-pini ~ -puni/ (La Paz)

/a/ ~ /u/ and /a/ ~ /ils

This occurred in one verbal derivational suffix:

‘sustained action'

Vowel ~ 9
Nouns:

‘a while ago'

/-ch'ak"a-/ (Sitajara)

/-ch'uki-/ (elsewhere)

/nink"ara/ (La Paz, Salinas)

/nink"ra/ (Morocomarca)
4p pronoun /jiwsa/ (Calacoa, Sitajara;
also Bertonio 1603b)

/jiwasa/ (elsewhere)

Suffixes:
Verbal inflectional: See the examples for

Remonstrator and RDK tenses, 3-4.12. Another example:

3+4 Future /-istani ~ -stani/ (La Paz)

/-stani/ (Calacoa, Sitajara)
/-sitani/ (Socca)
/-istani/ (elsewhere)

Verb subordinators:

/-ipana ~ -ipna/ (La Paz)
/-sina ~ -sna/ (La Paz, Juli, Socca)
/-sana/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,

/-sina/ (elsewhere)

3-4.2 Consonant correspondences

3-4.21 Correspondences of plain, aspirated and glottalized
stops and affricates

These will be discussed in the following order:

bilabials, alveolars, palatals, velars, and postvelars.
3-4.21.1 Bilabials
3-4.21.11 /p/ ~ /p"/

Nouns:

‘quinoa' /jupa/ (Morocomarca)
‘quinoa’

3p pronoun

‘day after tomorrow'

'five'

‘nest!

Suffixes:

Verbal inflectionals:

/jup'a/

/jup''a/
/jupa/

/jurpi/
/jurp"i/
/jurpu:ru/
/jurp"u:ru/

/pisga/

/p"isqa/

/tapa/
/t"apa/

/t'ap'a/

(elsewhere)

(Morocomarca)

(elsewhere)

(Jopoqueri )
(Calacoa)
(La Paz)
(Juli)

(Salinas; also
Bertonio 1603b)

(La Paz, Juli, Calacoa,
Sitajara, Jopoqueri)

(La Paz/Compi)

(Salinas, Morocomarca,
Juli)

(Jopoqueri, Calacoa)

Socca has /p"/ where

others have /p/ (or a different form) in 3+3, 3+1, and

374 Imperative inflections.

Morocomarca has /p"/ where

others have /p/ (or a different form) in 3+1 and 3+4

Desiderative and Remonstrative tenses (see Figures 6-5

and 6-6).
3-4.21.12 /p/ ~ /p'/
Noun:

‘toasted corn'

3-4.21.13 /p/ ~ /p"s ~

Noun:

‘evening'

3-4.21.2

102

/p'/

/jampi/ (Morocomarca )

/jamp'i/ (Calacoa)

/jimp'i/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Sitajara)

/jaypu/ (Huancané, Sitajara)

/jayp"u/ (Morocomarca)

/jayp'u/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri)

Alveolars /t/ ~ /t"/

(No examples occurred of correspondences between

/t/ or /t"/ and /t'/.)

Nouns:

‘this morning'

'flea'

/jich"armanti/ (Juli)
/jich"armant"i/ (La Paz)
/k'uti/ (La Paz/Compi)

/kiut"i/ (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco)
Suffixes:

Noun suffix:

‘of, from'

Verbal

1+3 Simple

173 Desiderative
and
173 Remonstrator

1>3 RDK

1+3 RDK

1+3 RIK

103

/-ta/
/-ta ~ -tia/

/-tia/

inflectionals:

/- ta)/
/-tha,/

/-tla/

(La Paz)

(Juli, Huancané,
Calacoa, Jopoqueri)

(Sitajara, Salinas,
Morocomarca )

(La Paz, Huancané,
Calacoa)

(Calacoa)

(elsewhere)

ending in /-ta/ (La Paz, Juli,

ending in /-t"a/

/-:ta/
/-:t!a/

/-ya:ta/

/-ya:t'a/

ending in /-ta/

ending in /-t"a/

Huancané)

(elsewhere )

(La Paz)

(elsewhere)

(La Paz)

(Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )

(La Paz, Huancané,
Socca)

(Juli, Sitajara,
Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca)
104

3-4.21.3 Palatal affricates
3-4.21.31 /ch/ ~ /ch"/

Nouns:
pig' /k"uchi~ k"uch"i/ (La Paz)
'daughter' /p"ucha/ (La Paz)
/p"ucha ~ p"uch"a/ (Huancane)
Noun suffix:
‘the one which’ /-chapi/ (Huancané; also
, Bertonio 1603b)
/-ch"api/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri)
3-4.21.32 /ch/ ~ /ch"/ ~ /ch'/
Noun:

‘chick’ /chiwi/ (Socca)
/chiwli ~ ch"iwli ~ ch"iwchi
(La Paz, Tiahuanaco)

/ch' iwch'i/ (San Andrés de Machaca)
Noun suffix:
/-chi/ (La Paz, Calacoa,

Juli, Sitajara)
/-ch"i/ (Jopoquer i)
3-4.21.4 Velars

3-4.21.41  /k/ ~ /k"/

Nouns:
'fly'
"beard '

Verbs:
"to count’

‘to carry on donkey'

Particle:

'fast'

/-ch'i/ (Salinas)

/-chi ~ -ch'i/ (Morocomarca, Huancane)

/ch"ich"illanka ~ ch"ich"illank"a

(La Paz)

/sunka/ (Calacoa)

/sunka ~ sunk"a/ (Sitajara)

/sunk"a/ (La Paz/Compi)

/jaku.fia/ (Calacoa)

/jak"u.fia/ (La Paz, Sitajara,
Socca)

/kumu.si.fia/ (Juli)
/k"umu.nta.fia/ (Salinas) [nda]
/k"um.t'a.wa.fia/ (Sitajara)

/k"umu. fia/ (Calacoa, La Paz)

/ma:ki/ (La Paz)

/mak"i/ (Calacoa)
106

Suffixes:

Verb derivationals:

‘across’ /-kata- ~ -k"ata-/ (La Paz)
/-k'ata-/ (Jopoqueri)
‘sustained action' /-ch'ak"a-/ (Sitajara)
/-ch'uki/ (elsewhere )

Verbal. inflectionals:

133, 1-2, and 32
Remonstrator /k"/ (Morocomarca )

/k/ (La Paz, Socca,
Huancané, Calacoa)

(See Figure 6-6.)
3-4.21.42 /k/ ~ /sk'/

The only example occurred in a nonminimal pair;

see the fourth example given under 3-4.21.6.

3-4.21.5 Postvelars
3-4.21.51 /q/ ~ /q"/

Noun:

‘spindle’ /gapu/ (La Paz, Juli,
Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
/q"apu/ (Calacoa)

/gapu ~ g"apu/ (Salinas)
Verb:

‘to dance' /t"ug"u.fia/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Sitajara, Calacoa,
San Andrés de Machaca)
/t"ug"u.fia ~t"uqu.fia/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco,
Salinas)
3-4.21.52 /q"/ ~ /q'/

Noun:

‘worm! /Vaq"u/ (Calacoa)
/lag'u/ (Sitajara, Salinas
Jopoqueri )
3-4.21.53 /q/ ~ /q"/ ~ /q'/

Noun:

‘sweet ' /musga/ (Huancané)
/musg'a/ (Jopoqueri )
/musq"a ~ musq'a/ (Salinas, San Andrés

de Machaca)

3-4.21.6 Combinations of plain, aspirated, and glottal-
ized stops and affricates

Nouns:

‘brooch’ /p'ich'i/ (San Andrés de Machaca,
Jopoqueri )
/p'ichi/ (Calacoa)

/p"ich'i ~ p'ich"i/ (Salinas)
108

‘thorn' /ch"api ~ ch'ipa/ (Calacoa)
/ch'api/ (Morocomarca )
/ch'ap"i/ (Jopoqueri )
/ch'api ~ ch'ap"i/ (Salinas)

‘ant! /sipilank"a/ (Sitijara)

/sip'ilanka/ (Calacoa)

‘rooster ' /chanka/ (Calacoa)
/ktank‘a/ (Jopoqueri )
3-4.22 Correspondences of stops or affricates with

fricatives or glide /y/

The velar and postvelar stops and the palatal
affricates enter into correspondences with the fricatives.
There are also correspondences of velar stops and frica-
tives plus /i/ (/ki/ or /ji/) with the front glide /y/.
Correspondences of /k/ and /j/ and of /ch/ and /s/ are
paralleled by certain morphophonemic rules that change
the stop or affricate to the fricative under certain con-

ditions in certain dialects (see 4-3.22.23 and 4-3.22.25).

3-4.22.1 Stops and fricatives
3-4.22.11 /k/ ~ /k"/ ~ /j/

Correspondences of velar stop and fricative occur

in a number of morphemes including some that have a high
109

functional load like the verbal derivational suffix

~ka- ~ -k"a- ~ -ja-.
Nouns:

"big'

"same, identical'

Verbs:
"to die’
Particle:
‘fast!
Suffix:

/kach'a/

/jach'‘a/

/kikpa/

/kijpa/

/kiwa.fia/

/jiwa.na/

/maki/
/ma:ki/
/mak"i/

/ma:ji/

Verbal derivational:

incompletive, '‘ahead'

/-ka-/

/-ja-/

(Juli)

(elsewhere)

(La Paz)

(Jopoqueri )

(Juli)

(elsewhere)

(Calacala)
(La Paz)
(Calacoa)

(Salinas, Jopoqueri,
Morocomarca)

(La Paz, Juli,
Morocomarca )

(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)

/-ka- ~ -k"a-/ (Salinas)®
110

3-4.22.12 /k/ ~ /k"/ ~ /j/ ~ /s/

These correspond in the /iri/ forms of the Desidera-
tive and Remonstrator tense inflectional suffixes (Figures
6-5 and 6-6) as summarized below. Clusters of stop-
fricative, fricative-stop, or fricative-fricative alternate

with single phonemes.

Desiderative Remonstrator
/s/ /sk/ (La Paz)
/k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ (Juli)
/k/ ~ /3/ /k/ (Socca)
/s/ ~ /ks/ /k/ ~ /ks/ (Huancané )
/k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ (Calacoa)
/j/ ~ /is/ /3j/ ~ /is/ (Sitajara)
/j/ 15/ (Jopoquer? )
/j/ ~ /s/ /j/ ~ /s/ (Salinas)
/k"/ ~ /s/ /k/ ~ /k"/ (Morocomarca )
3-4.22.13 /q/ ~ /x/
Noun:
"dog' /anugara/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
~ Huancané, Vitocota)
/anuxara/ (Sitajara)
Verbal derivational suffix:

‘completive' /-ga-/ (Calacala)
/-xa-/ (elsewhere)
3-4.22.2 Velar stop and/or velar fricative plus /i/, and
/y/ (or vowel length or zero)
3-4.22.21 /ki/ ~ /y/

Noun suffix:

‘for' /-tay/ (Sitajara)

/-taki/ (elsewhere)
3-4.22.22 /ki/ ~ /ji/ ~ /y/

Independent nonfinal suffix:

‘just, only' /-ki/ (La Paz, Juli,
Jopoqueri )
/-ki ~ -ji/ (Morocomarca, Salinas)
/-ki ~ -y/ (Sitajara)

3-4.22.23  /ki/ ~/k"i/ ~ /ji/ ~ sy/ ~ /:/ ~ /0/

Independent nonfinal suffix:

‘aggregate, cautionary’ /-raki/ (Juli, Sogca, Calacoa,
Huancané’, La Paz,
Jopoqueri )
/-raki ~ -raji/ (Calacala, Morocomarca)

/-raki ~ -raji~ -rk ~ -ray/ (Sitajara)
/-raki ~ -rak"i ~ -raji ~ -ra: ~ -ra/

(Salinas )8
112

3-4.22.3 Affricates and fricatives

3-4.22.31 /ch/ ~ /s/

Nouns:

‘beard'

'wing'

*small'

‘happy’

'five'

/chunk"a/ (Salinas)
/sunk"a/ (Sitajara)
/chiq"a/ (La Paz/Compi)
/siq'a/ (Jopoqueri )
/isk'a/ (Juli, Calacoa)

Jichk'a/ [ick'a ~ isk'a] (Sitajara)

/kusi/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri,
Salinas)

/k'uchi/ (Juli, Sitajara)

/pichg"a/ (Calacala)

/pisg"a/ (Huancané)

3-4.22.32 /ch"/ ~ /s/ ~ /j/

Verb:

‘to lead animal

(e. g. cow)'

‘to lead one small animal'

/ch"ik"a.fia/  (Jopoquer7)
/jik"a.tia/ (La Paz/Compi)

/sik"a.wa.fia/ (Calacoa)

/jik"a.fia/ (Jopoqueri )
The verb ‘to ask'
affricates and fricatives
velar stop and fricatives

of the following examples

113

displays correspondences of
in initial position and of the
in medial position. In most

the verbal derivational suffixes

-t'a- momentaneous and -si- reflexive/reciprocal occur

in the stems.

/chik.t'a.si.na/
/ch'ij.t'a.si.fias

/chis.t'a.si.fa/

/jisk.t'a.si.fia/
/jisk"i.fa/

/jisk.t'a.fia/

/sisk.t'a.na/

(Salinas)
(Jopoqueri)

(Jopoqueri; a different speaker
from the above)

(La Paz, Sitajara)
(Sitajara)

(Juli)

(Juli)

/sist'a.si.fia ~ sik.t'a.si.fia/ (Morocomarca)

3-4.22.3 Affricate /ch/ and fricative-stop /st/

Verb:

"to come out'

/michu. fia/ (Calacoa)

/mistu.iia/ (elsewhere)
114

3-4.23 Correspondences of fricatives, nasals, glides,
laterals, and flap

3-4.23.1 Fricatives /j/ and /s/

Noun:

‘door’ /jist'afia/ (La Paz, Morocomarca)
/sit'afia/ (Salinas)
/jist'afia ~ sit'afia/ (Jopoqueri)

/sist'afia/ (Calacoa)

See also the correspondences shown under 3-4.22.32

and the discussion of the verb sa.fia (6-4).

3-4.23.2 Fricative /j/ and nasals
3-4.23.21 /j/ ~ /m/

Verb:

‘to select (grapes
from a bunch, chufio
from a pile, etc.)' /jamu.rpaya.fia ~ mamu.rpaya.fia/

(La Paz, Tiahuanaco)
3-4.23.22 /j/ ~ /n/
Noun:

‘a while ago' /jink"ara/ (Jopoqueri )

/nink"ara/ (La Paz, Salinas)
3-4.23.23 /j/ ~ /n/

Noun:

‘ugly, disgusting'

3-4.23.24 /j/ ~ /nh/

Noun:

‘face’

/jaxt'aria/

/naxt' aria/

/anhanu/

/ajanu/

3-4.23.3 Fricative /j/ and glides

3-4.23.31 /j/ ~ /w/

Noun:

Verbs:

'straw'

‘to fly’

‘to run'

/jich"u/
/wich"u/

/jala.tia/

/wala.fia/

/jala.na/

(Sitajara)

(Salinas)

(Sitajara)

(elsewhere)

(Sitajara, La Paz/Compi)

(Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca, Calacoa)

(Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )

(Calacoa)

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
‘to count' /jaku.fia/
/jak"u.iia/
/wak"u.fia/
3-4.23.32 /j/ ~ /y/
Noun:
‘other’ /jaq"apa/
/yaq"apa/
/yaq" ipa/
3-4.23.4 Laterals
Nouns:
‘all, completely' /Viju ~ lliju/
/Viju/
"stone deaf' /Iuxt'u/
/\luta/
‘brother' /jila/
/jilla/
3-4.23.5 Laterals and nasals
3-4.23.51 /1/ ~ J/n/
Nouns:
'flower'

/kalawila ~ kalawina/

(Calacoa)

(La Paz, Socca,
Sitajara)

(Jopoqueri, Salinas)

(Sitajara)
(Vitocota)

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

(Salinas)

(La Paz, Calacoa)

(Morocomarca, Huancané)

(Sitajara)

(all dialects)

(Jopoqueri; one source)

(Calacoa)

<? Spanish clavel ‘carnation’
‘eye, before’

Verbs:

'to cause to burn'

‘to revive'
3-4.23.52 /1/ ~ /ii/
Noun:
‘hair'
3-4.23.53 /11/ ~ /n/
Noun:
‘ant’

/layra/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )
/nayra/ (elsewhere)

/lak"a.ya.fia/ (Salinas, Jopoqueri)

/nak"a.ya.fia/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
/tulura.tia/ (Socca)

/tunura.fia/ (Sitajara)

/lak'uta ~ fiak'uta/ (Jopoqueri)

/Vak'uta/ (Morocomarca )

/iiak'uta/ (Salinas)

/niik'uta/ (La Paz/Compi, Sitajara,
Calacoa)

/1link'i/ (La Paz/Compi )

/iink'i/ (Jopoqueri )
118

3-4.23.6 Lateral /11/ and glides
3-4.23.61 /11/ ~ /y/

Nouns:

‘boy' /liugaila ~ yugalla/ (several dialects)

'rain' /jallu/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Calacoa)
/jayu/ (La Paz)

Final suffix:
politive /-lla/ (Salinas, Jopoqueri,
Juli, Socca, Calacala)
/-ya/ (La Paz, Morocomarca)
/-lla ~ -ya/  (Sitajara, Huancané,
Calacoa)
3-4.23.62 /11/ ~ /w/

Noun:

‘wind instrument ensemble' /llichiwayu/ (Corque/Jopoqueri)

/wichiwayu/ (La Paz/Compi)

3-4.23.7 Laterals and flap /r/
3-4.23.71 /1/ ~ /r/

Nouns:

‘north' /alaxa/ (La Paz/Compi)

/araxa/ (Jopoqueri )
3-4.23.72

3-4.23.8
3-4.23.81

‘youngest child’

"naked'

‘day before yesterday'

Noun suffix:

‘on account of'

/1i/ ~ /r/
‘Noun:
‘flower'
Nasals
/m/ ~ /n/
Nouns:
‘three’

/ch'uli/
/ch'uri/

/q'alanchu/

/q'aranchu/

/waluru/
/walu:ru/
/waruru/

/maruru/

/-rayku/
/-layku/

/p"anq"alli/
/pangara/
/p"aq"ara/

/kinsa/

/kimsa/

(Socca)

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco,
La Paz/Compi )

(La Paz/Compi )

(Calacoa)

(Sitajara, Calacoa)
(La Paz, Juli)
(Jopoqueri )

(Morocomarca)

(Morocomarca )

(elsewhere)

(Jopoqueri)
(La Paz)

(Morocomarca)

(Morocomarca, Calacala,
Salinas)

(elsewhere)
‘curve'

Noun suffix:

‘with', agentive

120

/irama/

/irana/

/-mpi/

/-nti/ [ndi]
/-mpi ~ -nti/

Verbal derivational suffix:

‘away, off'

3-4.23.82 /n/ ~ /fi/

Noun:

‘back'

/-mucha-/
/-muchu-/

/-muku-/

/-nuchu-/

/-nuku-/

/jik"ina/
/jik"ana/
/jik"ani/
/jik"atia/

/Jik? ifa/

(La Paz/Compi)

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

(La Paz, Juli, Socca,
Huancané, Calacoa,
Sitajara)

(Salinas)

(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Calacala)

(Salinas)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

(La Paz; also Bertonio
1603b)

(La Paz)

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco,
La Paz/Compi)

(La Paz/Compi)
(Sitajara)
(Calacoa)
(Salinas)

(Morocomarca )
‘behind, west' /k"ina/ (Jopoqueri )
‘already’ /niya ~ fia/ (all dialects)
‘hoe' /lijwana/ (Juli, La Paz)
/Viwk' afia/ (Salinas)
3-4.23.9 Nasals and glides
3-4.23.91 /m/ ~ /w/
Nouns:

‘woman, wife’

"last night’

‘yesterday'

‘day before yesterday'

/marmi/ (Sitajara; also
Bertonio 1603b)

/warmi / (elsewhere)

/masayp'u/ (Juli)

/masayp'u ~ wasayp'u/ (La Paz)

/masu:ru/ (Juli, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morocomarca)

/masuru/ (Calacoa, Sitajara)

/masawru/ (Huancané)

/masu:ru ~ wasu:ru/ (La Paz)

/maruru/ (Morocomarca)

/waruru/ (Jopoqueri )
3-4.23.92 /f/ ~ /y/

Noun:

‘evil, bad one'

3-4.23.10 Glides /w/ ~ /y/

Nouns:

‘how much/many'

‘freeze-dried oca'

‘uncle'

‘mother's brother'

Verb:

‘to weave'

122

/nang"a/

/yang"a/

/q"awq"a/
/qtayg"a/

/apill k"aya/
/apill k"awi/
/k"awi/
/kaya/

/tiwula/

/tiyula/

/tiwula/

/sayu.fia/

/sawu .fia/

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

(La Paz; heard by La Paz/
Tiahuanaco source)

(Huancané, Jopoqueri)

(Salinas)

(Jopoqueri )
(Salinas)
(Morocomarca)

(La Paz/Compi)

(La Paz, Juli, Huancané,
Jopoqueri )

(Morocomarca)

(Socca, Morocomarca)
<Spanish tio ‘uncle’

(Vitocota)

(La Paz, Tiahuanaco)
123

3-4.23.11 Glide /y/ and flap /r/

Verb:

‘to speak' /parla.fia/ (most dialects)

/payla.fia/ (Calacoa)
<Spanish parlar 'to speak’

3-4.23.12 Lateral /1/, nasal /f/, and flap /r/

Verb:
‘to do, make' /fiura.fia/ (Corque)
/cura.iia/ (Morocomarca; a Quechua
loan)
/lura.fia/ (elsewhere)

3-4.24 Correspondence of clusters: fricative-affricate
/jch/ and fricative-nasal /xii/

Noun:
‘hail’ /ch"ijch"i/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
/ch"ixni/ (Vitocota)
3-4.25 Correspondences of fricative, nasal, or glide
and zero

3-4.25.1 Initial /j/ and /Q/

This correspondence is paralleled by an optional,
generally occurring morphophonemic rule (4-3.12.1) that

deletes initial /j/.
Nouns:

'this'

'river'

"small!

‘ugly'

Verbs:

‘to run'

‘to be born'

‘to spend the night'

124

/aka ~ jaka/
/aka/

/awira/

/jawira/

(Morocomarca)

(elsewhere)

(Juli)

(elsewhere)

/isk'a ~ jisk'a/ (Juli, Calacoa)

/ichk'a/
/jisk'a/

/axt' atia/
/jaxt'afia/

/axt'aria/

/jala.iia/
/jal.t'a.iia/

/al.ta.na/

(Sitajara)

(La Paz, Huancané,
Morocomarca, Jopoqueri )

(Salinas)
(Sitajara)
(Juli)

(La Paz)
(Juli, Calacoa)

(Sitajara)

/(j)iki.nuqu.fia/ (dopoqueri)

/ik.nuqa.fa/

/ik.nuga.fia/

(Juli)

(La Paz/Compi)
125

Bertonio (1603b) gave a number of examples of
nouns and verbs beginning with /j/ or a vowel (or either)
which in present-day La Paz Aymara have the opposite form

or only one of them.

(Bertonio 1603b) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
'evening' * vaypu/ /jayp'u/
‘bird! * yamachi/ /jamach' i/
‘meat' */Jaycha/ /aycha/
"to drink’ * juma-/ /uma.fia/
‘to take people' */jirpa-/ /irpa.fia/
‘to come’ "/juta ~ uta/ /juta.fia/

Similar correspondences are found between examples of
Puno Aymara given by M. Franco Inojosa (1965) and corre-
sponding terms in La Paz Aymara. Within one dialect,
however, especially in verbs, there is little free varia-
tion in initial /j/ and @ since two different verbs may
differ solely in the presence or absence of initial /j/.

The following minimal pairs are from La Paz/Tiahuanaco:

ay.ta.fa ‘to pick up a ayt.su.fia 'to rinse a pot'
cylindrical
object'

jay.ta.fia ‘to leave' jayt.su.fia ‘to abandon'
‘stone deaf'

3-4.25.2 /x/ ~ //
Noun:

3-4.25.3  /m/ ~ //
Noun:

‘girl’

126

/\uxt'u/
/\luta/

/mimilla/

/imilla/

Verbal inflectional suffix:

j>2 Future

3-4.25.4 /n/ ~ /D/

Nouns:

‘a while ago'

/-mama/
/-ma:ma/

/-:ma/

/-mama ~ -:ma/

/nink"a:ra/
/nink"ara/
/nik"ira/

/nik"iri/

(Huancané, Morocomarca)

(Sitajara)

(Sitajara; also Bertonio
1603b:200)

(elsewhere)

(Calacoa)
(Sitajara)

(La Paz, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morocomarca)

(Juli, Socca, Huancané)

(La Paz, Compi)
(Salinas)
(Sitajara)

(Socca)
'flower' /pangara/
/p*ang"alli/
/p"ag"ara/

Noun/verb:
'food/to eat' /manq'a/
/maq'a/
3-4.25.5 /n/ ~ /D/
(See 3-4.25.1, 'ugly'.)
3-4.25.6 /y/ ~ /®/
Noun:

‘much’ /ayncha/

/ancha/
3-4.25.7  /w/ ~ /D/
Noun:
‘smoke’ = /jiwq'i/
/Jiq'i/

(La Paz)
(Jopoqueri)

(Morocomarca )

(La Paz, Huancané, Sitajara,
Jopoqueri, Calacoa)

(Salinas, Morocomarca)

(Corque)
(La Paz)

(La Paz/Compi)

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

3-4.3 Correspondences of vowels and/or vowel length and

nonstop consonants

3-4.31 Correspondence of plain and/or lengthened vowel

and vowel-glide-vowel

This type of correspondence is paralleled by a

morphophonemic rule (4-3.22.14) that reduces sequences of
128

vowel-glide-vowel to long or plain vowel in certain mor-

phemes under certain conditions.

Nouns:

Tp pronoun

‘over there’

'way over there'

‘black’

Verbs:

'to carry a long,
rigid object’

‘to come'

/naya/ (La Paz)

/na ~ na:/ (Huancané, Sitajara)
/na ~ na: ~ naya/ (elsewhere)
/k"a:/ (Calacoa)

/k"aya/ (elsewhere)

/k"u ~ k"u:/ (Salinas)

/k"u:/ (Huancané)

/k"uyu/ (Morocomarca)
/ch'ara/ (Sitajara)

/ch' iyara/ (elsewhere)

/a.xaru.wa.ftia/ (catacoa)?

/aya.fia/ (elsewhere)
/juta.fia/ (most dialects)

/jawuta.fia/ (San JesGs de Machaca)
"to cook'

‘to be born'
(human )

/p"a:.na/ (Sitajara)
/p"aya.fia/ (La Paz, Salinas,
Calacoa)

/p"aya.fia ~ p"iya.na/ (Jopoqueri)

/p"uya.na/ (Calacala, Morocomarca,
Huancané)

/yuri .fia/ (Juli, parts of La Paz;
also Bertonio 1603b)

/yawri .fia/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Verbal derivational suffixes:

‘multiple action'

‘causative’

'distancer'

/-rpa:-/ (Sitajara, Salinas,
Jopoqueri, Corque;
also Bertonio 1603b)

/-rpaya~/ (elsewhere)

/-:-/ (Calacala, Morocomarca)

/-:- ~ -ya-/ (Huancané)

/-ya-/ (elsewhere)

/-wa-/ (Juli, Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, Calacala)

/-wa- ~ -wa:- ~ -waya-/ (Sitajara)

/-waya- ~ -wa:/ (La Paz)

Similar correspondences occur in the Ip possessive

suffix and in the 1>3 Future suffix (see 3-4.32) and in

the 3>3 RIK suffix (see Figure 6-10).
130

3-4.32 Correspondences of nonstop consonants and vowel

length

Correspondences of nonstop consonants and vowel
length occur in initial position in three suffixes, all of
very frequent occurrence: the Ip possessive noun suffix
(5-3.24), the 1+3 Future verbal inflectional suffix
(Figure 6-3), and the attenuator/topic final suffix
(7-2.22.12). The 1p possessive and 1+3 F suffixes have
correspondences of velar and postvelar fricatives, palatal
and velar nasals, palatal glide, and vowel length. The
palatal lateral occurs initially in the 1p possessive
allomorph of one dialect (Vitocota). In all dialects
vowel length occurs as an allomorph of 1>3 F; vowel length
as an allomorph of Tp possessive occurs in only two dia-
lects (Socca, La Paz/Tiahuanaco). The allomorphs of the
Ip possessive and 1+3 F suffixes in one dialect are not
necessarily identical; the 1+3 F suffix has more allo-
morphs than does the Ip possessive.

Only the postvelar fricative and vowel length

correspond in the attenuator/topic suffix.

3-4.32.1 /j/ ~ /x/ ~ /11/ ~ /ii/ ~ /nh/ ~ sys ~ /2/

Noun suffix:

Ip possessive! ? /-ja/ (Juli, Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, Compi, San Andrés

de Machaca, Vitocota)
/-xa/ (La Paz city, La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)

/-l1a/ (Vitocota)

/-na/ (Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala)

/-nha/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri)

*/-ya/ (Ross 1963)

/-:/ (Socca, La Paz/

Tiahuanaco)

3-4.32.2 /j/ ~ /x/ ~ /ti/ ~ /nh/ ~ sys ~ fet

Verbal inflectional suffix: 1-3 Future! !
/-:ja/ (La Paz)
/-ja:/ (Juli, Socca, Huancané,
Calacoa)
/-ja/ (Juli, Huancané, Calacoa)
/-:xa/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancané,
Calacoa)

/-fia ~ -fa:/

/-nh(a)/

Salinas)

Sitajara, Jopoqueri)

/-ya:/
/-:/

(
(
/-ya ~ -ya:/ _ (Morocomarca, Calacala)
(La Paz, Socca)
(

all dialects)

3-4.32.3 Final suffix: attenuator/topic

/-:/ (Morocomarca )

/-:  -xa/ (Sitajara, Juli,
Calacoa, Salinas)
132

/-xa/ (elsewhere; as this ap-
pears to be the most
common allomorph, the
suffix is usually re-
ferred to as -xa final
suffix)

3-4.4 Metathesis

This is a common process in Aymara both within
and across dialects and even within idiolects. It most
often occurs in nouns. There are two main types: (1)
reversal of two phonemes in sequence, and (2) transposition

of features, of vowels, or of consonants.

3-4.4] Reversal of two phonemes in sequence

3-4.41.1 Stops
Noun:

‘same, identical' /kipka/ (Sitajara)

/kipka ~ kikpa/ (La Paz)
3-4.41.2 Lateral-glide
Nouns:

‘cage’ /jalwa ~ jawla/ (La Paz)
<Spanish jaula

'gull' /qillwa ~ qiwlla/ (La Paz)

‘fish! /challwa ~ chawlla/ (La Paz)
3.4.41.3 Nasal-glide
Noun:

egg'

Verbal inflecti

33 RIK

3-4.41.4 Glide-filap

Nouns:

‘quinoa’

‘needle'

'TTama'

‘cold wind'

133

/k'anwa/ (Salinas)

/k'awna/ (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa)

onal suffix:

(La Paz,

/-tayna ~ tanya/ [tafa]
Calacoa)

/jiwra/ (Sitajara, Calacoa)
/jirwa ~ jiwra/ (Socca)
/yarwi/ (Salinas)
/yawri/ (Sitajara, La Paz)

/qarwa ~ qawra/ (Jopoqueri, La Paz)

/qarwa/ (Salinas)
/q"arwa/ (Morocomarca)
/g"awra/ (Sitajara)

/wayra ~ warya/ (La Paz)

/wayra/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
3-4.41.5

3-4.41.5

3-4.41.6

Vowel-fricative
Noun:
‘small!
Verbal
3+4 Simple
3+4 Future
Vowel-glide
Nouns:
‘dry grain'
"quinoa'
Vowel-nasal

Noun:

134

/isk'a/ (Juli, Calacoa)

/sik'a/ (Jopoqueri )

inflectional suffixes:

‘already'

/-istu/ (La Paz, Huancané,
Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )

/-situ/ (Socca)

/-istani/ (La Paz, Huancané, Jopo-
queri, Salinas, Moroco-
marca)

/-sitani/ (Socca)

/juyra/ [jdira] (La Paz/Compi)

/juyra/ [jdira] (Jopoqueri, Salinas)

/jiwra/ [jtura] (Sitajara, Calacoa,
Socca)

/niya ~ inya/ (Jopoqueri)
3-4.42
3-4.42.1

Transposition of features, vowels, or consonants

Features

3-4.42.11 Aspiration and plainness

3.4.42.1

3-4.42.2

Noun:

Verb:

'five'

‘to dance’

/p"isqa/ (La Paz, Juli, Calacoa,
Sitajara)
/pisg'a/ (Huancané, Morocomarca)

/tugq"u.fia/ (Juli)

/t"uqu.fia/ (La Paz, Salinas)

2 Aspiration and glottalization

Noun:
‘brooch’
Vowels
Nouns:
‘thorn'
‘morning’
"skunk!

/p"ich'i/ (Jopoqueri )
/piich'i ~ p"ich'i/ (Salinas)

/ch"api ~ ch'ipa/ (Calacoa)

/arumarji ~ arumirja/ (La Paz)

/aviut"aya/ (Juli, Salinas)
/afiat"uya/ (Huancané)
3-4.42.3

3-4.5

136

Consonants
Nouns:
‘ant! /sik'imira/ (Salinas, Morocomarca)
/k'isimira ~ sik'imira/ (La Paz/Compi)
‘cap! /ch'ullu ~ lluch'u/ (La Paz)
Correspondence of final (C)CV sequence with another

CV sequence or zero

In the following three-vowel nouns the final

(C)CV may be a frozen suffix that is no longer productive.

3-4.51

3-4.52

3-4.53

/nku/ ~ /ya/

‘skunk’ /afiat"unku ~ anat"uya/ (Socca)
/afiat"uya ~ anat'uya/  (Huancané)
/afiut"aya/ (Juli, Salinas)

/qa/ ~ /qu/ ~ /chu/

‘alpaca’ /allpaga/ (La Paz)
/alpagu/ (Jopoquer?)
/alpachu/ (Sitajara, Salinas)
/qa/ ~ /la/
‘partridge’ /pisaga/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas)

/pisala/ (Sitajara, Calacoa)
3-4.54 /chu/ ~ /chi/ ~ 9

‘guinea pig'

3-4.55 /ta/ ~ OD

"sandal'

3-4.56 /wa/ ~ —

"slingshot'

137

/wank'uchu/ (Calacoa)
/wank'uchi/ (Vitocota)

/wank'u/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Sitajara)

/wisk"uta/_ (Vitocota)
/wisk"u/ (elsewhere)
/q'ura/ (Sitajara)
/q'urawa/ (elsewhere)

3-4.6 Correspondence of final /n(V)/ and zero

Verbal inflectional suffixes:

3>3 Imperative

3+3 Desiderative

/-pa ~ -pan/ (La Paz)

/-pa/ (Huancané)

/-pan/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
— Salinas)

/-pana/ (Juli)

/-p"ana/ (Socca)

/-sapa:na/ (Calacoa)

/-(:)sp"a ~ -(:)sp"ana/ (Morocomarca)

/-spa/ (La Paz, Juli, Socca,
Huancané, Calacoa,
Jopoqueri, Salinas)
138

4+3 Desiderative
/-sfia/

/-sna/

2+1 Desiderative
/-itasma/
1>2 RDK /-:sma/
/-:sna/
/-sma:na/
/-sma:n/
32 RDK /-:tam/
/-:tama/
/-tama:na/

/-tina:na/

Independent nonfinal suffix:

‘really' /-pani/
/-pini/

/-puni/

/-pini ~ -puni/

/-pini ~ -pi/

/-sna ~ -snan/

(La Paz)
(Huancané)

(elsewhere)

/-itasma ~ -itasman/ (La Paz, Juli)

(elsewhere)

(La Paz, Socca)
(Huancané)
(Jopoqueri )

(Morocomarca )

(La Paz)
(Socca)
(Jopoqueri )

(Morocomarca)

(Jopoqueri )

(Juli, Sitajara, Salinas,
Morocomarca)

(Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa)

(La Paz)
(Calacala)
3-4.7 Correspondence of initial /ja/ and vowel length or
zero, and correspondence of final /ma/ and zero

Noun/independent suffix:

'like' /-jama ~ ja:ma ~ -ja/ (La Paz)

/-jama ~ -ja/ (Juli, Huancané,

Sitajara)
/-ja:ma ~ -ja~ -k"a~ -:ma/ (Jopoqueri)
/-ja ~ -:ma ~ -:mu/ (Salinas)
/-ja:ma ~ -:ma ~ - yma / (Morocomarca )
/-ja/ (Calacoa, Socca)

3-4.8 Combinations of correspondences in one word

Several of the examples already given display dif-
ferent kinds of correspondences. Two unusually variable

morpheme sets are the following nouns:

‘a while ago' /jink"ara/ (Jopoqueri )
/nik"ira/ (Sitajara)
/nik"iri/ (Socca)
/nink"ara/ (Salinas, La Paz)

/nink"a:ra/ {La Paz)

/nink"ra/ (Morocomarca)

'sweet' /misk'i/ (Calacala, Morocomarca)
/musq'a ~ musq"a/ (Salinas)
/misk'i ~ musqa ~ muxsa/ (Huancané)

(continued)
140

"sweet' (cont. ) /muxsa/ (Calacoa, Sitajara)
/musq"'a ~ muxsa/ (San Andres de Machaca)

/musq'a/ (Jopoqueri)

3-5 Conclusion

As shown by the evidence presented in this chapter,
the only dialect division that can be made for Aymara on
the basis of phoneme inventory alone is the division between
the two dialects having the velar nasal phoneme (Carangas
and Tarata) and all the rest. Apart from this distinction
all Aymara dialects share canonical form restrictions on
shapes of roots and suffixes, a basic word stress pattern,
and rules for the adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara.

Cross-dialectal phonemic correspondences and free
variation within dialects show that in Aymara as a whole
certain phonemes are more stable than others. Vowel in-
stability is evident in the considerable number of cross-
dialectal vowel correspondences that occur and in processes
of vowel deletion and devoicing (see Chapter 4). Of the
consonants the stops are the most stable although aspira-
tion and glottalization rather easily shift from one stop
or affricate to another in a word, or may be absent in
one allomorph and present in another. The velar stop
and to a lesser extent the postvelar stop are less stable

than the other stops, corresponding in some allomorphs to
141

the velar or postvelar fricatives, respectively. The
affricate is also unstable, corresponding often to frica-
tives, which is not surprising in view of its fricative
offset. The velar and postvelar fricatives and the voiced
nonstop consonants are the most unstable Aymara consonants.

Summarizing, the unstable phonemes of Aymara are
the sonorants (the vowels and voiced consonants), the
affricates, and the fricatives. They all have in common
the articulatory feature nonstop, permitting passage of
air throughout or at some stage of the articulation.
(The term continuant used by Pike to refer to nonstop
consonants is being avoided here since in contemporary
usage it excludes nasals.)

Phonological correspondences alone do not permit
grouping of dialects. Still, some dialectal patterning
of phoneme correspondences occurs. La Paz tends to have
/k/ in a number of morphemes where other dialects may have
/j/, and this dialect gives an overall impression of less
aspiration, partly because of the absence of aspiration
on certain high-frequency morphemes that have it in other
dialects. Dialects having initial nasals in the Ip
possessive suffix (the southern dialects Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala plus the intermediate dia-
lect Sitajara) may be distinguished from those having
initial velar or postvelar fricatives in that suffix

(the northern dialects La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané,
142

Calacoa). Additional dialect groupings on the basis
of patterning of phonological correspondences are given
in the conclusions to Chapters 5, 6, and 7 and in
Chapter 10.

Other phonological variation that occurs in
Aymara is attributable to dialect-specific morphophonemic
rules affecting the phonetic realizations of phonemes
(for example voicing of stops) or causing phoneme shifts

or deletions. These are discussed in Chapter 4.
Notes

‘Vowel length often corresponds to glide plus
vowel. See note 2 below.

2 Vowel Tength corresponds to glide plus vowel in
a number of cases (see 3-4.3). A lengthened vowel may
act phonetically like vowel plus glide making it impos-
sible to tell whether length or glide is occurring when
the homorganic glide follows /i/ or /u/. For example,
/-pi: / and /-pu:/ occur as variants of the final suffix

: + -pu ~ -pu: reiterator of known information

. /-pi:/ and /-pu:/ retain vowel height before
the postvelar fricative /x/, as would be the case with
/piy/ and /puw/ but not with /pi/ and /pu/. Examples of
/-pi:/ and /-pu:/ before /x/ (the sentence suffix -xa)
are the following (see also note 10):

 
 

Intinti.pi:.xa. ‘She understands!?' (Sitajara)

Sa.ta.pu:.xa. ‘It's called.' (repeating name
of place)
(Corque)

34 source from San Andrés de Machaca told me that
near Zepita and Desaguadero (both in the province of
Chucuito, department of Puno) there is another place
called Carangas where /nh/ also occurs. Whether it is
in fact the phoneme or merely an allophone of another
nasal needs to be determined.

+ contrary to L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al.
1975:3.76), /m/ may occur before stops other than the
/p/ series, e. g. amta.si.na ‘to remember’.

2some Spanish loans with /i/ ~ /u/ correspondences,
that occur in all dialects, entered Aymara at different
times before and after the Spanish sibilant shift. According
to Alonso (1967), that shift took place between 1550 and
1630 and involved a change of /8/ (spelled x) to /x/
(spelled j). ~
144

 

Spanish Aymara

ovexa [obesa] > iwisa (pre-1630)

oveja [obexa ] > iwija (early post-1630)
oveja " > uwija (contemporary )

The reason for the original borrowing's shift in initial
vowel from the back mid /o/ (whose reflex in Aymara would
be /u/) to the front /i/ is unknown; it may be that a vowel
harmony rule was then in effect in Aymara (see 4-3.22.11).

6salinas has a morphophonemic rule whereby the
/k/ of this suffix becomes /j/ in certain environments;
see 4-3.22.23.

7 Wuancané has a morphophonemic rule whereby
/-raki/ becomes /-raj/ before -chi NI (see 4-3.22.23).

8 see also 4-3.22.23 and 7-2.21.4.

2Although *a:.fna did not occur in the data, the
existence of a:.xaru.wa.fia implies its existence, if only
as an underlying form. The suffix -xaru- requires a pre-
ceding consonant, but here the length is retained by a
morphophonemic rule (see 4-3.22.15) whereby vowel length
in verb roots is retained before consonant-requiring suf-
fixes. Bertonio (1603b) cited several verb roots with
long vowel, including ta:-, the semantic equivalent of

La Paz aya.fa.

10. neakers using /-ja/ lp possessive have no
homophony with the final suffix -xa in this instance
(see the examples under 3-2.3), but dialects having
/-xa/ 1p possessive do have homophony with final suffix
-xa. Thus, in the latter the following is either ‘my
cat' or 'the/a cat': p"isi.xa. Of course, the Ip suffix
/-xa/ may be followed by the final suffix -xa giving

p"isi.xa.xa ‘my cat’.

UI correspondences of /:/, /j/; /n/, and /nh/ occur
in 2+3 Future, and of /:/, /n/, and /nh/ in 2>1 Future
(see Figure 6-3).

 
CHAPTER 4
VARIATION IN MORPHOPHONEMICS

4-] Introduction

Morphophonemics may be defined as the rules which
determine the phonological shapes of morphemes under dif-
ferent phonological, morphological, and syntactic condi-

tions. Ali three kinds of conditioning occur in Aymara.

All morphophonemic rules in the language are morphologically

conditioned in that they apply within morphemes or across
morpheme boundaries, and/or to certain morphemes or mor-
pheme classes and not to others. Some are also phono-
logically conditioned, involving (1) instability of cer-
tain phonemes; (2) permitted and unpermitted phoneme
sequences and the effects of phonemes on each other when
they occur in sequence; and (3) hierarchical ordering of
phonemes (i. e. predominance of one over another). Some
are syntactically conditioned by the sentence position
or function of the word that is subject to the rule in
question.

Of overriding importance in Aymara are the re-

gressive and progressive vowel-deleting and -retaining

145
146

rules, most of which pertain to suffixes. The rules for
suffixes are all morphologically determined in that they
apply to individual morphemes, but some are also phono-
logically and syntactically conditioned.

Vowel-deletion and -retention in noun roots,
stems, and themes are subject to syntactic considerations
(position and function as head or modifier of a noun
phrase, or function as subject or object of a verb)
and also to phonotactics (e. g. the number of vowels in

a modifier in a noun phrase). The particle root jani

no, not' loses its final vowel in certain syntactically-
conditioned circumstances. Vowel-deletion and -retention
in certain verb stems are also subject to phonotactic

considerations.

4-2 Morphologically Determined Vowel-Deleting and
-Retaining Rules (Morphophonemics of Suffixes)
In addition to its classification by phonemic
shape and grammatical function, each suffix in Aymara
may be defined in terms of the effect it has (1) on the
immediately preceding environment with respect to presence
or absence of vowel or consonant, and (2) on the disposi-
tion of its own final vowel. Some of the conditioning
is phonological and some syntactic, but it is primarily

morphological and must be stated for each suffix, as is
147

done in Chapters 5, 6, and 7. The following generaliza-

tions about suffix classes may be made.
4-2.] Phonological and morphological conditioning

All suffixes starting with /:/ vowel length,

/y/, and /11/ require a preceding vowel. All suffixes
starting with /w/ require a preceding vowel except -wa
final suffix which may take either a preceding vowel

or consonant. All suffixes beginning with a vowel
(always /i/) require a preceding consonant, except that
the nominalizing suffix -iri when following vowel length
verbalization in Huancané (see 4-3.22.12) permits a pre-
ceding /a/, the /i/ then becoming the homorganic glide
/y/.

All but three noun suffixes beginning with a
voiced consonant and all but two verbal derivational
suffixes beginning with a voiced consonant always re-
quire a preceding vowel. The three noun suffixes that
do not always require a preceding vowel are -layku ~
-rayku ‘on account of' and -ma ~ -mma (a frozen suffix)
which basically require a preceding vowel but are subject
to the three-vowel rule (see 4-3.22.16), and -na ‘on, in'
which is usually preceded by a vowel but has more complex
morphophonemics in certain dialects.

Verbal derivational suffixes that begin with the
nasal /n/ but may be preceded by either a consonant or a

vowel are -naqa- ‘around, aimlessly’ and -nuga- placer.
148

Verbal inflectional suffixes beginning with nasals
require a preceding vowel except that one suffix beginning
with /m/, 273 Imperative, is affected by the preceding
morphological environment (see 6-3.33). Verbal inflec-
tional suffixes ending in nasals may be assumed to have
an underlying final /a/ since it reappears before the
final suffix -lla ~ -ya, andin fact all nasal-final
verbal inflectional suffixes have allomorphs that end in
vowels in one or more dialects. Most verbal inflectional
suffixes ending in a vowel keep it before final suffixes
although they may lose it word-finally, but verbal inflec-
tional suffixes ending in /Vna/ or /:na/ and allomorphs
of 1+3 ending in /ta/ or /t"a/ (except in Calacoa) drop
the final /a/ before following suffixes except -lla ~ -ya.
The behavior of the final vowel of the 2+3 Imperative
suffix -ma and of a few other suffixes also involving the

2p varies dialectically.
4-2.2 Morphological conditioning

Noun suffixes and verbal derivational suffixes
specify whether a consonant or vowel will precede, but
(except for certain of the noun complement/relational
suffixes; see 5-3.31) do not control the retention or
loss of their own final vowel. Verbal inflectional
suffixes both specify the preceding environment and con-
trol the retention and loss of their own final vowel

(within the phonological limitations indicated above).
149

4-2.3 Phonological and syntactic conditioning

Phonotactic (canonical form) considerations such
as (1) the number of preceding vowels on a stem, or (2)
avoidance of final consonant clusters caused by syntac-
tically-determined final vowel-deletion, condition regres-
sive vowel-deletion or -retention by certain noun and
verbal derivational suffixes. (See 4-3.22.16 on the
three-vowel rule; 5-3.24 on the personal possessive noun
suffixes; and 7-4.21.23 on the suffix combination

-fia.taki ‘in order to'.)
4-2.4 Morphological and syntactic conditioning

Nonfinal independent suffixes specify the pre-
ceding environment but allow the previous morpheme,
syntactic considerations, and/or the following suffix
to override their basic morphophonemics. Final suffixes
(except -lla ~ -ya politive which requires a preceding
vowel by phonological conditioning) allow previous mor-
phemes and syntactic considerations to decide their pre-
ceding environments. The retention or loss of their final

vowels is subject to stylistic conditioning.
4-3 Phonotactically Conditioned Rules (Canonical
Form Conditions)

The following rules are conditioned by position

of the phoneme or phoneme sequence in the word and involve
150

loss of phonemes or phoneme sequences, addition or restora-
tion of phonemes or phoneme sequences, cluster reduction,
allophonic variation, and phoneme shifts. They sometimes
pertain only to certain morphemes or morpheme classes,
sometimes or more than one class. They often result from
suffix morphophonemics. A few are tied to syntactic con-
siderations. Most are optional, | but a few are obliga-

tory.

4-3.] Word-initial position

4-3.11 Initial /j/ --> ®

Optional loss of initial /j/ in rapid speech is
not to be confused with existence of different allomorphs
of one morpheme (either within a dialect or across dia-
Tects), one beginning with a vowel and the other with
that vowel preceded by /j/ (see 3-4.25).

Initial /j/ often drops from the particle jalla

‘thus' as in the common expression
(j)all uka.t ‘so then, thus' (Socca)

Loss of initial /j/ also occurs across juncture

(word-boundary), as in

gam.ir.agi < gam.ir jagi ‘rich person' (Huancané)

jich".ayp'u’ < jich"a jayp'u (La Paz)
15]

4-3.12 Initial (C)V deletion

Optional deletion of initial fricative-vowel,
palatal lateral-vowel, or vowel alone occurs after
devoicing of the vowel in rapid speech. That is, the

sequence is (C)V --> (C)V --> Q.
1 2 3

4-3.12.1 /jV/ --> ®@

Optional loss of initial /jV/ occurs most often
in nouns, but it has also occurred in particles and in

a verb. Examples:
Nouns:

ch" .usru® < jich"a uru ‘today’ (Salinas)

jich"a ‘now uru ‘day'
ch'a.mma.1a” < jach'a mama.Ja ‘grandmother’

(Jopoqueri) jach'a 'big' mama.la 'mother'

< jisk'a anu ‘little dog' (La Paz/Compi)
jisk'a

"little' anu ‘dog'

 

ma: k'a.ta.x <ma: juk'a.ta.x ‘a little’ (Sitajara)
ma: ‘a'  juk'a ‘Tittle’
-ta_ ‘from, of'

pa.x < jupa.x 3p pronoun (Huancané)
152

Verb:

k.xat.ta.tayna ~ q'at.ta.tayna® < jik.xat.ta.tayna

'he met' (Salinas)

Particles:

ni.w < jani.w ‘'no' (Salinas, Calacoa, Huancane)

Ke

ani 'no' -wa final suffix

sa.lla < jisa.lla ‘yes' (Salinas)

jisa ‘yes' -lla final suffix

 

sa.ya < jisa.ya '‘yes' (La Paz, Calacaia)
-ya final suffix

4-3.12.2 /sa/ --> Q

The root sa- of the verb sa.fia 'to say' may drop

when followed by -sa subordinator suffix (7-4.23.1).

sa.w S.i <sa-sa.w S.i ‘saying he said' (La Paz, Sitajara)
\

-wa final suffix -- cad

-i  3+3 Simple tense

4-3.12.3 /lla/ --> 9

The following were said by the same person in

Sitajara on two different occasions.
153

Wal k'ichu.si.ta.p.x.t.  'I am very unhappy. '
Wal Tlak"ichu.s.t. "IT am very unhappy. '

The variant without initial /lla/ was perceived by speakers

from Socca and Jopoqueri as ‘archaic’ (Spanish arcaico).
4-3.12.4 /u/ --> @

Loss of initial /u/ occurs on the demonstrative
uka 'that' when suffixed by -jama 'like' in the form

uk.jama (or uk"ama; see 4-3.22.22).
k"ama.w ch'a.x < uk"ama.w jich"a.x 'so now' (Huancane)

In other instances the first vowel of -jama becomes /u/
apparently through the progressive influence of the origi-

nal initial /u/ of uka.

k"um [k"wm] < uk"am (Huancané, Sitajara)

4-3.13 Initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.fia

Optional preposition of /si/ or /ji/ to the verb
sa.fia ‘to say' when inflected for the Simple tense occurs
frequently in La Paz, less often in Juli and Socca, and
to some extent in Huancané, to eliminate initial consonant
clusters that would otherwise occur as the result of the

morphophonemics of certain suffixes that require a
154

preceding consonant, when the suffixes occur on the mono-
syllabic sa.fia root.

In view of the existence in Aymara of morphopho-
nemic rules for deleting initial CV and the absence of
prefixing as a productive grammatical process in the
language, it might be better to analyze sa.fia as having

the underlying root wrisa- which obligatorily loses its

 

initial CV when suffixed with -jfia (perhaps to avoid
homophony with jis sa.fia 'to say yes') but may keep it

or lose it otherwise, depending on dialectal and stylis-
tic considerations. (For a full discussion of the morpho-

phonemics of this verb, see 6-4.) .
4-3.2 Medial position

The following rules occur either medially ina

word or across juncture in a noun phrase.

4-3.21 Allophonic variation

4-3.21.1 /q'/ --> [']

Reduction of a glottalized postvelar stop to
glottal stop alone occurs sporadically in the noun/verb
root mag'a ‘food/to eat' in Salinas, Calacala, and Moro-

comarca, as in the following examples:

mag'a.nta.:nt [ma(q)'anda:nt] ‘you will eat’ (Calacala)
155

mag'a.lJ1a [ma(q)'alla] 'food' (Salinas)
4-3.21.2 /fi/ --> [ij]

In Morocomarca a palatalized velar allophone of
/fi/, articulated with the blade of the tongue moving
forward from velum to palate, may optionally occur in the
lp possessive suffix allomorph /-fia/ when it directly
follows a postvelar, velar, or palatal consonant (except
the glide /y/, perhaps because of its fronted onset)
as the result of morphophonemic vowel dropping. (See
5-3.24 for a discussion of personal possessive suffix
morphophonemics.) The allophone [i] also occurs after
the alveolars /t/ and /r/. No examples after /s/ or /1/

were obtained. Examples:

kullak.fia [kutakfja] ‘my sister’

kullaka.nak.fia [kutakanakfja] ‘my sisters'

After bilabials, [fi] always occurs.

Warm.fia.wa. [warmriawa] ‘She's my wife.'

The articulation of a palatalized velar allophone of
/ti/ suggests a phonetic relic of the velar nasal phoneme

/nh/ which does not exist as such in the Aymara of
 

156

Morocomarca today although it occurs in the nearby dia-

lect of Jopoqueri.
4-3.21.3 Stop-voicing rules

Stop phonemes are usually voiceless in Aymara.
Voicing, if any, is subphonemic. It may be accompanied
by frication, the stop in question changing to a homor-
ganic voiced fricative.
4-3.21.31 Voicing and frication of intervocalic plain

stops

This occurs optionally in all Aymara dialects in
the demonstratives aka 'this' and uka ‘that' when they
occur suffixed. It occurs occasionally in certain other
morphemes, in some dialects. It occurs before but not

after a stressed vowel and most often in fast speech.

Examples:
aka [a4ka] ‘this' (never *[a4ga]) (all dialects)
uka [dka] ‘that' (never *[dga]) (all dialects)
Kuna.rak aka.sti? [agdsti] ‘What is this?' (Huancané)
uka.t [ugdt] 'then' uka.x [ugéx] '‘that' (all dialects)
uka.t.raji [ugatraji] ‘and then’ (Calacala)

An example from Calacala with uka.n ‘in there,

in that place' shows diphthong avoidance as well as
157

voicing and frication of /k/.

padre uka.n [padregén] ‘at the priest's house’

Other examples in other morphemes are the follow-

ing:
fb
ma: gala ~| at.xa.na.k.s ‘on top of a stone' (Calacoa)
LP gala ‘stone’ pata 'top'

na. naka. x [nanagéx] 1p pronoun '‘'we/us' (Calacala)

-naka plural
jaqu.x [jagéx] ‘he fell' (Calacala) jaqu.fia ‘to fall'
~ >

pur.ipun [purib¥n] ‘having arrived' (Calacala)
puri.fia ‘to arrive’
-ipuna  subordinating suffix

Ma: gamaqi.ki.:n.wa. [qamaqegé:nwa] 'He was just a fox.'
(Salinas) -ki ‘just’

In Calacala /k/ of the final suffix -ka topic/attenuator
(which may sometimes be a reduced form of uka) may be

realized as [g] (see 7-2.22.11).
158

4-3.21.32 Voicing and frication of prevocalic /p/ in
-pa 3p suffix
This occurred only in Calacala. The vowel follow-
ing /p/ is stressed. In both examples /p/ is preceded by

a stop rather than a vowel as in the previous rule.
Vv
ut.pa.ru [ut : dru] 'to his house'
lak.pa.ru [lag ; éru] ‘to his mouth'

In the second example the voicing and frication are also
regressive, affecting the /k/ of laka ‘mouth'. It is
interesting to note that -pa is the only personal posses-
sive suffix that begins with a stop; the others all begin
with nonstops. Whether this fact has any bearing on the
frication of /p/ in this instance is not yet determined.
This may instead be a case of operation of the intervocalic
voicing rule (4-3.21.31) on the underlying forms *uta.pa.ru
and *laka.pa.ru, followed by operation of the rule deleting
the vowel preceding -pa (5-3.24).
4-3.21.33  Prevocalic voicing after homorganic nasal or
palatal lateral

This rule is obligatory in Salinas within morphemes

regardless of position of word stress. The rule may be

tentatively written as follows as if it applied after any
159

nonstop voiced consonant, even though the only examples

available have nasals or the palatal lateral.

aart aart
-vd +vd +vd
+cons ie td / +cons | (| =cons
+stop -stop

art = point of articulation vd = voiced

cons = consonantal

It will be noted that in this rule frication does not
occur; the stops remain stops.
In the following examples from Salinas, voicing

is required as the stop in question occurs within a mor-

pheme.
Nouns:
ampara, [ambdra ] ‘hand, arm'
kunka Ckagga] ‘neck’
punku Lpdgou ‘door'
tunka [tanga] ‘ten'
tunqu [t6n90] ‘corn'

qunquri Cqong6ri J ‘knee!
>
160

Noun suffix:

-nti [ndi] ‘with' ma.nti [mandi] ‘again’
Verbs:

manta. fia [mandafia] 'to enter'

galita.fia [qatdafia] 'to begin'

wangi.fia [waygeria] ‘to wait for’

Verbal derivational suffix:

-nta- [nda] ‘into' ira.nta.fia [irandafia]
Verbal inflectional suffixes:

-nta [nda] 2+3 Future

-itanta [itanda] 2>1 Future

An example of an alternation between [k] and [g] within
a morpheme is the following:
tink.t.wa  [tigktwa] 'I fell'
tinku.fia [tinguia] 'to fall'
In the first instance the voicing rule is blocked by the

presence of the voiceless stop /t/ after /k/. The

rule is also blocked before juncture if the stop
161

occurs immediately before a final dropped vowel; if the

vowel is not dropped (even if it is devoiced) the rule
will operate:
Ma.nti [mandi] ala.ni.rap.ita.11. ‘Buy it again for me.'
ma.nti ‘again’ ala.ni.fia 'to buy'

In the next example, tungqu ‘corn' as zero complement
(4-3.31.2) loses its final vowel, blocking the voicing

rule even though the following word begins with a vowel.

Tung@ [tong] ap.j.t"a ampara.nti [ambarandi]
: =
'I am carrying corn in my hands.' tunqu '‘corn'

ampara 'hand'

Aspiration or glottalization also blocks voicing,

as in the following:

wint"u [wint"u] ‘corner’

wank'u [wank'u] ‘guinea pig’
Nor does voicing occur in Spanish loans that lack it.

sirwinta [sirwinta] < Spanish sirvienta
162

Nor does it occur if the nasal or lateral and the follow-

ing stops are not homorganic.

gillga.na [qetqafia] ‘to write’

The palatal affricate /ch/, which patterns with
the stops, does not voice after the nonhomorganic alveolar
/n/. (No examples of palatal /fi/ followed by /ch/ have

occurred in the data.)

jinchu [hinéu]  'ear'

Across morpheme boundaries within a word, voicing
may optionally occur if the voiced consonant and the
following stop are homorganic, unless the word stress
occurs before the voiced consonant, a restriction not

applying within single morphemes. Examples:
mam. pa [mampa] ‘his mother' mama '‘mother' -pa 3p possessive
jan sa.:tan.ti [sa:tanti] ‘we will not say to him'
-:tan 43 Future

-ti negative final suffix

The morpheme combination -n.ka-, composed of -na

noun suffix ‘in, on' plus -ka- verbalizer, acts
163

morphologically like a unit; -ka- verbalizer never occurs
except preceded by -na (usually reduced to the velar nasal
allophone of /n/, which is homorganic to /k/). In this

combination /k/ always voices in Salinas.

aka.n.k.i.wa [akangiwa] ‘it's here' -na ‘in, of’

-ka- verbalizer

In other cases where the sequence /nk/ occurs across mor-
pheme boundaries and the word stress occurs after the
nasal, voicing may or may not occur depending on whether
the nasal is realized as homorganic to the following velar,
or not. (Nonhomorganic realizations occur in more careful

speech. )
Nonhomorganic:
mun.ka.:na [munké:na] ‘he wanted' muna.fia 'to wait’

-ka- incompletive

yapu alira.n.k.i [alirdnki] ‘the field is sprouting’
-ni- approacher

-ka- incompletive
Homorganic:

tani.n.k.i:pan [taningt:pan] '‘running'
-ni- approacher

-ka- incompletive
164

In addition to its obligatory and optional occur-
rences in Salinas, voicing of prevocalic stops occurred
sporadically after homorganic nasals in several other
dialects. In Calacala it occurred sporadically in the

following:

Particle:

ampi [ampf ~ ambi] '‘right?'

Noun suffix:

-mpi ~ -nti [mpi ~ mbi ~ nti ~ ndi]  ‘with'

In Sitajara voicing occurred more often in the
speech of one speaker (a woman under 30, bilingual in
Spanish) than in that of another (a monolingual woman
over 60) and always in suffixes, not roots.

In Corque voicing occurred in songs and in a
story told by a woman about 50, but it was generally less
noticeable than in Sitajara, Calacala, or Salinas.

In Huancané optional voicing of -n.ka- (-na

plus -ka- verbalizer) occurred as in the following:

k
kawki.n.ka.s.ka.raki? [kawkin askaraki] ‘Where is it?'
165

4-3.22 Phonemic variation
4-3.22.1 Vowels

4-3.22.11 Predominance of /u/ over /i/ in verbs

In verbs a final root vowel /u/ obligatorily

predominates over an initial /i/ of a following suffix.
tYuqu- ‘dance’ + -iri ‘actor/purposive' >
t'ugu.ri ‘dancer/in order to dance’ (La Paz)

In Salinas the rule extends to the second /i/ of -iri.

t'uqu.ru  ‘'dancer/in order to dance' (Salinas)

On verbs having the final root vowel /a/ it drops before

-iri.

 

chura- '‘give' + -iri > chur.iri ‘giver'

The predominance of /u/ over /i/ in Aymara is limited
to inflection and therefore to verbs. In the following
example of a noun plus a derivational suffix beginning
with /i/, the final root vowel /u/ does not predominate

over the following /i/.

ajanu 'face' + -itu ‘little’ > ajan.itu) ‘little face'
(La Paz)
166

4-3.22.12 Geminate vowel sequences and vowel length

Geminate vowel sequences may occur at the word
boundary (juncture) between a modifier and a head in a
noun phrase or as a result of suffixation with a morpheme
of vowel length such as 133 F (see 6-3.32) or vowel

length verbalization (see 5-3.41.2).

Uka aru.wa. ‘It's that word.' (La Paz; Hardman et al.
~ 1975:3.110)

Sara.:. ‘I will go.' -:- 1+3 Future (all dialects)

kawki ‘where’ + cyin verbalizer + -,iri ‘actor’ >

kawk. i:ri® 'which' (La Paz)

k'uri ‘way over yonder' + - :~ verbalizer + = iri ‘actor’ >

k"ur. ini? ‘that one way over yonder’ (La Paz)
The length may optionally reduce to simple vowel.
kawkiri ‘which' (La Paz)

Nongeminate vowel sequences are not permitted in Aymara

surface structure, and trigger other rules; see 4-3.22.13.
167

4-3.22.13 Avoidance of nongeminate vowel sequences

As in the case of the interrogative kawki '‘where'
and the demonstrative k"uri ‘way over yonder’, the |
demonstratives aka ‘'this', uka 'that', and k"aya ‘over
yonder' (see 5-2.2) may also be suffixed with -:- ver-
balizer plus -iri ‘actor/purposive'. In these cases
a rule obligatory everywhere except Huancané converts
the vowel sequence */ai/ to /i:/, e. g. *akairi is
realized as ak.i:ri.

Across juncture in certain temporal roots a
similar process occurs, converting the vowel sequence

k/au/ to /u:/.

jich"a ‘now’ + uru ‘day’ > jich"u:ru 'today'

(La Paz, Juli, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )

maya ‘one, other' + uru 'day' >
mayu:ru (Salinas)
mayuru (La Paz, Jopoqueri)

Other similar compound temporals consisting of a modifier
root (not always free) plus uru ‘day' are shown in Figure
5-1. Another example is kunu:ru ‘what day, when' from

kuna ‘what' plus uru ‘day’.
168

In the temporal examples above, the initial vowel
/u/ of the head noun uru dominates the final /a/ of the
modifier. A different rule occurs with the time inter-
rogative kuna.wrasa 'when, what time' consisting of kuna
‘what! plus urasa ‘hour’ (from Spanish horas ‘hours').
By this rule, which occurs in La Paz, Juli, Socca, Cala-
coa, and Sitajara, the vowel sequence */au/ is realized
as the vowel-glide sequence Jaw/? instead of reducing to
/u:/ or /u/.

In Huancané /a/ followed by /u/ is regularly
realized as /aw/ rather than /u:/ or /u/, as in the

following examples:

kuna ‘what' + uru ‘day' + -sa_ interrogative suffix >

kuna.wru.sa ‘when’

kuna ‘what' + urasa ‘hours’ + -sa_ interrogative >
kuna .wsa.sa (urasa > /usa/ > /wsa/) ‘what time'
jich"a ‘this' + uru ‘day’ >jich"a.wru 'today'

(also in Calacoa)

sapa '‘every' + uru '‘'day' > sapa.wru ‘every day'

Other examples of /aw/ for Huancané are given in Figure

5-1. In Huancané the diphthong */iu/ similarly changes
169

to /iw/, but */ai/ may change to /ay/ or /i:/.

uka ‘that’ + -:- verbalizer + -iri ‘actor' >
uka.yri ~ uk.i:ri ‘that one there'

Similar vowel sequence avoidance rules may be
frozen in the 3+1 and 3+4 Remote Indirect Knowledge tense
suffixes in certain dialects (see 6-3.35.2).
4-3.22.14 Reduction of vowel-glide-vowel to long or

plain vowel!

Reduction of vowel-glide-vowel to long or plain
vowel affects only a few morphemes, although they have a
high functional load: certain nouns (two numbers, two
demonstratives, and a personal pronoun) and a verbal deri-
vational suffix. In all cases but one the vowel-glide-
vowel sequence is /aya/; /uyu/ occurs in a demonstrative
in one dialect.

All dialects having /aya/ (or /uyu/) base forms
in nouns reduce the vowel-glide-vowel sequence to long
vowel when the nouns occur as modifiers. All dialects
also reduce vowel-glide-vowel sequences in certain nouns
before certain suffixes.

The two nouns that occur in all dialects in vowel-
glide-vowel form are the numbers /maya/ 'one' and /paya/

‘two'. In Jopoqueri the reduced allomorphs /ma:/ and /pa:/
170

occur not only as modifiers, as they do elsewhere, but
also in compound numbers, e. g. /tunka ma:.ni/ ‘eleven',
/tunka pa:.ni/ ‘twelve' (see 5-2.4).

The demonstratives that have vowel-glide-vowel
sequences are /k"aya/ ‘over there' (La Paz, Juli, Socca,
Huancané, Jopoqueri, Salinas), /k"ayu/ ‘over there' (Cala-
cala), and /k"uyu/ ‘way over there' (Morocomarca). All
occurred in vowel length form as modifiers except /k"ayu/,
for which no example as modifier is available. (For addi-
tional details on reduction of these demonstratives to
the vowel length form, see 5-2.2.)

The personal pronoun that has a vowel-glide-vowel
sequence is /naya/ 1p, which occurs in all dialects except
Huancané and Sitajara. These dialects have only the re-
duced forms /na:/ or /na/. All dialects with /naya/
reduce it to /na/ before the plural suffix -naka. (See
5-2.3, also.)

In La Paz the verbal derivational suffix -waya-
distancer has an optional allomorph /-wa-/ occurring
before suffixes that require a preceding vowel. (See

6-2.23, also.)
4-3.22.15 Retention of long vowel in certain verb roots

The verbs ama:.fna 'to like, want' and p"a:.fia
‘to cook', which occur in Sitajara, have in their roots

vowel Tength which corresponds to /ya/ in the related
171

verb root amuya.fia 'to think, consider’ and the cognate
verb root p"aya.fia 'to cook' occurring in most dialects.
That this vowel length is morphophonemically like a con-
sonant plus vowel is shown by the fact that the length
persists even before consonant-requiring suffixes.

:- + - t'a- '‘momentaneous' + -si- reflexive
pa ck a eous e
+ -fia nominalizer >

p'a:.t'a.si.na ‘to cook for oneself at once'

On a verb root ending in plain vowel, the suffix -t'a-
would cause the final root vowel to drop, e. g. chura-
‘give’ plus -t'a- is chur.t'a-. When a stem ending in
long vowel is followed by a suffix requiring a preceding
consonant, the vowel length drops leaving a plain vowel,
as in warmi.t.wa 'I am a woman', in which the 1+3 Simple
tense suffix ~-ta, reduces verbalizing vowel length to
simple vowel. If length were not there in the underlying
representation, the form would be *warm.t.wa.

Thus, when -t'a- occurs on the verb p"a:-,
*p"a.t'a- would be expected, the vowel length reducing
to plain vowel. However, in p"a:.t'a.si.fia length is
clearly present, showing that verb root vowel length can
block the operation of a consonant-requiring rule or to
put it another way, that verb root vowel length is in

fact a sequence of glide plus vowel (3-5.3).
172

Furthermore, for the two verbs here discussed the
verbal inflections for 1+3 Simple tense and for 1+3 Remote
Direct Knowledge (RDK) tense fall together, since root
vowel length is indistinguishable from the vowel length
mark of RDK, and geminate vowel length (vowel length
longer than two vowels) does not occur. That is, the
following forms do double duty for 1+3 in both the Simple
and RDK tenses.

ama:t"a ‘I wanted' p'a:t"a ‘I cooked'

Another kind of vowel length in a root is that
occurring with the verb sa.fia plus Simple tense in Jopo-
queri (see Figure 6-11). This length results from a rule
lengthening the root vowel to avoid an initial consonant
cluster. In Sitajara one allomorph of the 1+3 Simple
tense with sa.fia (the only irregular verb in Aymara) has
a long vowel, although initial consonant clusters in

Sa.fia are common in that dialect.

4-3.22.16 Three-vowel rule (Vowel deletion)
4-3.22.16.1 Nouns

By a syntactically conditioned rule, noun roots
having two vowels always keep the final vowel when serving
as modifiers in noun phrases. (Nouns ending in a sequence

of vowel-glide-vowel reduce it to long vowel; see 4-3.22.14.)
173

Noun roots or stems having three or more vowels lose the
Tast vowel when occurring as modifiers in noun phrases.
That is, the head noun causes the final vowel of the

modifier to drop if the modifier has three or more vowels.

Examples:
jang'u ch'ugi 'white potato’ (La Paz)
] 2
ch'iyar_ ch'uqi ‘black potato' (La Paz)

123
ch'iyara ‘black’

tag.pach_  kurpu ‘whole body' (La Paz)
1 2 3
tagi ‘all’ - pacha ‘same!

tata.la.fi_ yap.pa ‘my father's field' (Morocomarca)

(see 4-4.3)  -fia Ip possessive

When the modifier ends in the possessive suffix
-na, the final /a/ may or may not be retained, according
to rules specific to that suffix which override the
three-vowel rule in certain dialects (see 5-3.31.2).

A noun phrase embedded in another may behave
syntactically like a single modifier, in which case the

three-vowel rule will apply.
174

aka _tuq_ laru.n ‘on this side' (Juli)
12 34
aka ‘this’ tugi ‘around’

laru 'side' < Spanish lado

But successive noun phrases having a different immediate
constituency from the above do not necessarily manifest
the three-vowel rule; see 7-4.2 and additional examples

cited by Hardman et al. (1975:3.373-374).
4-3.22.16.2 Noun suffixes

In all dialects the noun suffixes -layku ~ -rayku
‘on account of', -pura ‘between, among', and -kama ‘among,
all, each, up to, as far as, until' act like heads of
noun phrases, |9 requiring that modifiers having more than
three vowels drop the last one, except that in cases of
modifiers that are themselves noun phrases the rule is
variable as indicated above.

In Huancané the personal possessive suffixes and
the complement/relational suffix -taki 'for' usually fol-

low the three-vowel rule. Examples:

kufitu. ja ‘my story' kuntu  ‘story' /-ja/ Ip possessive

1 2
< Spanish cuento

awich .ja ‘my grandmother’ awicha 'grandmother'
12 3
175

juma.taki ‘for you' juma 2p -taki 'for'
12

jiwas_.taki ‘for us' jiwasa 4p
123

In the following example (still for Huancané), the
possessive -ma 2p keeps a previous vowel although four
vowels precede it, but loses its own vowel before a follow-
ing -taki, indicating that when more than one suffix sub-
ject to the three-vowel rule occurs on a noun, the rule

applies only to the suffix occurring last on the stem.

yapu.naka.m_.taki "for my fields' yapu ‘field
b2 34 5 -naka plural
The frozen suffixes -ma ~ -mma and -ta ~ -tta

that occur on certain kinship terms in Jopoqueri (see
5-3.11.14 and 5-3.11.15) may be considered reduced forms
of the noun roots mama 'mother' and tata 'father' that
lost their first vowel because it was the third in

sequence in the new stem. Examples:

pichu.mma ‘father's youngest brother's wife'
] 3

lari.t_ ta ‘uncle’

12 3
176

When the two suffixes occur on noun stems that already

have three vowels, these stems lose the final vowel by

the three-vowel rule.

sullk.ir vma!! ‘father's younger brother's wife’

1 23
sullk.iri  'younger'
sulik.ir_.tta ‘father's younger brother'
1 23

The verbalizing suffix -kipta-, which also usually

takes a preceding vowel, causes the third vowel of a

three-vowel noun to drop.

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

usu.y .kipta.fia ‘to become sickly’

12 3

usu.ri ‘sick person'

Before other suffixes that require a preceding vowel
(such as -pta- verbalizer) three-vowel noun roots and

stems keep the final vowel.

Ch'iyara.pta.s.k.i.w. ‘It is turning black. (La Paz)
123

usu.ri.pta.fia ‘to become sickly' (La Paz)

12 3
177

4-3.22.16.3 Verb suffixes

Certain verbal derivational suffixes that normally
take a preceding vowel follow the three-vowel rule on
verb stems ending in the verbal derivational suffix -si-
frozen to the root (see 6-2.21). The suffixes are
-mucha- ~ -muchu- ~ -nuku- ‘away, off', -paya- helper/mocker,

and -tata- scatterer.

ali.s .muchu.fia ~ ali.s .nuku.fia 'to throw out'

12 3 12 3

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ali.si.fia ‘to sprout'

ali.s .paya.fia ‘to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas)

12 3

aru.s .tata.fia ‘to say' (Salinas; not used in La Paz)

12 3
-tata- scatterer aru. ‘word, speak'

The verbal derivational suffix -cha-, which can
verbalize nouns, follows the three-vowel rule when it
occurs on a noun stem ending in -ni possessor suffix.

Normally, -cha- requires a preceding vowel.

quilgi.n .cha.fia ‘to cause someone to win' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
1 23

quilgi.ni ‘money-haver'
178

When the verbal derivational -kipa- ‘past a point’
occurs on a two-vowel noun verbalized with -cha-, the
three-vowel rule also applies although -kipa- usually

requires a preceding vowel.

uta.ch_.kipa.si.ni.fia 'to fix the roof of a house'
12 3
(La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) uta ‘house’

The examples suggest that the three-vowel rule
may have applied more generally in the past than it does
today. That is, the fact that some suffixes trigger the
three-vowel rule on roots or stems having three vowels
may reflect a stage during which the rule operated for
all suffixed three-vowel stems regardless of whether
the suffix in question normally required a preceding

vowel or consonant.
4-3.22.2 Consonants

The following rules apply after suffixation
accompanied by vowel-dropping has created certain con-

sonant clusters.
4-3.22.21 Geminate consonant clusters

Examples of geminate consonant clusters were given
in 4-3.22.16.2. They usually reduce to one. Three succes-

sive geminate consonants usually reduce to two.
179

Jani.w at.t.ti [atti]. ‘I can't.' (Salinas)
ati.fia ‘to be able’
=ta, 173 Simple tense
-ti negative final suffix

4-3.22.22 Reduction of stop-fricative clusters to
aspirated stops (Neutralization)

When morphophonemic vowel-dropping results in a
/kj/, /kx/, or /qx/ cluster, the result is indistinguish-
able phonetically from /k"/ or /q"/. /kx/ tends to
assimilate to /q"/, the postvelar fricative exerting
regressive influence on the point of articulation of the
stop.
4-3.22.23 Frication of velar stop before consonant

/k/ --> /j/ / _[+cons]

By this rule the velar stop /k/ changes to the
homorganic velar fricative /j/. The rule occurs only in
Salinas and Huancané.

In Salinas the rule applies to two suffixes con-
taining /k/ after morphophonemic vowel dropping has
created a cluster of /k/ plus another consonant (not
another /k/). The suffixes are -ka- verbal derivational
incompletive and -raki nonfinal independent. The only

consonants that have occurred after /k/ in examples noted
180

to date are /t/ and /s/. Examples:

Ni-w chur.k.i.ti. ‘'He/she/they didn't give it (to X).'
no give

-i 3+3 Simple tense
Ni.w chur.j.t.ti. 'I didn't give it (to X).'

=, ta, 1?3 Simple tense

kuna.raki ‘and what?'

12

kuna. :ma.s.ka.raj.ta ‘and how are you?'

xcta, 293 Simple tense
In Huancané the rule operates on -raki before the

consonant-requiring verbal inflectional suffix -chi NI.

Wali.ka.raj.chi.ni.t. ‘It may not be good.'
— NI 3-3
F

(In this example vowel length verbalization on
wali is reduced to plain vowel before the consonant-

requiring -ka- incompletive suffix.)
4-3.22.24 Reduction of fricative clusters
/sj/, /jis/, /sjs/ --> [8]

This rule operates in Salinas on the output of
the rule in 4-3.22.23 when /j/ is preceded and/or fol-

lowed by /s/, reducing the cluster to the alveolar frica-

tive [S$].

lura.s.j.ta [luraSta] ‘you were making/doing!
-Si- reflexive/reciprocal
- ta, - 2>+3 Simple tense
kuynt.t'.ka.raj.sma [kuyntt'karasma] ‘I've told the
story to you'

=,sma_ 12 Simple tense

Ifi.j.ta.s.j.sma.wa. [injtaSmawa] 'I know you.!
-si- reflexive/reciprocal

4-3.22.25 Affricate reduction rules
4-3.22.25.1 /ch/ --> [$] / [-cons] [+stop]

The affricate /ch/ may reduce to the fricative
allophone [$] when /ch/ occurs before a stop in noun or
verb roots or in the verbal derivational causative and

verbalizing suffix -cha-. (As noted under 4-3.22.24,
182

[S$] also results from reduction of sequences of /s/ and
/j/ in Salinas. The neutralization of /ch/ and /sj/ is
evidence of the instability of the three phonemes as indi-
cated in Chapter 3.) In all roots and in the suffix
-cha- /ch/ is preceded by a vowel. Reduction to [s] is
obligatory in some morphemes, optional in others, and

varies dialectally. Examples:
Nouns:

pachpa [paspa] ‘same’ (most dialects)
pichg'a [picg'a] 'five' (Calacala)

ichk'a [ick'a ~ iSk'a] ‘little’ (Sitajara)

Verbs:

jich'i- ‘carry grains in the hand' + zp tia- momentaneous >
oe vw
jich.t'a [jict'a] (Morocomarca)

[jist'a] (Salinas)

(In this example /ch'/ loses glottalization before the

consonant-requiring suffix -t'a-, in rapid speech.)
183

Noun + ~-cha- verbalizer:

kama. cha- what happened' + =,ta, 2+3 S + -sa final suffix >

kama.ch.ta.sa [kamactasa] ‘what happened to you?'

(La Paz/Compi; does not reduce to ['s])

[kamastasa] (Socca; obligatory)

When the /ch/ of -chi NI verbal inflection fol-
lows the /ch/ of -cha- verbal derivational suffix, the
geminate /chch/ reduces to one which then obligatorily

reduces to [s] in La Paz.

ati- ‘know' + -cha- causative + - chi NI +
Yair —=—="-- -—-C——

- *yati
=-ta, 133 S > *yati.ch.ch.ta >

. wv
yati.ch.ta [yatista] ‘maybe I teach' (La Paz)

4-3.22.25.2 /ch/ --> /s/ / [+cons] [+cons ]

Reduction of /ch/ to the alveolar fricative
phoneme /s/ occurs in certain restricted circumstances
involving the verbal inflectional suffix -chi NI. In
all dialects investigated the /ch/ of -chi NI obliga-
torily reduces to /s/ when it occurs before a consonant.

In all available examples the consonant is /t/.
184

yati- ‘know' + =chi NI + 133 S$ >

- ta,
yat.s.ta [yatsta] ‘maybe I know' (La Paz, Socca)
‘ t * 2 .
muna- ‘want' + =,ka- incompletive + = chi NI +
~ta, 2-3 S + -xa final suffix >

mun. k.s.ta.x [munkstax] ‘maybe you want' (La Paz)

wijita ‘old lady’ + -~ xa- completive + -~ chi NI +
=,ta, 133 S + -xa final suffix + -ya final suffix >

wijita.x.s.t.xa.y [wijitaxstxay] 'I'm an old lady already.'
(Corque)

wijita < Spanish viejita
4-3.22.25.3 /ch/ --> /s/ / /x/ ___ [-cons]
In Jopoqueri /ch/ reduces to /s/ when it occurs
after the postvelar fricative /x/ and before a vowel.
mag'a- ‘eat' + -nta- '‘into' + =-Xa- completive +
-pchi NI + -itanta 2>1F + -1la politive >

maqg'a.nt.x.s.itanta.1la [maq'antxsitantata]

‘you may eat me'
185

The above rule does not apply in La Paz, the allophone [c]
occurring whenever /ch/ is followed by a vowel, regardless
of what precedes. The corresponding form in La Paz is as

follows.

mang'a- ‘eat' + -nta- ‘into’ + = Xa completive +

= chi NI + -ita:ta 21 F + -ya politive >

mang'a.nt.x.ch.ita:ta.y [manq' antxcita: tay]

‘you may eat me'
4-3.22.26 /ti/ --> /11/ / /1/ ___ [-cons]

The palatal nasal becomes a palatal lateral after
the alveolar lateral and before a vowel in the following

examples from Morocomarca:
mama.la ‘mother’ + =,fia lp possessive + -na possessive >

mama.1.fia.n [mamatan] ‘my mother's'

4-3.3 Final position in morphological word !3

4-3.31 Retention or loss of final vowel of morphological
word (syntactically conditioned)

4-3.31.1 Verb subjects

In the basic Aymara sentence (see 7-3) the subject

noun (or head of a noun phrase serving as subject) retains
186

its final vowel before final sentence suffix(es) if
any. |4

In La Paz and Sitajara (and possibly elsewhere--
data are incomplete) a pronoun subject of a verb inflected
for the Imperative usually loses its final vowel and takes
no independent or final suffixes. The vowel loss is tied
to co-occurrence with certain person/tense suffixes of
the Imperative, however, and the rules in La Paz differ
from those in Sitajara. In Morocomarca the subject of
an Imperative verb does not lose its final vowel. (For
a fuller discussion of these rules see 6-3.33.)

In sentences containing a main and a subordinated
verb (see 7-4.2), pronoun subjects may lose or retain their
final vowels. The following example is from La Paz/Compi,
with -chi NI (reduced to /s/) plus Simple tense on the
subordinated verb and Imperative (or Future) tense on

the main verb.

 

Jum_ nay_
jan sara.A mun.k.s.ta.x sara.:.
2>3
Juma. x NI S naya.w
2p no go want Ip go 1+3

F/I

‘If you don't want to go, I'll go.'

All four of the possible combinations with and without
187

final vowel on the subjects were acceptable, although the
first example elicited had no vowel on either. The same
example occurred in Juli, and similar ones occurred in
Huancané, Sitajara, and Calacoa.

Without the negative, forms with final vowel are
preferred, as in the following example which has -chi
NI (reduced to /s/) plus Simple tense on the subordinated

verb, and Imperative on the main verb.

Juma.x ch'u mun.s.ta.x , ma: kustal apa.n.ma.
yuma .X mun.S.ta.xX Mas Kustal apa.n.ma

2p potato want 2-3 a bag bring 2+3
NI S I
'If you want some potatoes, bring a bag.' (Juli)

In Morocomarca, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, on the
other hand, pronoun subjects never occur without their
final vowels, though in sentences of the types here

exemplified they usually occur unsuffixed.

 

muna. sma
2-3
Juma jani  sara.f D-1 uka naya sara.:
i ~ go 143
2p mun.ta.ti 'p F
2>3
S

'If you don't want to go, I'1] go.‘ (Jopoqueri)

In all dialects investigated except Morocomarca,

a pronoun subject of a verb subordinated with -ipana
188

(and other members of the paradigm, if any) occurs without

a final vowel (see 7-4.22.2).
4-3.31.2 Verb zero complements

A noun root or stem or a nominalized theme serving
as the zero complement of a verb is marked by obligatory
loss of the final stem vowel before final (sentence) suf-
fixes, if any (except the final suffix -lla ~ -ya, which
requires a preceding vowel; see 4-3.32.2 and 5-3.33 for

examples).
4-3.31.3 Negative jani

The final vowel of the negative particle jani
drops when it modifies a noun root (except an interroga-
tive), stem, or theme, a subordinated verb, or a verb
with the Imperative tense, and when it occurs in negative
information questions and answers thereto. When modify-
ing an interrogative, jani loses its initial /ja/. (See
7-4.53.3.)

4-3.32 Tolerance or avoidance of final consonant clusters
in the morphological word

4-3.32.1 Verbs

Three dialects permit stem-final consonant clusters
in verbs inflected with the Imperative tense: Juli, Socca,

and Huancané. Juli and Socca permit such clusters only
189

when the verb ends with the 2>3 Imperative inflection
-.m, while Huancané permits them in stems ending in the
322, 2+1, 341, and 34 Imperative inflections as well

(see 6-3.33). Examples, all of 2+3 I, are

Jut.m. 'Come!' (Socca)

Al.t'a.si.w.m uk. ‘Buy that one.’ (Huancané)

Apa.n.m. ‘Bring it.' (Huancané)
4-3.32.2 Nouns

Socca permits final consonant clusters on a noun
ending in the suffix -na possessive, when the noun occurs

as modifier in a noun phrase.

Krit.n wutilla.p.s jala.ga.ya.raq.ta?

whose _— bottle knock over 273
S

‘Whose bottle did you knock over on purpose?’

(See 5-3.31.2 for further discussion of the suffix -na.)
In Morocomarca, when a final consonant cluster
occurs on a noun stem ending in a personal possessive
suffix as the result of syntactically conditioned vowel
dropping, the vowel before the last consonant will be

obligatorily restored (see 5-3.24).
190

In all dialects morphological word-final clusters
are permitted in nouns when they occur within a morpheme

and as a result of final vowel-dropping.

Wawa.mp apa.sma. ‘You should take the baby, too.'
baby ~—it take

-mpi ‘with, and' (La Paz/Compi)

In this example, wawa.mp is a zero complement, losing its
final vowel.
4-3.33 Stem-final vowel restoration (stress on ante-
penultimate vowel of a verb)
As indicated in 3-3.1, stress in Aymara is non-
phonemic, always occurring on the penultimate vowel.
Vowel length after a penultimate stressed vowel, or
loss of a final vowel, may make the stress appear to
fall on the last vowel of a word. Restoration of a final
vowel /a/ to an inflected verb after stress placement
may make the stress appear to fall on the antepenultimate
vowel. This effect has so far been heard only in La Paz
and Sitajara on verbs inflected with suffixes ending in
nasals. These suffixes are the 2>3 Imperative =m,
3+2 Simple -,.tam, and 4+3 Simple - tan. The stress
pattern occurs most often on 2+3 Imperative, rarely on
the others. In La Paz the pattern occurs most frequently
in radio advertisements and announcements but has also

been heard in sermons (see 9-3 for examples).
191

Apart from the contexts of advertising, announcing,
or preaching, the pattern occurs rarely in La Paz. In
one instance it occurred with the final /a/ devoiced, in

conversation.
Ratu. ki apa.ni.ma. ‘Bring it right away.'

In Sitajara both the regular and antepenultimate
patterns occurred with 2>3 Imperative in a description
of making chicha (a corn drink) which included exhorta-

tions like the following:

Uma.nta.ma chicha, aka k'us um.t'a.ma.lla.

‘Drink chicha, please drink this chicha!'

Stress occurs on the antepenultimate vowel in the first
word above, with a final /a/ restored to the 2+3 Impera-

tive inflection. The last word in the sentence has regu-

 

lar penultimate stress on the /a/ of zym(a)s restored
before the suffix -lla politive. In the first word,
stress placement occurred before final vowel restoration,
while in the last, vowel restoration occurred, then suf-
fixation with -lla, then stress placement. The two rules
may be stated as follows:

1. Stress placement on penultimate syllable

2. Final vowel restoration
192

In the case of uma&.nta.ma, beginning with the base
form uma.nta.m the rules apply in the order 1, 2. In
the case of um.t'a.ma&.1la, beginning with the base form
um.t'a.m the rules apply in the order 2, 1 with the
intervening suffixation of -jla between 2 and 1.

Since um.t'a.ma.J]la is more polite, having the
politive suffix -lla, one is tempted to infer that the
restoration of the final vowel to umé.nta.ma may be an
attempt to soften the command by preparing the verb stem
to take the politive, but since stress has already been

placed, the word is closed to further suffixation.

4-3.4 Final position in syntactical word !9

4-3.41 Final vowel-dropping or -devoicing

In all dialects the final sentence suffixes (for
example, -wa, -xa, -lla ~ -ya, -sa, and -ti) commonly
lose their final vowels phrase-finally within a sentence;
-wa and -lla ~ -ya commonly lose them sentence-finally
as well. Such vowel-dropping may well depend on stylistic
considerations, as Hardman has suggested.

Instead of dropping, final vowels may devoice
sentence-finally, as in the example given in 4-3.33 above.
A final vowel which must be retained because of its gram-
matical function, for example the verb inflection 33
Simple -i, may devoice, especially if it occurs between

two voiceless consonants sentence-medially. (For an
193

example of sentence-medial final vowel devoicing, see
4-3.21.33.) L. Martin-Barber has provided a phonetic
transcription showing vowel devoicing in a story told
by a speaker from Compi (Hardman et al. 1975:3.92-93).

For the nonnative, it is often difficult to
distinguish word-final vowel dropping from word-final
vowel devoicing. A devoiced final vowel, though unde-
tectable to a foreigner, is still present morphophonemically
and discernible to a native speaker since syntactic dis-

tinctions are made by presence or absence of final vowels.
4-3.42 Final consonant clusters

In all dialects final consonant clusters are per-
mitted on nouns if they result from zero complement vowel

drop followed by a final suffix.

Wawa.p.X apa.sma. ‘Wouldn't it be nice if you took
baby take i her baby.' -pa 3p possessive
-xa_ final suffix

(La Paz/Compi)

4-4 General and Dialect-Specific Rules

The majority of morphophonemic rules in Aymara
are found in all dialects, but certain rules are dialect-

specific.
194

4-4,] Variation in morphophonemics of suffixes

Noun suffixes (5-3) that vary in their morpho-
phonemics from one dialect to another are the personal
possessives and the complement/relationals. While all
dialects have certain noun suffixes that observe the
three-vowel rule, in Huancané the rule also operates
for -taki complement/relational and the personal pos-
sessives, which do not follow the rule in other dialects.
In Jopoqueri the three-vowel rule extends to certain
frozen suffixes. In Morocomarca, Calacala, Jopoqueri,
and Salinas the personal possessive suffixes have vari-
able morphophonemics conditioned by final consonant
cluster avoidance rules.

Only two verbal derivational suffixes (6-2) have
variable preceding morphophonemics: -naga- 'aimiessly'
and -nuga- placer. These vary within as well as across
dialects. Verbal derivational suffixes subject to the
three-vowel rule in La Paz (and possibly elsewhere)
are -cha- verbalizer of nouns, -kipa- ‘past a point,’
-muchu- (and variants) ‘away', -paya- helper, and -tata-
scatterer.

Of the verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3), 2+3
Imperative is unique in requiring a preceding consonant
in Juli, Socca, Huancané, and Morocomarca, except when

the verbal derivational suffix -ka- incompletive precedes
195

the inflection. In La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa, Jopoqueri,

and Salinas 2-3 I always requires a preceding vowel.
4-4.2 Variation in other morphophonemic rules
4-4.2] Rules occurring in all dialects

4-4.21.1 Obligatory rules

Obligatory rules occurring in all dialects are
predominance of /u/ over a preceding /i/ in verb stems;
vowel sequence avoidance rules (some differences occur
in the rules themselves); reduction of /aya/ to /a:/
(and of /uyu/ to /u:/) in modifiers in noun phrases; the
three-vowel rule (exerted by heads of noun phrases on
modifiers and by certain noun suffixes on preceding stems;
some dialects have additional suffixes subject to the
rule); interconsonantal affricate reduction to /s/; mor-
phological word-final vowel retention for subjects of
main verbs (except with the Imperative tense in certain
contexts and dialects); morphological word-final vowel
loss for zero complements; morphological word-final

vowel loss on jani negative in certain environments.
4A-4.21.2 Optional rules

Optional rules occurring in all dialects are
dropping of initial (C)V preceded by devoicing of the

vowel; intervocalic stop-voicing and frication under
196

certain conditions; geminate consonant reduction; neutrali-
zation of stop-fricative clusters and aspirated stops;

syntactical word-final vowel devoicing and deletion.

4-4.22 Dialect-specific rules

4-4.22.1 Obligatory rules

Obligatory dialect-specific rules are voicing of
prevocalic stops after homorganic nasals and the palatal
lateral within a morpheme, Salinas; frication of velar
stop before consonant in certain morphemes, Salinas;
‘reduction of clusters of alveolar fricative plus velar
fricative, Salinas; affricate reduction to /s/ after /x/,
Jopoqueri; loss of morphological word-final vowel on
verb subjects in certain environments in certain dialects;
avoidance of morphological word-final consonant clusters

on nouns with personal possessive suffixes, Morocomarca.
4-4.22.2 Optional rules

Optional dialect-specific rules are preposition
(or recovery) of initial /ji/ or /si/ on sa.fia before
Simple tense inflection, La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Socca;
reduction of /q'/ to ['], Salinas, Calacala, and Moroco-
marca; palatalized velar allophone of /fi/, Morocomarca;
voicing of stop after homorganic nasal and before vowel,
Calacala, Corque, Huancané, Sitajara; voicing and frica-

tion of prevocalic /p/ in -pa 3p suffix, Calacala;
197

lateralization and denasalization of /fi/, Morocomarca;
final vowel restoration and antepenultimate stress on
2+3 Imperative and certain other person/tense suffixes,

La Paz and Sitajara.

4-5 Conclusion

Taken as a whole and in spite of its complexities,
morphophonemics is a rather stable area of Aymara grammar,
contributing to mutual dialect intelligibility (although
speakers from La Paz have some difficulty with dialects
having extensive stop voicing and frication). Few suf-
fixes differ in morphophonemics from one dialect to
another, although some are affected by phonologically
and syntactically conditioned rules that are dialect
specific. Some dialect groups that may be identified
by morphophonemic rules are as follows.

4-5.1 Dialects preposing (or restoring) /si/ or /ji/

to sa.fia

La Paz (preferred); Juli, Socca, Huancané (less
frequent).

4-5.2 Dialects voicing stops after homorganic nasal

or palatal lateral before a vowel

Salinas (obligatory within a morpheme, permitted
across morpheme boundaries under certain conditions;

Calacala, Corque, Huancané, Sitajara (optional).
198

4-5.3 Dialects whose personal possessive suffixes have

variable morphophonemics (see 5-3.24)

Huancané, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,

Calacala; possibly also Juli, Socca, and Calacoa

4-5.4 Dialects whose personal possessive suffixes have
invariant morphophonemics, always requiring a
preceding vowel

La Paz (Compi and Tiahuanaco)
199

Notes

Tan optional rule is one whose constraints are
not yet fully understood. Many are probably stylistically
conditioned.

2The geminate vowel cluster /aa/ resulting from
loss of /j/ reduces to /a/; see 4-3.22.12.

3The final vowel of jich"a drops by a vowel
sequence avoidance rule; see 4-3.22.13.

“The first vowel of mama drops by the three-vowel
rule; see 4-3.22.16.

This example shows that initial consonant clusters
are permitted in La Paz/Compi dialect in nouns. They are
usually avoided in verbs; see 4-3.13. Geminate /a/ here
results in /a:/.

6py a regular morphophonemic rule (see 4-3.22.22)
/j/ or /x/ tends to reduce to aspiration following the
homorganic stop. In the nonhomorganic combination /kx/
the velar /k/ tends to assimilate to the following post-
velar /x/, resulting in /q"/.

According to Hardman (personal communication)
voicing and and frication of stops are common in Andean
languages, especially in Quechua. Place names often re-
flect this, e. g. Cochabamba.

Bin the derivations of kawk.i:ri and k"ur.i:ri
the following intervening forms may be postulated since
vowel length verbalization requires a preceding vowel
while -iri requires a preceding consonant or, as in these
cases, reduces a preceding long vowel to one vowel.

 

With morpheme divisions:
*kawkiiiri > (Ckawkiiri] /kawki:ri/  kawk.i:ri

*k"uriiiri > (Ck"uriiri] /k"uri:ri/ 9 k"ur.i:ri
200

The morphemic divisions are placed as if the vowel length
were occurring on the first /i/ or -iri, although actually
the vowel length results from two /i/'s in succession, one
on the root and one in -iri. More accurate morphemic ren-
derings would be kawki.iri and k"uri.iri, but since geminate
vowels are symbolized as vowel plus /:/ in Yapita orthog-
raphy, the above compromise is followed in these forms and
other similar ones that occur elsewhere in this study;

see 4-3.22.12, 5-2.1, and 5-2.2.

 

 

 

The existence of the glides /w/ and /y/ as
distinct from the vowels /u/ and /i/ is supported by the
minimal pair uywa ‘animal’ / wiwa ‘long live’ < Spanish
viva. (Native Aymara roots beginning with /wi/ include
wila 'blood' and a number of others). Examples of /i/
or /u/ preceded or followed by the homorganic glide are

 

 

 

chura.y.itu) ‘he/she caused to give to me' (all dialects)

iya.fia ‘to grind' (Jopoqueri)

sawu.fia ‘to weave' (all dialects)
Yapu.wa. 'It's a field.' (all dialects)

'Ocince in some dialects certain verbal deriva-
tional suffixes also follow the three-vowel rule, it
might be more accurate to say that in being subject to
the rule, heads of noun phrases act like certain suffixes.

The geminate /mm/ here reduces to /m/.

an Salinas the allomorph /-raji/ may optionally
occur before vowel-requiring suffixes and in word-final
position, so it is possible to consider it an alternate
base form of the morpheme as was done in 3-4.22.23.

13) morphological word is defined by Hardman as
a free form capable of taking the sentence (final) and/or
erie (nonfinal) suffixes (Hardman et al. 1975:
3.144).

 
201

Vaca 7-4.21.22 for examples of final-vowel
retention on nouns serving as topics (or goals) of verbs
nominalized with -fa obligatory.

15, syntactical word is defined by Hardman as a
free form consisting of a morphological word plus inde-
Brad). and/or sentence suffixes (Hardman et al. 1975:
3.144).
CHAPTER 5
VARIATION IN THE NOUN SYSTEM

5-1 Introduction

The noun system of Aymara consists of roots and
derived roots (stems), which are all free, derivational
suffixes, and zero complement vowel drop. | Nouns occur
alone and in noun phrases as heads and modifiers; some
occur modifying verbs. The open class of nouns takes in
loanwords freely. Closed classes of roots do not freely
admit loanwords, although they may have done so in the
past. They are interrogatives, demonstratives, personal
pronouns, numbers, positionals, and temporals. There
is also a small class of ambiguous noun/verb roots.
Other closed classes are shapes used in weaving, and
kinship and age terms, which were only sporadically in-
vestigated in this research although meriting detailed
study.

Noun suffixes occur only on noun roots, stems,
and nominalized themes. The limitations on their occur-
rence help define noun classes. There are three order
classes of noun suffixes and a class of limited occur-

rence. (Verbal derivational suffixes that can verbalize

202
203

nouns are discussed in 6-2. Suffixes that nominalize

verbs are discussed in 7-4.21 and 7-4.22.)

5-2 Closed Classes of Noun Roots

5-2.1 Interrogatives

In all dialects, interrogatives usually occur
followed by the sentence suffix -sa information interroga-
tive with or without intervening suffixes. Interrogatives
may also serve as indefinite pronouns when properly suf-

fixed (see 7-4.24). The inter.ogative roots are

kama ~ kamisa ‘how'

kawki ‘where!
kuna "what '
k"iti ‘who!

gawg"a (and variants) ‘how much/how many'

Only the first and the last show any variation in the
root. The second, third, and last enter into a number
of derived formations which display some dialectal vari-

ation.
204

5-2.1]1 Variable roots

5-2.11.1 kama ~ kamisa

The only dialect encountered so far having the
allomorph /kama/ is Salinas. Elsewhere /kamisa/ occurs.
In dialects having /kamisa/, /kama-/ exists only as an
interrogative verb root in two verbs, the first used to
inquire about someone's situation when the answer is
expected to be negative and the second used to ask

what someone said.

kama.cha.na -cha verbal derivational/verbalizer
kam.sa.na sa.na ‘to say'

5-2.11.2 qawg"a ~ g'awqa ~ g"awg"a ~ g"ayg'a
/qawq"a/ (La Paz, Huancané, Sitajara)
/q"awga/ ‘(Morocomarca)
/q"awq"a/ (Huancané, Jopoqueri)

/q"ayq'"a/ (Salinas)

*/qayq"a/ (Reported to occur in parts of Ingavi [depart-
ment of La Paz] and in Chile)

* rgayq'ta/ (Bertonio 1603b)

It is possible that the /q"a/ ending certain
allomorphs above may consist of /q/ plus -ja ‘amount,

quantity’ (see 5-3.12.3).
5-2.12 Derived formations

5-2.12.1 Based on kawki '‘where'

The following gloss as 'which':

kawk. iri (La Paz)
kawk. i:ri (La Paz, Socca, Huancané, Jopoqueri )
kawk.n.iri (La Paz, Juli)

kawk.n.i:ri (La Paz, Juli)

kawk.ch"api (Sitajara)

kawk. p.iri (Socca, Morocomarca)

kawki.p.iri | (Morocomarca)

Most of the above are built with the nominalizing suffix
-iri, sometimes with vowel length (see 4-3.22.12). The
/n/ in two of the forms is probably an occurrence of the
suffix -na possessive/locational (see 5-3.31.2). The
suffix -ch"api is of limited distribution. The /p/ which
occurs in the last two examples above may be a reduced
form of the recurrent partial /-pa-/ related to the 3p
possessive suffix -pa which occurs with no discernible
3p meaning in several nouns (see 5-3.24).

The derived forms kawk"a and kayk"a ‘what place'
are believed composed of the root kawki or *kayki plus
206

the suffix -ja 'quantity'; *kayk"a was not found in this
research but is reported to be used in Awallamaya near
Sicasica, department of Oruro.
The common query Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? means

‘Where are you from?' in La Paz, but elsewhere it means
‘Where do you usually stay?' or 'Where are you usually?'
Hardman (personal communication) found that around Puno
and Chucuito it may also mean ‘Where have you traveled?'

Other similar queries meaning 'Where are you from?' are

Kawki.ta.ta.sa? (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Salinas, Juli)

Kawki.ta.sa? (Sitajara, Huancané,
Jopoqueri)

Kawki.ta.raki.ta? (Salinas, Calacala)

Kawki__tugqi.ta.sa? (Socca) tugi ‘around’

5-2.12.2 Based on kuna ‘what'

The root kuna occurs in several derived forms
glossing ‘why, for what reason', with the complement/
relational suffixes -ru, -ta ~ -t"a, and -taki (and
variants) and with the independent suffix -raki (and

variants), as in

kuna.ru.sa (La Paz, Sitajara)
207

kuna.ta (Juli, Salinas)

kuna.t.sa (La Paz)

kuna.t'a (Juli, Salinas, Morocomarca)
kuna. ta. raki (Huancané)

kuna.t.raji (Salinas)

kuna. taki.sa (La Paz)

kuna.tay.sa (Sitajara)

With the suffix -jama 'like' and its variants,
kuna glosses 'how'. In the dialects studied, these

forms are more common than kamisa or kama 'how'.

kun. jama.sa (La Paz)
kun. jama.raki (Huancané)
kuna.ma.t.sa (Calacala)
kuna. :ma (Salinas)

kuna.:ma.s ~ kun.ja:ma.s (Jopoqueri)

kun. ja.t.s (Socca)
kun. ja.sa (Sitajara)

Another derived form of kuna glossing ‘how' is

kuna.lla.n.taki.rak (Jopoqueri)
208

kKamisa and kun.jama.sa occur in the same context in the

following statements:

Kamisa.raki.x uka.x sis.t.pi.y. (Vitocota)

133
S
Kun. jama.:.pacha.s uka.x sis.t.wa. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
TT 173
S

‘Whatever will be, will be, I said.’

The following is reportedly said in Llica, Potosi

(south of Salinas), according to a Salinas source:
*kuna.ri.:na ‘how was it?'

Here /ri/ is probably analogous to the /-iri-/ that occurs
with Remote tenses in certain areas (see 6-3.37). A
similar form used in Compi in speaking to an elderly
lady, is
Kun. jam.iritam.s? "How did it affect you?’
32
RDK
La Paz Aymara today has the frozen form
kunaymanaé ‘what a lot of', as in

Kunayman ch'ama.mpi.w waw uywa.si.s.k.ta.
difficulty child raise 1+3

S

‘What a lot of trouble I had raising my child.’
209

Elsewhere, it translates as ‘of all kinds, whatever. '

A form based on kuna which immediately identifies
the user as belonging to a Protestant sect or as speaking
as its members do is kuna. layku.ti.xa used to mean 'be-
cause' (see 9-5).

kuna is the base for several time interrogatives
all glossing 'when'. They include the temporal roots
uru 'day', pacha ‘time, period', and the Spanish loans
urasa (from Spanish horas ‘hours') and -wsa (a reduced

form of urasa). Examples:

kun.u:ru (Salinas)
kuna.wru.sa (Huancané)
kuna pacha.sa (La Paz, Calacoa, Jopoqueri,

Salinas, Morocomarca)

kuna.wrasa.Sa (La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa,
Sitajara)
kuna.wsa. raki (Huancané)

kuna.ws.pacha.sa (Huancané)

5-2.12.3 Based on gawg"a (and variants) ‘how much/many'

This root combines with pacha in inquiries about

time.

qgawg"'a pacha ‘how many times' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
210

qawa pacha.ta ‘since when' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
*gayq''a pacha ‘how much time' (Bertonio 1603b:183)
+

qgayg"a pacha.ta ‘since when' (Bertonio 1603b)

It may also occur with personal possessive suffixes, as

in these examples from Huancané.

q'awg"a.pa.sa ‘how many of theirs’ -pa 3p

q'awq"a.ja.sa ‘how many of mine’ /-ja/ Ip
q"awg"a.ma.sa ‘how many of your people’ (sic)
-ma_ 2p

5-2.2 Demonstratives

Demonstratives are deictic pronouns expressing
four degrees of distance. They readily enter into de-
rived formations. In noun phrases they may modify human
nouns, but their use as pronouns to refer to human beings
is usually considered rude.

The root demonstratives, presented in order of
relative proximity to a fixed point (e.g. the

speaker or writer of a sentence), are

aka_~ jaka ‘this, here'

uka ‘that, there'

k"aya ~ k"a: ~ k"a ~ -k"ayu ‘that over there, over there’
211

k"uyu ~ k"u: ~ k"u_~ k"uri "that way over yonder, way over
yonder'

5-2.21 Variable roots

The variant /jaka/ occurs in Morocomarca, in
jak.sa tugi.t"a ‘around here', but has not been heard
elsewhere; /aka/ occurs everywhere. A possible variant
of uka, /ukaya/, occurs in Sitajara, in ukay.ti ‘is it
that?' (See 7-2.21.1 for another analysis of this
form. )

In Jopoqueri and Socca, uwa sometimes occurs
instead of uka in combination with -ta, sounding like
[wat]. Hardman has suggested (personal communication)
that uwa is probably a remnant of a proto-daqi demonstra-
tive *uwa, since the three-way distinction aka - uka - uwa
still exists in modern Kawki and the related form watga
occurs in Jaqaru.

The base morpheme k"aya reduces to /k"a:/ when
acting as modifier in a noun phrase (by a regular morpho-
phonemic rule; see 4-3.22.14) in the following dialects:
La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané, Jopoqueri, and Salinas.

In Huancané, Salinas, and Juli the reduced form with or
without vowel length may also occur with complement/
relational suffixes, e. g. in Juli k"aya.na ~ k"a.na
‘over there’; in La Paz only the full form occurs with

complement/relationals. In Calacoa and Sitajara the
212

only form which occurred for this root was /k"a:/.
/k"ayu/ occurs in Calacala only. /k"uyu/ occurs in
Morocomarca. Two La Paz speakers do not recognize
/k"uyu/ as a demonstrative, but rather as the 3>3 Simple
tense of the verb k"uyu.fia 'to whistle, to winnow grain’.
Huancané has both /k"u:/ and /k"uri/; Salinas has both
/k"u/ and /k"u:/. Sitajara does not use /k"uri/. Ber-
tonio (1603b) cited *rku/ (156) and *7kuri/ (225).
Ebbing (1965:64) had “/k"uyu/ and */k"uri/.

It is possible that /k"uri/ is a derived form
built of /k"u(yu)/ plus verbalization vowel length plus
-iri nominalizer, but if this is the case it has long
been a frozen stem, inasmuch as the base /k"uri/ readily
takes -:- plus -iri (see below).

The compound form k"a: k"uri ‘way way over
yonder' occurs in Juli, Huancané, and Calacoa. Huancané
has the compound form akawkana, from aka uka.na,

meaning ‘large community’.
5-2.22 Derived formations

Like the interrogative kawki, all demonstrative
roots may take -:- verbalization plus -iri nominalizer
with or without a preceding J-n-/.° The only complete

paradigms available are for La Paz, as follows:

ak.i:ri ‘this one here'
213

uk.i:ri ‘that one there'

k"ay.i:ri ‘that one over there'

k"ur.i:ri ‘that one way over yonder'
ak.n.i:ri ‘this one that's closer'
uk.n.i:ri ‘that one that's farther away'

k"ay.n.i:ri ‘that one over there that's farther away’

k"ur.n.i:ri ‘that one way over yonder that's farther
away' (Compi)

kuy.n.izri ‘that one way over yonder' (Tiahuanaco)

Both /uk.i:ri/ and /uka.yri/ occur in Huancané (see
4-3.22.13).

aka and uka apparently combine with the suffix
-ja ‘quantity’ in the forms ak"a ‘this much' and uk"a
"that much'. The demonstratives also combine with /-ja/
allomorph of -jama 'like', which is not always distin-
guishable from -ja ‘quantity'. Spelling with " or /j/

is arbitrary.

ak.ja.naka.ta ‘around here’ (La Paz)

Uta.pa.n uk'a.w. 'His house is there.' (La Paz)

uk. ja.11 ‘that one’ (Sitajara)
214

The following clearly appears to have -ja ‘quantity’:
uk.ja tagi ‘a great deal' (Sitajara)

Expressions of time based on demonstratives in-

clude the following:

aka.t g"ipa.ru (La Paz)
jich'a.t k!a:.ru.x ‘from now on' (Jopoquer i)
jich'a.t k"uy.sa.ru (La Paz)
“aka.t. jama.tak 'all of a sudden’ (La Paz)

(Wexler 1967:455)

Interestingly, k"uy.sa.ru was said by a source who re-
jected k"uyu as a demonstrative, showing that a dialect
may reject a root form but use a derived form.

An expression of space using demonstratives is
k"ur.sa.r ak.sa.r ‘back and forth' (La Paz). The ex-
pression k"a: alaxa ‘heaven' is used in Calacoa. Other
dialects have alax.pacha (or arax.pacha) or silu (from
Spanish cielo) for ‘heaven’.

By far the most common demonstrative in all dia-
lects is uka, which occurs alone and in derived forma-

tions as a syntactic linker and summarizer.

uka.t ‘then, afterwards’
215

uk.jama (uk"ama) 'thus, like that; moreover, also'
uka.mpi.sa "with that, also'

The last example has quite a different meaning in the
lexicon of members of Protestant sects, who use it dis-
junctively to mean 'but' (see 9-5).

In Huancané uka.na is used as a linker in stories,
meaning ‘at that', ‘then’. It has not been encountered

as a Tinker in other dialects.
5-2.3 Personal pronouns

All dialects have four personal pronouns not spe-
cific for gender or number. The only one that shows no
variation whatever is 2p juma 'you'; the others show
minor phonological variations.

lp 'I/me, we/us but not you' occurs as three
allomorphs, /na/, /na:/, and /naya/. The allomorph
/na/ occurs in all dialects before -naka plural (see
5-3.25). In other environments Huancané and Sitajara
have /na/ and /na:/. Calacoa has /naya/ as well but
uses it less than the other allomorphs. La Paz has
/naya/, /na:/, and /na/, as do the remaining dialects.
Juli seems to favor /na/ over the other two. In Jopo-
queri and Salinas /naya/ occurs before the complement/
relational suffix -ru, and /na/ before the complement/

relational suffix -na. Morocomarca prefers /naya/
216

before those suffixes but has /na:/ as well as /naya/
when unsuffixed.

To some speakers of Aymara who are bilingual in
Spanish and conscious of the Spanish singular/plural
distinction, /naya/, /na:/, and /na/ are always singular,
‘T/me', and na.naka must be used for the plural ‘we/us
but not you'. That monolinguals do not make this
distinction is clear in a number of examples, as in the
following from a free text recorded in Sitajara from a
monolingual woman over 60. In both cases the optional
verb-pluralizing suffix combination -p.xa- occurs on

the verb; number concord is not required in Aymara.

Alp"a sa.p.x.t na.x. 'We say alfalfa.'

Na.ru.xa rispach.xa.p.x.it ya:sta. ‘Dismiss us already. '

3p /jup"a/ occurs in Salinas and Morocomarca;
/jupa/ occurs elsewhere.

4p /jiwsa/ occurs in Calacoa, Sitajara, Surupa
(a community across from Socca), and is the form cited

by Bertonio (1603b); /jiwasa/ occurs elsewhere.

5-2.4 Numbers

Variation in number roots is phonological only.

Forms derived from numbers show some lexical variation.
217

5-2.41 maya ~ ma: ‘one’ and paya ~ pa: ‘two'

In all dialects maya and paya occur singly or
as heads of phrases. Like k"aya and naya, their /ya/
sequences reduce to vowel length form when they occur as
modifiers, e. g. /ma:/ in ma: uta ‘one house's; and as
already noted (4-3.22.14), in Jopoqueri the vowel length

allomorphs also occur in compound numbers.

5-2.41.1 maya ~ ma:

maya ~ ma: has several derived meanings and
forms. In its basic form as modifier /ma:/ means ‘one’.
When modifying a pluralized noun, it translates as 'some'
(unos in Spanish), e. g. ma: achachila.naka.x ‘some old
men'. It may modify another number, as in ma: pa: ch'akura
‘some two stakes' (Corque).

maya ~ ma: plus -mpi ~ -nti ‘with' has the
meaning ‘once more, again'. Allomorphs are regionally
predictable but will be given here to illustrate their
differing phonological shapes, which can cause inter-
dialectal confusion. For example, a La Paz speaker
did not recognize the Salinas voiced variant [ma:.ndi]
and resisted accepting it as the equivalent of his

/maya.mpi/.
/maya.mpi/ (La Paz, most other dialects)

/ma:.mpi/ (Calacoa)
218

/ma:.mpi/ (with optional realization [ma:.mbi]) (Calacala)
/ma:.mpi ~ ma:.nti/ (Jopoqueri)

/ma:.nti/ [ma:.ndi] (Salinas)

maya also has two derived meanings: ‘suddenly,
all at once' and ‘another, different'. maya 'suddenly'

occurs to modify a verb.

Uka.t may puraka.pa.x p!alla.tata.w.j.iritayn.
then ~~ stomach burst 3>3

RIK

'Then suddenly her stomach burst.' (Calacoa)

It also occurs in derived formations.
maya.ki ‘suddenly’ (La Paz) -ki ‘just’
may.ti  'suddenly' (Juli) -ti frozen suffix
ma:.ki ‘fast, quickly, at once' (Calacoa)
maya.ki_may.sa.r ‘all at once' (La Paz)
-sa_ 'side' -ru ‘to, at’

maya ‘another, different’ has always occurred
suffixed or reduplicated or in a compound with uru '‘day'
in this research. It does not have an allomorph /ma:/

in dialects investigated so far.
219

may.maya ‘first one, then the other' (La Paz/Compi)
maya.ki ‘different, other' (Calacoa)

may. ja 'different' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara, La Paz)
/-ja/ 'like'
may.ja jaqi ‘another class of person' (euphemism for
dishonest person) (La Paz)
jaqi ‘person'
may. ja.ta ‘in a certain way' (La Paz) /-ta/ ‘of, from'
maya.:ma ‘different, other' (Morocomarca) /-:ma/ ‘like’

maya.:mu ‘different, other' (Salinas) /-:mu/ ‘like’

may. ni ‘the other one' (human) (La Paz, Salinas)

-ni 'possessor'
may.ni.nha ‘my spouse' (Jopoqueri) /-nha/ 1p possessive

may.n.ch"ap.iri ‘someone, another one’ (Jopoqueri)

/-ch"api/ ‘the one which' -iri nominalizer

taqi may.ni.s ‘everyone! (La Paz) taqi ‘all'
~sa sentence suffix
may.ti ‘different, suddenly’ (Juli)
may.kip uru ‘every other day' (Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio

1603b:173)

-kipa ‘every other’
220

may.u:ru ‘another day' (all dialects); also means
‘tomorrow’ (Sitajara)

uru ‘day’

(This last contrasts with ma: uru ‘one day', showing
that maya ‘different, other' is a different morpheme from
maya ~ -ma: ‘one', although it overlaps with maya ~ ma:

‘suddenly’. )

*maya. jamu ‘in one manner' (Bertonio 1603b:174)
*may.s.ja 'different' (Sebeok 1951a:55)

5-2.41.2 aya ~ pa:
paya ~ pa: occurs in derived formations also.

pa.ni ‘two people! (all dialects) -ni 'enumerator'

pa.ni.sa” ‘we (4p) two' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b)

zsa_ 4p
pay.pacha 'the two [nonhuman]' (Huancané) -pacha ‘all, same'

pa.cha.si.fia ‘to doubt, be of two minds' (La Paz; also

Wexler 1967:455)

-cha causative verbalizer ~si reflexive
-na nominalizer

*pa.mp.pacha.ni ‘the two [human]' (LaBarre 1950:42)

* pay.uru ‘two days' (Tschopik 1948:109)
22)

5-2.42 Other numbers

/kinsa/ ‘three’ occurs in Morocomarca and Salinas,
/kimsa/ elsewhere. The variants occur consistently in
the compound numbers ‘eight', 'thirteen', etc.

/p"usi/ 'four' occurs in Calacoa, /pusi/ else-
where.

/pisqa/ 'five' occurs in Salinas (and is alleged
by Bertonio); /p"isqa/ occurs in La Paz, Juli, Calacoa,
Sitajara, and Jopoqueri; /pisg"a/ occurs in Huancané
and Morocomarca; /pichq"a/ occurs in Calacala.

All present-day dialects have suxta, 'six';
Bertonio cited “chuxta (1603b:167).

Orinoca, a town on Lake Poop6é in Oruro, reportedly
has */paqaluqu/ 'seven'”; all dialects encountered in
this research have pagallqu.

The variants /kimsagqaliqu/ and /kinsaqallqu/
‘eight’ occur as indicated for /kimsa/ and /kinsa/,
above.

llatunka ‘nine', tunka 'ten', and waranga
‘thousand’ are invariable in present-day dialects, except
that in Salinas, where there is an obligatory rule voic-
ing stops after nasals and before vowels, there are
distinctive phonetic realizations: [llatunga], [tunga],
and [waranga]. Bertonio gave *iWallatunka for ‘nine!

and three different translations for ‘thousand':
222

*sachu and *junu (Bertonio 1603b:167) and later *waranga
(Bertonio 1612:2.150).

5-2.5 Positionals

Positionals are a class of nouns referring to
spatial orientation, real and metaphorical. They often
occur as heads in phrases with each other and other nouns,
but all may act as free roots occurring alone. They
take -ka- verbalizer (after the suffix -na) but usually
do not take vowel length or -pta- verbalizer. Nouns
which are semantically positionals but do not readily
combine with full members of the class may be considered
borderline members. There is more dialectal variety in
these borderline cases than in the six regular and one

defective positionals which constitute the class proper.
5-2.51 Regular positionals

The six regular positionals are

anga ‘outside’

chiga ‘'straight(ness), truth'

mang'a ~ mang"i ‘inside, below’

pata ‘top, altiplano'

q'ipa ‘after, behind' (also a temporal; see 5-2.6)

taypi ‘middle, midst'
223

These are found throughout the Aymara world. All have

a high functional load except anga. Bertonio cited

+ u . ts _ ' + tes 7 i) 1
mang"a meaning 'inside' and manq"i meaning ‘below
(Bertonio 1603:23). Some present-day dialects have one
variant and others the other. La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, and Morocomarca have mang"a; Huancané and Sita-

jara have mang"i; Calacoa has both mang"a and mang"i
for ‘inside’ and mang"a for ‘below’.

5-2.52 Defective positional

The defective positional is tugi~tugu ‘around,
in the area of'. It is defective in that it does not
occur as a modifier in phrases, but only as head, like
a clitic on the way to becoming a suffix; but it may also
occur alone as a root. /tuqi/ occurs everywhere. The
alternate form /tuqu/ occurs in Calacoa (the one instance
was in a riddle) and in Morocomarca and Calacala. In
Morocomarca only /tuqi/ was acceptable before the suffix

-na possessive/locational.
5-2.53 Borderline positionals

These roots will be listed in alphabetical order
with examples of their occurrences and an indication of
where they occurred, although their isoglosses are yet

to be finally determined.
224

alaya ‘above, next' (La Paz)

alay pata ‘up there' pata ‘'top'

alay sawaru ‘next Saturday' sawaru 'Saturday'
/alaxa/ ‘north' (La Paz)

alax.pacha ‘sky, heaven' pacha ‘space, time'
/araxa/ '‘north' (Jopoqueri)

arax.pacha 'sky, heaven'
amsta ‘upward' (La Paz, Huancané)
awk"wa meaning uncertain; occurred in

jich"a.t awk"wa.ru ‘from now on' (Salinas)

dich"a 'now' -ru 'to'

aynacha ‘descent, slope, below' (La Paz, Juli, Calacoa,
Jopoqueri )

chaga_ ~ chag"a ‘around, in the area of' (Morocomarca)

chika 'next to, beside’ (Juli, Jopoqueri, Calacala,
San Andrés de Machaca)

na.mp chik ‘at my side’ (Juli)

na Ip -mpi_ ‘with'
chika.ta ‘next to, beside' (Tiahuanaco)
-ta ‘from, of'

chika ‘halfway, middle' (Compi, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa;
also a temporal)

chika.ta ‘half' (La Paz)
6

ch'ina’ ‘after, behind' (Tiahuanaco, in folk tale only;

also Bertonio 1603b:223)
uta ch'in.kat.xa.y ‘behind the house' (Tiahuanaco)
uta '‘house' -kata ‘across'
-xa_ sentence suffix -ya sentence suffix
jik"a 'behind' (Huancané)
k"ina ‘behind, west' (Jopoqueri)

laru 'beside' < Spanish lado ‘side' (Juli, Huancané, Jopo-
queri, Salinas,
Morocomarca )

/layra/ ‘eye, before, in front of' (Salinas, Morocomarca;
also a temporal)

/nayra/ ‘eye, before, in front of' (La Paz, Juli, Socca,
Huancané, Calacoa,
Sitajara, Jopoqueri;
also a temporal)

pacha ‘space, time, epoch' (all dialects; also a temporal)
juk'a pacha.ki ‘little amount' (Morocomarca)

juk'a ‘little amount' -ki ‘just’
226

jisk'a  pacha.ki '‘small' (Morocomarca)
jisk'a ‘little size’

5-2.6 Temporals’

This important class contains a number of roots
and a few root-like recurrent partials referring to seg-
ments of time. In all dialects the class has taken in
certain Spanish time words which pattern like the Aymara

roots.
5-2.61 Full temporal roots

Full temporal roots may be defined as potentially
occurring as heads in phrases or compounds with jich"a
"now' as modifier, or as modifiers in phrases or com-
pounds with uru 'day' as head. These two roots, which
occur in all dialects, themselves belong to the class of
full temporal roots as they occur in the combination
jich".u:ru as well as in other combinations. Full temporal
roots, including those that are Spanish loans, are the
following (for dialectal distribution of native Aymara

temporal roots, see Figures 5-1 and 5-2):
5-2.61.1 Heads with jich"a as modifier
alwa < Spanish alba ‘dawn’, ‘early, morning'

arama ~ aruma ‘night, morning, period from midnight to
dawn, before daylight’
227

arumanti ~ arumant"i ‘morning, tomorrow, period from midnight
to dawn'

arumarji ~ arumirja ‘morning’
+ i

jaypu ~ jayp"u ~ jayp'u ‘afternoon, evening’

mara 'year'

p"axsi ‘month'

g'alta ~ q"alt'i ‘morning, tomorrow’ (Bertonio 1603b cited
*galta)

ratu < Spanish rato 'while'

simana < Spanish semana tweek'®

tarti < Spanish tarde ‘afternoon, evening, late’
timpu < Spanish tiempo ‘time’

urasa ~ -wrasa ~ -wsa < Spanish horas ‘hours’
uru_ ‘day'

By a morphophonemic rule affecting nouns with initial
/j3V/;,; jich"a may optionally lose its sequence /ji/ (see

4-3.12.1).
5-2.61.2 Modifiers with uru as head

chika ‘halfway, middle' (also borderline positional )

jich"a ~ juch"a?

‘now
228

jurpi_ ~ jurp"i ‘day after tomorrow'

maya ‘another' (homophonous with maya ‘one')

q'alta ~ g"alt'i ‘morning, tomorrow' (Bertonio 1603b cited
tqalta)

g"ara ‘'tomorrow'
g"ipa '‘after' (also a positional)
wasa ‘another, other'

Forms with uru as head show the operations of
the different vowel sequence avoidance rules characteris-
tic of the dialects concerned (see 4-3.22.13).

gq'alta ~ g"alt'i ‘morning, tomorrow’ is included
here since a possibly related /qalit.uru/ ‘first day (of
month)' occurred embedded in a noun phrase in La Paz/
Tiahuanaco (see the end of 5-2.64), even though the first
two allomorphs were not found to occur before uru. They
are also included here because /q"alt'i/ modifies /jurp"i/

‘day after tomorrow’ and pacha 'time, epoch' in Salinas.
5-2.62 Rootlike recurrent partials

The rootlike recurrent partials that are members
of this class occur only as modifiers, in all dialects.

They are

mar- ~ war- ~ wal- ‘two (days) ago’ (+ uru)
229

mas- ~ was- ‘one (day) ago' (+ jayp'u and uru)

They occur without final vowels, but may be assumed to
have final /a/ by analogy with the root wasa, which
occurs as a free root in La Paz; *masawa ‘long ago' was
alleged by Bertonio (1603b:50).

The Spanish days of the week have been borrowed
into all Aymara dialects. They occur both as heads with
jich"a as modifier, and as modifiers with uru as head.
They also frequently occur as heads modified by alaya
'next' and pas.ir ‘last’ and as modifiers of alwa,

jayp'u, and probably others. The days are
lunisa < lunes ‘Monday '
martisa < martes 'Tuesday'
mirkulisa<miércoles 'Wednesday'
juywisa < jueves ‘Thursday '
wirnisa < viernes '‘Friday'
sawaru. < sdbado 'Saturday'
tuminku < domingo ‘'‘Sunday'
5-2.63 Restricted temporal roots

Temporal roots which are more restricted in their

occurrences than full temporal roots and root-like
230

recurrent partials but formally and semantically belong in

the class are
alaya 'next', modifier of days of the week and of
p"axsi; a borderline positional also (all dialects)
arumara ‘another day' (Juli)
arunta ‘night’ (La Paz, Calacala)
kuti ‘time, occurrence’, modified by the interrogative
gawg"a, demonstratives aka and uka, and numbers,
as in ma: kuti ‘one time' (La Paz)
layra_ ~ nayra ‘before', modifier with pacha, timpu,
and frozen suffix -qata; also a borderline
positional (all dialects)
pacha ‘time, epoch', modified by interrogatives kuna and
gawg"a, demonstratives, layra~nayra, and g"alt'i;
also a borderline positional (all dialects)

Also classifiable as restricted temporals are the hours
of the day which in all dialects have been borrowed from

Spanish, e. g. Ja una ‘one o'clock', las uchu < las ocho

 

 
‘eight o'clock.'

‘what time’.

231

They answer questions with kuna.wrasa.sa

The Spanish months of the year have also been

borrowed into Aymara everywhere.

modifying p"axsi 'month', e.

 

of April’.
p"iwriru <
marsu .
awril  <
Mayu =
junu <
jullu <
awustue <
uktuwri <
nuwimri <
risimri <

The months are

enero
febrero
marzo
abril
mayo
junio

agosto

setiembre

octubre

noviembre

diciembre

They usually occur

g. awril p"axsi ‘the month

"January'
"February'
'March'
‘April’
'May'
‘June'
‘July’
"August'
"September'
'October'
"November'’

"December'

Bertonio (1603b:181-182) gave names for the Aymara months
232

which according to Vasquez are not months, but rather
descriptions of agricultural activities appropriate to
different seasons. These do not correspond to fixed
months, probably because the agricultural seasons in

the Aymara-speaking world vary widely according to alti-
tude, availability of water, and quality of the soil as
well as to annual fluctuations in rainy and dry cycles
within areas. Below are given Bertonio's ‘months' and

his glosses, followed by V&squez' interpretations.
t chinu p'axsi ‘January, month of the ant’

chinu p"axsi ‘tying month' chinu.fia ‘to tie' (La Paz)

(Vasquez suggests this may refer to tying the kipu,
the knotted string records kept in ancient times. )

*marka p"axsi or “q"ulli.wi p'axsi ‘February, month to be in town
in order to divide fields into those to lie fallow and those

to be plowed'

marka ‘town' g"ulli.fia ‘to plow' gq"ulli.wi ‘plowing time’
(La Paz)

"1 1upa. 1 lamayu ‘March'
llupa.fia ‘to cover' Llamayu.fia ‘to hoe'
liamay p"axsi ‘hoeing month' (La Paz)

*amka. 1 amayu ‘April' (unknown in La Paz)
233

*isk'a wati or tkasi.wi ‘May, little hunger'

 

jisk'a awati ‘assumption of duties by new team of shepherds
sent to herd and cut wool; in some places may occur in

January or March' (La Paz)
disk'a ‘little' awati.fia ‘to herd'
*kasi.wi (unknown)
jach'a jawti ‘June, big hunger'
jach'a awtji ‘big hunger' (La Paz)
jach'a awti ‘big drought’ (La Paz)
jach'a ‘big' awtji '‘hunger' awti ‘drought’
*kYasu lapaga 'September'
lapaga ‘drought caused by the sun' (sequedad del sol) (La Paz)
*k"asu (unknown)
*sata.wi lapaga ‘October’
sata.w lapaga ‘planting drought' (La Paz)
sata.fia ‘to plant’
*wafia chucha 'November' (unknown in La Paz)
* uma chucha 'December' (unknown in La Paz)

uma '‘water' (La Paz)
234

+ hucha pankata: 'kind of beetle that comes in November and December

when there is stil] drought'

chucha pankataya ‘beetle that comes during heavy rains in

December' (La Paz)

At least one misinterpretation is apparent in
Bertonio's data. In contemporary Aymara awati is '‘herding',
not ‘hunger’, which Bertonio gives as *jawti in
*jach'a jawti and which is awtji in present-day La Paz.

Expressing frustration at not being able to elicit
names clearly corresponding to the months as Europeans
knew them, Bertonio complained

The etymology of these that we have

declared is not understood by all the

same way; nor do the months begin with

the punctuality of ours, because of

their lack of sophistication (policia)

and knowledge. (Bertonio 1603b:182
The Aymaras' detailed knowledge of their agricultural cycle
was evidently lost on Bertonio.

A small set of native Aymara terms for times of

day is the following provided by Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco):
inti tuyta ‘eight a.m.’ inti ‘sun’
jalsu ‘six to seven a.m.' (i. e., sunrise)
willjta ‘five a.m., when the stars fall'

Bertonio (1603b:185) also gave the term Tanti sunagi.n.kipa.na
235

for 'noon'. Vasquez indicates this means 'on the top of
the head'.
The following restricted temporal roots do not

enter into noun phrases but instead modify verbs:

anch"ita ‘right away'
jink"ara (Jopoqueri) ~ nik"ira (Sitajara) ~ nik“iri
(Socca) ~ nink"ara (Salinas, La Paz) ~ nink"a:ra

(La Paz) ~ nink"ra (Morocomarca) ‘a while ago! 0

maya ~ may.ti ‘all at once' (see 5-2.4)
maya.mpi ~ ma.nti ‘again' (see 5-2.4)

niya ~ na '‘already'

wasita (La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara) ~ wasta (Juli)

‘'again' (possibly related to wasa)

5-2.64 Temporals in combination with nouns of other
classes
In all dialects nouns from other classes combine
with temporais. Compound forms with the interrogatives
kuna and gawg"a are shown in 5-2.1. The demonstratives
and the numbers, especially maya ~ ma: 'one' and maya

‘'another' (which are simultaneously temporals), may also

modify temporals.
236

The normal positional g"ipa ‘after’ and the bor-
derline positionals chika ‘halfway, middle’ and layra ~
nayra 'before' are simultaneously members of the temporal
class and modify other temporals in all dialects.

Two verbs nominalized with -iri modify temporals.
They are jut.iri ‘coming, next' and pas.iri ‘last, past'
(from Spanish pasa- ‘pass'), as in the following. (The
examples are from La Paz but probably occur elsewhere

as well.)
jut.ir mara ‘next year'

jut.ir p"axsi "next month'

pas.ir junisa ‘last Monday'

pas.ir p'axsi ‘last month’

The suffix -kama should also be included in a

discussion of temporals (see 5-3.32.1).
5-2.65 Distribution of temporal roots and derived forms

Figures 5-1.1 and 5-1.2 give dialectal distribu-
tion and glosses of full root and derived temporals that
show variation, in alphabetical order. Where a slot in
the pattern is filled by a different form, it is shown
in parentheses. Blanks mean no form was elicited for the

gloss shown. Figure 5-2 shows the overlapping glosses of
Roots

arama~
aruma

arumanti~
arumant" {

arumarji~
arumirja

Jaypu~
Jayp"u~
jayp'u

jurpi~
jurp’1

Figure 5-1.1.

Bertonio
1603b

La Paz

aruma

(arumarj{~
arumirja
arumanti~
arumant"?)

aruma

jich"arma~
jich"aruma

jich"arma

arumant i~
arumant"i

jich"ar-
mant"i

arumarji~
arumirja

jich"ar-
mirja
jayp'u
jich"ayp'u
masayp'u~
wasayp'u
jurpu:ru

Temporals

 

Julf Huancané Calacoa

———————— aruma ———————_>

(alwa) (arumanti) (q'alta)
~<——- aruma ——>
jayp"“u aruma
(jich"a ~<— jich"aruma —>-
jayp'u
(masayp'u)

~<———_—— arumanti —--———>-.

arumanti
jich"ar- (jich"a
manti q'alta)
Jayp'u Jaypu jayp"u
jich'a ~«<— (jich"aruma) —>
jayp'u
masayp'u

jurp"u:ru jurpiwru jurp"i

Sitajara

(ch'ama)
‘dark’

aruma

(mayuru,
q'alta)

(jich"ur
aruma).

Jjaypu

jurpiwru

Jopoquert Salinas Morocomarca
arama arama~ aruma
aruma .
arama
arama aruma
aruma
(jich"a jich"a jich"a
arumanti) arama aruma
+— (jayp"u)-— masur
aruma
(q"aru:ru)  (q“ara, (q"alt'i)
g'alt'i)

<—— (jich"ag"alt'i) ————>
jich"a
arumanti

——— jayp"u ————_—>

(jich"a (jich"a (jich"a
arumant{) arama) aruma)
~«——jayp"u —_> (masur
aruma)
jurpi q"alt'i (q"aru:ru)
jurp"i
jurpu:ru

Gloss

night

evening
morning

early morning

midnight/dawn

early night
tonight

Jast night
tomorrow

morning
this morning
tonight

morning
this morning

evening, night

tonight
last night
day after tomorrow

day after day
after tomorrow

L€e
Bertonio
1603b

Roots La Paz

mara maymara~
mayina:ra~
miymara,
k"uri mara
jutir
mara

(azrumarji
arumirja,
arunanti
arumant"i)

q'alta~
q"alt'i

q"ara q"aru:ru
(jurpurru)

uru chika uru

jich"u:ru~
juch"u:ru
jurpu:ru

+
waluru

walu:ru

+
masu:vu masuru
wasuiTu
mayuru,
q" ipusru

Figure 5-1.2. Temporals

 

Juli Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca Gloss
miymara ——— maymara —————> Jast year
q" ipa next year
mara
(alwa)  (arumanti) «—— qg'alta —+> ~——-——. q"alt'i ————_—_-- morning
q"aru:ru —q“arawru (arumanti) = (mayuru, q"aru:ru q"ara (q"alt'i) tomorrow
. q'alta)
———————-———— _ (jurpt series) ———_———__-—__—> q"aru:ru. day after tomorrow
midday
jich"u:ru) «—Jich"awru —> fiche today
jurp"u:ru jurpiwru (jurp"i) jurpiwru (jurpi) (qa (q"aru:ru) day after tomorrow
jurp"t
jurpu:ru day after day
after tomorrow
walu:ra walawru* <——— waluru ———> waruru (maswar- maruru day before
u:ru} yesterday
masu:ru  masawru ~—— masuru ———> ——— — masu:ru ————_—>- yesterday

g"ipu:ru g"tpavru
yaq"a uru
*unattested,
but fits
pattern

mayuru mayu:ru another day

yag"a uru

BE?
arama

aruma

arumarji ~
arumirja

arumanti

arumara

arunta

[*qarta Bertonio 16035]
gialta Calacca

qvalt'i

*mayl lucy Bertonio 1603b

mayuru
mayu:ru

q"ara
g"aru:ru
q"arawru
ws .
q"ipusru

q"ipawru

(to}night (this) morning
Jopoqueri Jopoqueri
Salinas
La Paz Sitajara
Juli Morocomarca
Huancané
Calacoa
Morocomarca

La Paz
Jopoqueri La Paz
La Paz
Calacala

Jopoqueri
Salinas
Horccomarca

Figure 5-2. Temporals - Overlapping Glosses

midaight/dawn

Norocomarca

Jopocueri

tomorrow

La Paz
dulf
Huancané
Calacoa

Sitajara
Salinas
Morocomarca

Sitajara

' Salinas

La Paz
Juli
Jopoqueri
Huencané

day after tomorrow another day

Julf
nN
©)
io

La Paz

Jopoqueri

Salinzs

Morocomarca

La Paz, Juli

Huancané
240

certain root and derived temporals. Forms alleged for

Juli by Bertonio (1603b) are boxed to set them off from

contemporary forms. |!

5-2.66 Semantics

Phonologically identical or similar roots with
the same meanings across dialects are the Spanish loans

and the following:
jaypu ~ jayp"u ~ jayp'u ‘evening’
djich"a 'now'
jink"ara (and variants) ‘a little while ago'
jurpi_ ~ jurp"i ‘day after tomorrow’
pacha ‘time, epoch'
p"axsi ‘month'

uru ‘day'

Phonologically identical or similar derived forms
with the same meanings across dialects, in their La Paz

versions, are

may.mara ~ miy.mara 'last year'

jurp.u:ru ~ ‘day after tomorrow’ (except in Morocomarca)
241

mas.u:ru_~ was.u:ru- ‘yesterday'

wal.u:ru ‘day before yesterday' (except in Salinas)

As may be seen in Figure 5-2, the semantic field
of aruma_ ~ arama and arumanti still lacks a precise formu-
lation, but certain outlines are clear. The glosses at
first seemed bewilderingly in conflict: ‘morning' and
‘night’. To complicate matters further, aruma means
‘orange color' in Jopoqueri. Two sources, one from Moro-
comarca and the other from Jopoqueri, accepted ‘time
period from midnight to dawn' as a roughly accurate defi-
nition of aruma (Morocomarca) and arumanti (Jopoqueri).
According to a La Paz source, the period begins at bed-
time: arum chiga.ru is ‘at dusk' (Spanish al atardecer)
or ‘at night' (Spanish por la noche). A source in Calacoa

said the following:

Aruma.:.w.x.i.W, iki.nta.w.ja.:tan.
33 bed 4>3

S F

late

‘It's already fae

} >» let's go to bed.'
In La Paz, Calacoa, and Huancané, aruma also means ‘early

morning, before daylight' as in the following:

Aruma.t sara.nani.xa. ‘Let's go early (before it gets
go 433 light).' (Huancané)
F
242

The period thus seems to begin after dark, approximately
when people retire for the night, and end before dawn,
when they get up. Perhaps it refers to the period when
work is normally suspended; it is evidently tied to dark-
ness. Depending on one's point of reference in time

it may be translated variously.

The root arumanti overlaps the semantic field

of 'tomorrow'. La Paz, Juli and Huancané have both
arumanti and a g"ara form for ‘tomorrow'. A qg"ara form

was not elicited for Calacoa, which alone of the arumanti
‘tomorrow’ group also has g'alta for 'morning'. Salinas
and Jopoqueri have g"alt'i for ‘morning’ and g"ara forms
for 'tomorrow'; in Salinas g"alt'i also means ‘tomorrow’.
Salinas and Morocomarca have g"alt'i for both
‘morning’ and ‘'tomorrow' and Huancané has arumanti for
both meanings. La Paz has ch"armant"i ‘this morning’
built on arumanti, and arumanti ‘tomorrow’. La Paz and
Huancané also have forms based on q"ara for ‘tomorrow’
and La Paz also has arumarji ~ arumirja for ‘morning’.
Bertonio (1603b) indicated there were separate terms
for the two, *galta ‘morning’ and *maylluru ‘tomorrow’.
In contemporary dialects forms built of maya plus uru
mean ‘another day' rather than ‘tomorrow' except in
Sitajara, where the form has both meanings. (It may

also have had both meanings in 17th century Juli.)
243

In Morocomarca g"ar.u:ru means ‘day after tomorrow',
the slot filled by the jurpi series elsewhere, and jurp.uru
means ‘day after day after tomorrow’, a semantic slot not
elicited for other dialects.

In La Paz q'alta ~ g"alt'i were rejected, although
a possibly related gallt.uru occurred in the phrase mayu
p"axs galit.uru ‘the first day of May' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco).
In Salinas arumanti was recognized as used elsewhere but
not there. Not all terms were tested in all areas, so
some not shown for a given area may in fact be acceptable

there.
5-2.7 Ambiguous noun/verb roots

A few ambiguous noun/verb roots have been identi-
fied in this research. The following occur generally

unless otherwise noted:

aru ‘word, language; talk, speak’
awati ‘herding; herd'
ch'aga ‘lost; lose'

ch'uwa ‘transparent, crystalline; be transparent’ (said
of water, milk)

isi ‘clothes; put on clothes'

jacha ‘tear; cry'
244

k"ita ‘messenger; send a messenger'

mang'a ~ mag'a ‘food; eat, feed'

mink'a ‘help; help' (Morocomarca)

nink"ara ‘a while ago; be a while ago' (La Paz)

pug"a ‘full; pay a bill (fulfill)'

gillga ‘letter; write'

qinaya ‘cloud; cloud' (La Paz)

guna ‘square stone used to grind corn; grind corn' (La Paz)

q'ipi ‘bundle; carry a bundle on the back'

A special kind of noun/verb root is the syntactic

filler inchi, which occurs to fill space while the speaker

searches for a word. !¢ Examples:
Uka.ta.w (inchi) kuna.sa. . . ‘Then (uh) what. . .'
(Calacoa)

inchi.w.iri.x (Calacoa) -wa- verbal derivational 'distancer'
-iri  nominalizer

inchi.ru.x (Sitajara) -ru ‘to, at’

inchi.ta (Calacala) -ta ‘of, from’
245

Certain verb roots plus derivational suffixes may

act like derived nouns. Examples are given in 6-2.

5-3 Noun Suffixes

Noun suffixes occur only on noun roots, noun stems,
and nominalized themes. Noun suffix classes are four:

a class of limited occurrence and three order classes.
Class 1 consists of locationals, diminutives, a posses-
sor/enumerator, personal possessives, and plural. Class
2 consists of complement/relational (case) suffixes and
final noun suffixes. Class 3 noun suffixes are the ver-
balizers.

Figure 5-3 shows the order classes of noun suf-
fixes. This figure, adapted from my earlier version
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.281), shows all noun suffixes
and their allomorphs encountered in the research for
this study.

For general comments on noun suffix morphopho-

nemics, see 4-2.

5-3.1 Class of limited occurrence

5-3.11 Frozen limited suffixes

Frozen suffixes occur most often as recurrent
partials frozen in stems that do not occur without them,
but some also occur on certain free roots. Their meaning

is not usually apparent.
Limited Class Class } Class 2

Comptement/
(Non-frozen) Locationals Possessives Plural Relaticnal Final Suffixes

me ee ee me we ee me

= kata li -wja ~ jita})
Possessor/
Diminutives Enumerator

-ycha oni
“ila > oytla
-ita
eitu
eysitu

         

   
     
           

‘
t
~ xa (and vars
jants) !

  
      

t
Or
3
oa

  
  
 
       
 
  

  

  

> Jama

1,2
= xa 7

co
o

{and var-
fants)

Nc te AS
un
w

    

 

= -t"
vty ~ ot'a
¢

 

~ taki, ~ -tak’d>
.v v

¢ 6 6© ly
y thy

Class 3

Verbal izers Key: .
Suffixes separated by a dotted line may change places.
Suffixes separated ty a solid line may not change places.

[rela ~ -ka-

Vay follow -mpi and -pacha.
May separate -mpi and -pacha.
May precede -ni and locationals -wja, ={ita.

Morphophonemics cf allemorphs are the same as on the first
allomorphs shown, unless otherwise noted.

 

Adapted from Griggs (dardman et al. 1975:3.281)

Figure 5-3. Aymara Noun Suffixes

972
247

5-3.11.1 Kinship markers

Kinship markers are -chi ~ -ch"i ~ -ch'i, -ku,
-la, -ta ~ -tta, and -ya. They occur on kinship terms
used in certain areas. Both -chi or -ta and -la occur

on certain stems, -la always last.
5-3.11.11 “e chi ~ -ch"i ~ -ch'i
V
Kinship terms with this partial are
achachi_ ‘grandfather' (Morocomarca, also Bertonio 1603b)
‘old man' (Calacoa)
'stupid/dirty old man, old (animal)'
(La Paz)
achachila ‘grandfather’ (Juli, Calacala, Jopoqueri)
achichi ‘stupid old man, old' (Sitajara)
alichi 'grandchild(ren)' (most dialects)
alichti 'grandchild(ren)' (Jopoqueri)

*apachi ‘grandmother' (Bertonio 1603b; not attested in

modern Aymara)
248

awkch'i 'father-in-law' (Huancané, Salinas, Morocomarca;
awki occurs there and elsewhere, meaning 'father'

or ‘old man')
jach'achila ‘grandfather’ (Morocomarca) jach'a_ 'big'
taykchi_ ‘mother-in-law’ (Huancané)

taykch'i ‘mother-in-law! (Salinas; tayka occurs there and

elsewhere, meaning 'mother' or ‘old woman')

This frozen suffix has a preceding vowel in some stems,

and a preceding consonant in others.
5-3.11.12 ~yku

This has occurred only in mamaku 'mother' and
tataku ‘father', terms reportedly used today in the
towns of Huatajata and Janco Amaya near Compi (La
Paz); they were used in Compi during the childhood of
persons who are now middle-aged. The forms mama
'mother/ma'am' and tata 'father/sir' are in general

use throughout the Aymara area.
5-3.11.13 -yla
This occurs as follows:

achachila ‘grandfather’ (Juli, Calacala, Jopoqueri)

ch'ammala ‘grandmother’ < jach'a mamala (Jopoqueri )
249

jach'achila ‘grandfather’ (Morocomarca)

jach'attala ‘grandfather' < jach'a tatala (Jopoqueri)

jach'a ‘large’

mamala ‘form of address used by mother speaking to daughter'

(Vitocota)
mamala ‘mother’ (Calacoa, Morocomarca)
jach'a mamala ‘great grandmother' (San Andrés de Machaca)
jilir mamala ‘mother's older sister' (Morocomarca)

tatala ‘form of address used by mother speaking to son'

(Vitocota)
tatala ‘father’ (Calacoa, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
tatala ‘offensive term' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Dios tatala ‘God the Father' (Torata, Moquegua)
tiwula < Spanish tfo ‘uncle' (previously used in Compi)

tiwula 'fox' (La Paz, Socca, Sitajara, Jopoqueri)
250

tiyala ‘sister or female cousin of father’ < Spanish tia

(Juli)

tiyula < Spanish tio ‘uncle’ (Morocomarca)

 

5-3.11.14 -yma_~ -mma
C
This is probably a reduced form of mama ‘mother/

ma'am'. It has occurred only in Jopoqueri, in the follow-

ing:
jil.ir.may ‘father's older brother's wife’
tayp.ir.ma ‘father's middle brother's wife'
sullk.ir.ma ‘father's younger brother's wife'

pichumma ‘father's youngest brother's wife'

This suffix basically requires a previous vowel,

but it follows the three-vowel rule (4-3.22.16).

5-3.11.15 -yta ~ -tta
Cc

This is probably a reduced form of tata 'father/

ipata ‘father's sister’ (Jopoqueri) ipa ‘aunt’

jach‘attala < jach'a tatala ‘grandfather' (Jopoqueri)
251

jilata ‘brother’ (Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas, Morocomarca)
jila ‘brother' (most dialects)

jil.ir.ttay ‘father's older brother' (Jopoqueri)
jil.iri ‘older' (most dialects)

larita ‘uncle! (Calacoa)

lari ‘fox' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
‘neighbor’ (Compi)

‘father's brother' (Bertonio 1603b:202)

laritta ‘uncle’ (Jopoqueri)

pichu.r.tta ‘father's youngest brother' (Jopoqueri)

pichu.ri ‘youngest' (Jopoqueri)

sullk.ir.tta ‘father's younger brother’ (Jopoqueri)

sullka '‘younger' (most dialects)

tayp.ir.tta ‘father's middle brother' (Jopoqueri)

taypi ‘middle' (all dialects)
252

The morphophonemics of this suffix are the same as those

of -ma ~ -mma.
5-3.11.16 -yya

This suffix occurs on jilaya 'brother', jil.ir.may
‘father's older brother's wife’, and jil.ir.ttay ‘father's
older brother', all used in Jopoqueri, and in sullka
tata.ya ‘father's younger brother', used in Socca. In
the last example it may be an allomorph of lp possessive

suffix (see 5-3.24.1).
5-3.12 Nonfrozen limited suffixes

The meanings of these suffixes are usually

apparent.

5-3.12.1 - chapi ~ -ch"api ‘the one which/that'

This suffix does not occur in La Paz. It occurs
in Huancané, Sitajara, and Jopoqueri, usually with the
aspirated allomorph, on the interrogative kawki, the
demonstratives aka and uka, and the derived number

may.ni. Examples:
kawk.ch"api.sa ‘which, who is that?' (Sitajara)
ak.chapi ‘this one' (Huancané)

uk.chapi ‘that one' (Huancané)
may.n.ch"ap.iri ‘someone' (Jopoqueri)

The following examples were cited by Bertonio (1603b)
and Tschopik (1948):

*kawki.chapi 'which' (Bertonio 1603b:237)

*kawk.ch'ap.iri.sa ‘which of us'  (Tschopik 1948:110)

*jach'a.chapi 'the large one' (Bertonio 1603b:193)

*jiwa.ta.chapi ‘the one that is dead' (Tschopik 1948:110)

*wila.chapi 'the red one' (Bertonio 1603b:192)

(The glottalization shown on the second example is probably

in error.)
5-3.12.2 ~ chia ‘size, extent'

This suffix has occurred on the interrogative
gawg"a, the demonstrative uka, and the number maya.

It is general in all dialects. Examples:

qawg"a.ti gqawq.ch'a.ti ‘however much' (Huancané)
uk.ch'a.ki.y ‘just that size’ (La Paz)

Uk.ch'a.ki.w. ‘That's all.' (story ending, Juli, La Paz)
254

ma: uk.ch'a ‘a while’ (Jopoqueri)
yat may.ch'a.x ‘in some places' (La Paz)

tuk.ch'a.:.fi.kama.xa ‘meanwhile’ (Tschopik 1948:108)

5-3.12.3 - da ‘amount, quantity'

This suffix occurs on only a few roots and is
difficult to distinguish from a homophonous allomorph
of the Class 2 noun suffix -jama 'like', except when it
(-ja 'quantity') occurs before a complement/relational
suffix (see jayp'.ja.ru below). It must also be
distinguished from the allomorph /-ja/ of lp possessive
and from the verbal derivational suffix -ja- that may
verbalize noun roots. It may be this suffix that occurs
in the derived demonstratives ak"a and uk"a and in the
interrogatives kawk"a and qawg"a. It occurs on wali
in wal.ja ‘a lot', contrasting with wal.jama ‘pretty
good'. Two other examples, on temporals, are jayp'.ja.ru
‘in the afternoon' (San Andrés de Machaca) and ur.ja

‘by day' (Salinas).
5-3.12.4 - Kipa ‘every other'

In contemporary La Paz Aymara, this suffix occurs
only on numbers, as in may.kipa ‘every other one',
pay.kipa ‘every other two'. It may be identical with

the homophonous verbal derivational suffix meaning ‘action
255

around the edge, past a point, back and forth' which is
known to verbalize one noun root (see 6-2.15.1), although
the verbal suffix has different morphophonemics, requiring
a preceding vowel. Bertonio (1603b:172-173) cited -kipa
on numbers and on the following forms which are unaccept-

able in La Paz today:

*gaygta.kipa.n.ki.s ‘how far back in line'

(qawg"a.n.k.k.i.s means 'how far back in line’ in
La Paz today)

+ . ' . oo
nayra.kipa ‘second in line
*pani.kipa ‘third in Vine’

5-3.12.5 -:ka ‘general location'

This suffix occurs only on the demonstratives
aka, uka, and k"aya in La Paz. It also occurred once
in Socca on aka. It was not formally elicited nor did
it occur spontaneously elsewhere. Possibly a reduced
form of aka, it lessens the preciseness of a location.

The following examples are from La Paz/Compi.

aka.:ka.n sar.naga.s.ka.:na ‘he was going around here'
~~ 33
RDK

k"aya.:ka.n ‘around there’
uka.:ka.n ‘around there'

*k"uri.:ka.n (rejected )

The following pair, the second with -:ka, occurred in

Socca.

Aka.n.ka.s.ka.ki.ya:.wa. ‘I'll be here in this place.'

133

F
Aka.:ka.n.ka.s.ka.ki.ya:.wa. ‘I'll be around here.'
5-3.12.6 -:k"a  '‘through'

Only one example of the suffix :k"a ‘through’
has occurred, in uta.:k"a ‘through the house' in Moro-
comarca, where neither the combination /-n.jama/ nor
/-na.ma/ ‘through' occurs (see 5-3.32.3). It may per-
haps consist of -:ka ‘general location’ plus /-ja/

allomorph of -jama ‘like’.

5-3.12.7 a ayku ~ -rayku ‘on account of'
Cc

/-rayku/ occurs in Morocomarca, /-layku/ else-
where. In most dialects use of this suffix in a question
implies perplexity and annoyance on the part of the ques-

tioner, e. g.,

Kuna. layku.s jut.ta? ‘Whatever possessed you to come?'
what ~~ — come 2>3
S
257

Statements with this suffix do not usually have the

strong emotional overtone of the question, as in

Manu. layku.w jut.ta. 'I came because of a debt.'
debt 133

S

 

Missionary Aymara uses the term kuna.layku.ti.xa 'because'
(see 9-5).
This suffix follows the three-vowel rule

(4-3.22.16).

§-3.12.8 - pura ‘between, among' (reciprocal)

c

This suffix occurs primarily on human nouns.

warmi.pura ‘among women' (La Paz)

mimill waw.pura.tan ‘we're just women' (Sitajara)
4-3
S

 

mimilla ‘girl’  wawa_ 'child'

Jupa.nak.pura.ki.w. ‘They're just by themselves. '
3p

 

Bertonio used this suffix with body parts, as
in *nayra.pura "both eyes', but in present-day La Paz
this is rejected in favor of using the frozen stem purapa
‘both' (see 5-3.24) as a modifier, e. g. purap kayu
‘both feet'.
258

This suffix follows the three-vowel rule

(4-3.22.16).
5-3.12.9 ~ygata

This suffix is known to occur on only two roots:

nayra 'before’ and sapa ‘only’. The stem nayra.gata

‘in front of' is used in La Paz, Jopoqueri, and probably
elsewhere. The stem sapa.gata 'each one’ occurs in La

Paz.
5-3.12.10 - ra "through'

Like -:k"a, -ra is a suffix occurring in only
one dialect, in this case Jopoqueri, with the meaning

‘through’.

uta.ra.n ‘through the house'
5-3.12.11 - fara intensifier

In La Paz this suffix occurs as in the following:

lag'a.rara ‘covered with earth' lag'a ‘earth’
lichi.rara ‘spotted with milk’ lichi ‘milk’

gala.rara ‘covered with stones’ gala ‘stone’

In Irpa Chico, province of Ingavi, La Paz, it

occurred in these examples cited by Martin (1969:34).
259

"Aig" i.rara ‘very muddy' nig"i ‘mud'

+ uchi.rara ‘very dirty' k"uchi ‘'pig'

5-3.12.12 - pwisa ~ - wisu ‘without'

V

This suffix is no longer productive in any dia-
lect investigated for this study, although in Bertonio's
time it apparently was (Bertonio 1603b:214,215). Its
use is now taken over by jani negative plus the possessor/
enumerator suffix -ni, as in jan nasa.ni ‘without a
nose'. Today the only forms attested with -wisa are
for Compi and Tiahuanaco: jinchu.wisa ‘hard of hearing’
and nayra.wisa ‘having bad eyesight' (which would not
be said within earshot of the person referred to, as
they would be considered rude) and jayu.wisa ‘lacking

salt'. -wisa occurs in Tiahuanaco, -wisu in Compi.

5~-3.2 Class 1 suffixes

5-3.21 Locationals

I have described locational suffixes elsewhere
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.287-290). No special effort was
made to elicit them in this study, and no variations
in their occurrences were noted. They are -.sa ‘side’,
- kata ~ -kati ‘across’, - ywia ‘place’, - dita ‘exactly

in a place’, - xa ‘over, on', and -:xa ‘beside’.
260

5-3.22 Diminutives

The following diminutives have occurred in this
research: -cha, -illa ~ -lla, -ita, -itu, and -situ.
The last three are clearly Spanish loans; -illa ~ -lla
may be. The first two and -itu are fully productive,
-~ita is less so, and -situ occurs only frozen in stems
but is included here because of its structural and
semantic closeness to the others. The diminutives do

not usually co-occur with the locationals.
5-3.22.1 ~ycha

This suffix, which may be related to the Jaqaru
-cha limitative (Hardman 1966:87), occurs in Calacoa and
Huancané on any noun that is limited or qualified as

small.
uka.cha.x '‘then' (Huancané)
marka.cha ‘little town’ (Calacoa)

nasa.cha ‘little nose' (Calacoa)

It is used on kinship terms and in forms of address as

a mark of affection and/or courtesy.
tiyu.cha.ja ‘my uncle' (Calacoa)
quli suma.cha mama ‘dear good lady' (Huancané)

jisk'a Jlugalla.cha ‘little boy' (Calacoa)
261

It may occur with other diminutives, as in the following,
which has -cha followed by -itu reduced to /ch.tu/ by
the three-vowel rule (see 4-3.22.16).

papa.ch.tu.ja 'my daddy' (Huancané)
5-3.22.2 --illa ~ ~ tla

/-lla/ diminutive, which occurs in Huancané, Sita-
jara, Corque, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, is to be distin-
guished from /-1la/ Ip possessive which occurs in Vito-
cota and from /-1la/ allomorph of -ya ~ -1lla politive
final (sentence) suffix, which occurs in some of the dia-
Tects that have /-lla/ diminutive. Both the diminutive
/-lla/ and the final suffix /-1lla/ may occur on the same
stem, and they are clearly distinct in meaning.

/-illa/ has occurred in the speech of one source
from Salinas who also uses /-lla/, but the latter is
more common. It may reduplicate for emphasis. A speaker
from Jopoqueri used both pisaq.ita and pisagqa.lla ‘little

partridge’ in the same story. Other examples:
Uk.jama.lia.ki.w. ‘It's just like so.’ (Salinas)
may-illa ‘just one little one' (Salinas)
Sik'a.Jla.lla.wa. ‘It's tiny.' (Salinas) sik'a 'little'

Jisk'a.lla.ki.w. ‘It's very small.'  (Huancané)

jisk'a ‘little’
262

jamach'i.lla ‘little bird' (Salinas)

jila.Jla.naka ‘brothers' (Corque)

tayka.1la ‘little old lady' (Salinas)
5-3.22.3 - ita

This suffix is the borrowed Spanish diminutive
-ita. It occurs infrequently and usually only in frozen
forms such as mamita 'mother' (a term of endearment used
to one's own mother). It also occurs on a few roots

ending in /a/.
kullak.ita ‘little sister' (Calacoa) kullaka ‘'sister'

nas.ita ‘little nose' (Salinas) nasa _ 'nose'

pisag.ita ‘little partridge’ (Jopoqueri)

pisaga ‘partridge’

5-3.22.4 ~_itu

This suffix is the borrowed Spanish diminutive
-ito. It is not used in Calacoa but is elsewhere more
productive than -ita, occurring on nouns without regard
to the gender of the referent, as in tawaq.itu ‘young
woman' (Juli), although in this case the choice of -itu
rather than -ita may be influenced by the fact that the
root tawagu ends in /u/.
263

5-3.22.5 -ySitu

This is a variant of -itu, from Spanish -cito.
It occurs rarely, like -ita, and appears frozen to the

roots on which it occurs, which are all kinship or age terms.
papa.situ ‘father, daddy' < Spanish papacito (La Paz)
allchi.situ  ‘grandchild' (Huancané)

awki.situ) ‘little old man' (Juli)

5-3.23 ~yoi possessor/enumerator

This suffix is in general use in all areas.
The following is a summary and revision of my earlier
treatment (Hardman et al. 1975:3.291-294). The semantics

of -ni are further discussed in 8-2.24.
5-3.23.1 -ni possessor

The suffix -ni turns a noun into a possessor
of that noun, except as noted in 5-3.23.2. A noun stem
with -ni may be verbalized with the verbal derivational

suffix -cha causative as well as by -:- verbalizer.
quligi.ni ‘one who has money'

quligi.n.cha.fia ‘to make someone win' (La Paz)
264

The negative jani modifying a noun with -ni means '‘with-
out', as in jan chacha.ni ‘without a husband' (Jopoqueri,

La Paz).
5-3.23.2 -ni enumerator

-ni is used in forming certain numbers, for count-
ing, and when the following classes of nouns are used with
reference to human beings: numbers, quantity nouns (such
as tagi 'all', taq.pacha ‘all', wal.ja ‘a lot, much,
many', and juk'a ‘a few'), or the interrogative qawq"a

‘how much, how many‘.
5-3.24 Personal possessives

There are four personal possessive suffixes
corresponding to the four personal pronouns (5-2.3) and
occurring on the item possessed. All refer exclusively
to human possessors except the third person, which is
unmarked for human or nonhuman (i. e., it may refer to
human or nonhuman possessors, animate or inanimate).

There is no phonemic variation in the mor-
phemes of 2p, 3p, and 4p, which correspond to the last
syllable of the corresponding personal pronoun: 2p -ma,
3p -pa, and 4p -sa. However, as already indicated in
3-4.32, there is considerable variation in the allo-
morphs of Ip. The 3p suffix is unique in that it occurs

frozen in certain stems.
5-3.24.1 Allomorphs of Ip suffix

/-ja/

/-xa/
/-:/
/-lla/

/-nha/

/-fa/

*/-ya/

(La Paz/Compi, Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa;
also alleged in Bertonio 1603b)

(La Paz)
(La Paz [rarely], Socca)

(Vitocota)

(Sitajara, Jopoqueri; reportedly general throughout
most of the provinces of Tarata [Tacna] and Carangas
[Oruro])

(Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala)

(Ross 1964:Addendum, n. 4 to p. 25; locale not
indicated)

The allomorphs above correspond to some of the

allomorphs of 1+3 Future tense (6-3.32), but the corre-

spondence is not exact within all dialects.

5-3.24.11 Complete correspondence ('I'1l1l go to my house.')

Uta.nha.r sar.xa.nha. (Sitajara, Jopoqueri)

Uta.fia.r sara.fia. (Salinas)
Uta.ja.r sara. ja. (La Paz/Compi, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa)
*Uta.:.r sara.:. (Socca; not elicited)

uta '‘'house' sara- 'go'
266

5-3.24.12 Incomplete correspondence

Uta.ja.r ~ uta.xa.r sara.:ja ~ sara.: ~ sara.:xa. (La Paz)

Sara.:. ut.na.ru. (Morocomarca)

*Ut.fia.r sara.ya. (Morocomarca; not elicited, but likely)

*Uta.ja.r sara.ja: ~ sara.ya. (Socca; not elicited, but likely)

In general there are more different allomorphs of 123 F

than there are of Ip possessive,in a given dialect.
5-3.24.2 Convergence of Ip and 4p

In Sitajara 1p and 4p have fallen together in the
speech of some persons, but not completely, giving such
anomalous possibilities as jiwsa.n uta.nha, literally ‘our
(4p) house-my', where the person is /jiwsa/ 4p ‘our' in-
clusive, but the possessive suffix is /-nha/ Ip exclusive.
The intended meaning is ‘our (4p) house'. How widespread

this convergence may be is not known at this time.
5-3.24.3 Frozen 3p suffix -pa

The 3p suffix -pa is frozen in certain stems,
most of them containing base forms which may occur inde-
pendently as noun roots but may not take other personal
possessive suffixes. In two cases the base forms without
~pa occur as noun suffixes rather than as roots. Below,

the base forms are given first.
jag'a- ‘other' (see yag'a below)

jagq"apa ‘another person' (Sitajara; also Bertonio

 

1603b: 192)
kij- ‘'same'
kijpa ‘same, identical’ (Jopoqueri)
kiki 'same'

This occurs in La Paz with all four personal posses-
sive suffixes, e. g., 4p Jiwas kiki.sa.w. ‘It's we
ourselves.’ The frozen stem with -pa 7s

 

kikpa ‘same, identical' (La Paz)

kipka ‘same, identical' (La Paz, Sitajara; metathe-
~ sized form)

-pacha 'same', Class 2 noun suffix

pachpa ‘same, unchanged' (La Paz, Calacoa, Jopoqueri;
—_ also Bertonio 1603b:266)

pachpa ‘right there' (Sitajara)
-pura ‘between, among', limited noun suffix

purapa ‘both' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:267)
taqi ‘all'

taqip ~ tagpa ‘'all' (Morocomarca; this acts morphopho-
- — nemically like a root plus posses-
sive suffix, see 5-3.24.4)
268

yaq'a ‘other’

yaq"apa ‘another person, some people' (Vitocota; also
~~ Bertonio 1603b:195)

yag"ipa ‘another person, some people' (La Paz; also
~— Bertonio 1603b:195)
The /p/ that occurs in the following is probably
also a frozen form of the 3p suffix -pa:

kawki.p.iri.s '‘which?' (Calacala)
kawk.p.iri.s | ‘which?' (Morocomarca)
5-3.24.4 Morphophonemics of personal possessive suffixes

In most dialects the morphophonemics of personal
possessive suffixes are variable (see 4-5.3 and below).

In Sitajara 4p -sa always takes a preceding con-
sonant in a manner analogous to the shape of the 4p pro-
noun in that dialect, jiwsa, and the other three personal
possessives require a preceding consonant when occurring
on certain forms nominalized with -ta (see 7-4.21.3).

In Morocomarca the four personal possessive
suffixes require a preceding consonant unless a stem-final
consonant cluster would thereby result, in which case the
suffixes require a preceding vowel. That is, allomorphs
requiring a preceding vowel occur in zero complements

(see 5-3.33) and in the case of 1p and 2p suffixes, in
269

modifiers of other nouns. In both cases the vowel re-
stored before the possessive suffix prevents the occur-

rence of a stem-final consonant cluster. Examples:
Subject:

Yap.fa jaya.n.k.i.wa. "My field is far away.'
Ip —

Zero complement:

Yapu.n@ sata.ni.:. ‘I'm going to plant my field.’
Tp plant i

Modifier in noun phrase:

Tatala.fi yap.pa.wa. ‘It's my father's field.'
Ip 3p

(‘my father his field')

Tatala.m yap.pa.wa. ‘It's your father's field.’
2p 3p

(‘your father his field’)

Modifiers with 3p or 4p as the final morpheme do not

occur in this context in Morocomarca.

*Tatala.p yap.pa.wa.
3p

*Tatala.s yap.pa.wa.
4p
270

If the possessive suffix -na (see 5-3.31.2) follows the
lp or 2p suffix in Morocomarca, the vowel before the personal
possessive drops by the regular morphophonemic rule for

personal possessives.

[atal.na.n yap.pa.wa. ‘It's my father's field.'
Ip

Tatal.ma.n yap.pa.wa. ‘It's your father's field.'
2p

Tatal.pa.n yap.pa.wa. "It's his/her father's field.'
3p

Tatal.sa.n yap.pa.wa. ‘It's our father's field.'
4p

The order of the rules and the conditioning may be stated

as follows.

Zero complement Conditioning
1. yapu + ~(Poss. --> yap.fa Morphological
ap.ma
yap.pa
ap.sa
2. yap.fia + zero complement --> *yap. np Syntactic

3. *yap.fi + vowel restoration --> yapu.fi Phonological
271

Noun modifier Conditioning

 

1. tatala + ~ poss. --> tatal.iia etc. Morphological

2. tatal.fia as modifier of another noun loses Syntactic &
final vowei by three-vowel rule: Phonological

tatal.fia --> *tatal.fi

3. tatal.fi + vowel restoration --> tatala.i Phonological

In Calacala, Jopoqueri, and Salinas personal
possessive suffixes may take a preceding consonant unless
a final consonant cluster would thereby result, but
they often take a preceding vowel even though no con-
sonant cluster would otherwise occur. In other words,
in those dialects there seems to be some free variation
in the morphophonemics of the suffixes, except when
avoidance of final consonant clusters is a factor.

In Huancané personal possessive suffixes require
a preceding vowel on two-vowel nouns but a consonant on
nouns or noun stems having more than two vowels. That is,
the three-vowel rule operates before personal possessives.
The examples are all of single noun subjects; what happens
when the nouns lose their final vowels as zero comple-

ments or modifiers is not known. Examples:
kufitu.ja ‘my story' < Spanish cuento

awich.ja ‘my grandmother' awicha ‘grandmother’
272

kuna.s isi.pa.s wali.k.i.t ni uf.nag.pa.s suma.k.i.t
nn 353
S

$a.Sa

‘none of his clothes were good, nor was his appearance

attractive, saying' isi "clothes'

~

ufi.naqa ‘appearance’

In stems frozen with 3p -pa (see above) the mor-
phophonemics of the personal possessive vary, some forms
having -pa with a preceding consonant, some with a pre-
ceding vowel. A relic of a rule of vowel loss before
possessives, with no final consonant-cluster avoidance,

is found in a term used in La Paz for the Virgin Mary.

Tayk.s Mariya.x ‘Our Mother Mary' tayka 'mother'

In Morocomarca, the /fi/ of Ip /-fla/ may be
realized as [i] (a palatalized velar nasal) in certain
environments, and in Calacala the /p/ of 3p -pa may be
realized as the voiced labial fricatives [v] or [b];
these alternations result from phonological ly-conditioned

morphophonemic rules (see 4-3.21.2 and 4-3.21.32).
5-3.25 - ynaka plural

This suffix occurs in all dialects. As indicated
in 5-2.3, number is not obligatorily marked in Aymara.

In the speech of monolinguals, plural may be marked on
273

some, all, or none of the following: a verb subject,
a verb complement, or the verb itself (with the suffix
-p- alone or in the combinations /-p.ka-/, /-p.ja-/, or
/-p.xa-/; see 6-2.26). Absence of a plural mark does not
mean singular in Aymara.

Writers of Aymara grammars frequently maintain
that plural is a category in the language, insisting
that regular and consistent use of -naka and the verb
pluralizer is the norm. It is true that bilinguals
translating from Spanish into Aymara tend to reflect
Spanish plurals in Aymara, but most plural concord in
the speech of bilinguals is merely evidence of syntactic
borrowing from the dominating language. As shown in the
following examples from the speech of a monolingual from
Sitajara, such regularity is not natively Aymara; rather,
-naka is used as an optional emphatic or intensifier.

In the first example -naka occurs on the subject,

but there is no plural mark on the verb.

Alp"irawu.naka.w ut.j.i. ‘There are alferados.'
alferado 333

S (? < Spanish alférez ‘official')

Uka.t uka piwuna.naka.x ya uka chicha.mpi.x
then those peon that with

 

tunu.r.i.w. ‘Then those peones (workers) feel strengthened
strength 3-3 with chicha. '
S
274

In the following, -naka is absent but there is plural

in translation:
piyuna.tay ‘for the workers'

Sometimes two parts of a sentence will be marked

for plural.

Na.naka.ru.x Sirwi.p.x.it. ‘Serve us.'
Ip —_ serve — 2>]
I
(See also the examples in 5-2.3, 6-2.26, and 8-2.4.)
The suffix -naka usually occurs before the per-

sonal possessive suffixes if both occur on a stem, but in

Calacoa the opposite order is more common, e. g.,

wawa.ja.naka.x ‘my children' (Calacoa)
wawa.naka.ja.x ‘my children’ (La Paz)
Both orders are acceptable everywhere, however.
5-3.3 Class 2 suffixes

Class 2 consists of five complement/relational
suffixes, three final noun suffixes, and zero complement vowel
loss. They are general in all Aymara dialects, with
minor phonological variations.

The suffixes -mpi ~ -nti (complement/relational)

and -pacha (final noun) have two positions of occurrence
275

each and different meanings associated with the positions,
but (as in the case of -ni possessor/enumerator, 5-3.23)
they are considered one suffix each, rather than two
homophonous suffixes, because only one -mpi ~ -nti or
-pacha may occur on one stem. The positions of occurrence

are discussed below under each suffix.
5-3.31 Complement/relationals

These suffixes are (in alphabetical order)

-mpi_~ -nti conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/ instrumental
-na_ possessive/locational
-ru. directional ‘to, at'

-ta ~ -t"a directional 'of, from'

-taki_ ~ -tak"i ~ -tay beneficiary/purposive

Except for -mpi ~ -nti, which as conjoiner or accompanier
may precede any of the others, the complement/relational
suffixes do not co-occur on one stem. (Some co-occurrence
is possible on a noun theme that has been verbalized and
then renominalized. )
These suffixes have case functions. Each may

occur to mark a complement of the verb inflection suffix
(see 6-3) or to mark the relations of other nouns to the

verb stem or to some other part of the sentence.
276

The special nature of these suffixes is reflected
in their morphophonemics. Unlike most other noun suffixes
of general occurrence, whose morphophonemics do not vary

13

from one dialect to another, two of the complement/

relationals, -na and -taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay, vary in pre-
ceding morphophonemics, and all of the complement/relationals
control the loss or retention of their own final vowels
except before consonant-requiring final noun suffixes or
the sentence suffixes -lla ~ -ya or -:-. The reason for
this is that final vowel-retention and -dropping rules
that are syntactically conditioned, identifying subjects
and direct objects (zero complements) of verbs or modi-
fiers in noun phrases, do not apply to stems or themes
ending in the complement/relationals, the case relations
expressed by the latter being in complementary distribu-
tion with the case or order relations expressed by the
former. That is, a stem ending in a complement/relational
suffix cannot also be simultaneously a subject, modifier
of a head of a noun phrase, or a zero complement. The

one exception to this rule is -mpi ~ -nti which as con-
joiner or accompanier may occur on a subject or zero

complement.

5-3.31.] -y pi _~ -nti conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/
instrumental

This morpheme has two base allomorphs. /-mpi/

occurs in La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa, Sitajara,
277

Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala. /-nti/ occurs in
Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala. Voiced
allomorphs occur by obligatory morphophonemic rule in
Salinas and optionally in Sitajara and Calacala. Dialects
that have both /-mpi/ and /-nti/ use them interchangeably;
through the influence of La Paz, /-mpi/ may be driving

out /-nti/ in dialects that have it.

Examples of this suffix on the number maya ~ ma:

‘one' were given in 5-2.4. Additional examples:
/-mpi/
kuna.mpi.sa ‘with what’
k"iti.mpi.sa ‘with whom’

Mama.ma.mp ala.ya.m. ‘Have your mother buy it.’
2p ~=—s buy” 23
I

[-mbi ]
achachila -Embi ] -k ‘with the grandfather’ (Calacaia)
juma .| mbi] ‘with you' (Sitajara)

/-nti/

taqi chuyma.nt '‘wholeheartedly' (Jopoqueri)
all heart ~—_

K'iti.s uta.nti.ja.ni? ‘Who will stay with (caretake)
who house 353 the house?' (Jopoqueri)
278

/-nti/ (continued)

kuna.nti.sa ‘with what?' (Calacala)

[-ndi ]
kuna. [ndi] .sa ‘with what' (Calacala, Salinas)
k"iti.[ndi].sa ‘with whom' (Salinas)

juma.[ndi] ‘with you' (Salinas)

Use of both /-mpi/ and /-nti/ by the same speaker in one

sentence occurs in the following:

Jira.ya.fia.wa uywa.naka.nt . . . uka.t uywa.naka.mp
fertilize animal a then ~~

ana.nta.fa. ‘You have to fertilize with animals...
herd then herd animals (over the area)’ (Corque)

In Calacoa /-mpi/ loses its final vowel before
nonfinal independent -raki and final sentence suffix
-Sa. Elsewhere the suffix keeps its final vowel except
before consonant-requiring final noun suffixes. It usually

loses its final vowel word-finally. Calacoa examples:

Ma:.mp.raki ‘again’

Kuna.mp.s mang'.sna ch'unu? ‘With what can we eat chufio?'
what eat 453

D-1
279

Parinti.ja.naka.mp.s jiki.s.t'.irikt".
relative pl. meet 133

D-1
'T might meet with my relatives.'

An example with /-mpi/ occurring as conjoiner on two sub-
jects, the second preserving the final stem vowel, is the

following sentence from La Paz/Compi:

Juma.mp naya.mpi.x sara.fliani. ‘Let's you and me go.'
2p -—té‘d‘iD 43
F

Examples of /-mpi/ conjoiner followed by zero com-

plement are found in 4-3.32.2.
5-3.31.2 -na possessive/locational

The morphophonemics of this suffix vary dialec-

tically.

/-.na./ possessive (Socca)
/-,nay/ ~ /-na/ possessive (Juli)
/-na/ locational (Socca, Juli)
/-na./ possessive (Calacoa)

/-na,/ locational (Calacoa) (before final suffix -sa)
280

/-yna./ possessive and locational (elsewhere)

As may be seen above, the most common form of this suf-
fix is that requiring a preceding vowel and dropping

its own vowel in all environments. In Socca and Calacoa
the possessive and locational functions are distinguished
by morphophonemics; in Juli two allomorphs serve as
possessive, but only one of them serves as locational.
-na keeps its final vowel before the final sentence suf-
fix -sa in Calacoa and when preceded by consonant in
Juli; elsewhere it loses its final vowel in all environ-

ments. Examples:
papa.situ.j.na kullaka.pa 'my father's sister’ (Juli)
Tp ~~ 3p

papa.situ.ja.n tullga.pa 0 “We sister's husband'
7 Juli

KNit.n (Socca)

wutilla.p.s jala.ga.ya.raq.ta?
bottle 3p knock over 2>3

Kaiti en S (La Paz)
who

‘Whose bottle did you knock over on purpose?’

Kawki.n.k.i.sa? ‘Where is he/she?' (all dialects)

ma: mugu.na.s ‘on top of a hill' (Calacoa)
one hill ~—
281

Kuti.ni.fi.ma.n na ifi.ja.:ma.

return 2p ~—sé‘dUip”sosee~—s sd
F

‘I'll see you on your return.' (Morocomarca)

/- nai/ occurred once in La Paz/Tiahuanaco dialect in the
first words of the Lord's Prayer (which may be considered
a frozen relic). Juncture has shifted in accordance with

present rules.

Na.nak.n awki /nanak nawki/
Ip ~ father

 

A limited use of -na locational is that on certain" °

noun stems verbalized with the verbal derivational causa-
tive -cha- (6-2.11).

Finally, it may be -na that occurs on kawki and
the demonstratives, requiring a preceding consonant (see

5-2.1 and 5-2.2).
5-3.31.3 yeu directional ‘to, at'

Like -na and -mpi ~ -nti the suffix -ru has
variable morphophonemics. Everywhere it requires a pre-
ceding vowel, but the behavior of its own vowel varies.
It loses its final vowel before the final sentence suf-
fixes -sa and -xa in Calacoa and Torata (Moquegua). In
Socca and Sitajara it may either keep or lose its final

vowel before those two suffixes. Elsewhere it keeps its
282

own vowel except before consonant-requiring final noun
suffixes. It usually loses its vowel word-finally.

Examples:

Kuna.r.s pur.ta.x? 'Why did you come?' (Calacoa)
what — ar- 273
rive S

Kawki.r.s trawaji.tan.x? ‘Where are we going to work?!
where — work _ (Torata)

Na.x juma.r.x kumpaf.sma.w. 'I've accompanied you. '

Tp 2p 1>2 (Torata)
S
Kuna.r.s jut.ta.x? ‘Why did you come?' (Socca)
what ~ come 2>3
S

Kuna.ru.s chura.:ta.x? ‘Why are you going to give it to
what give 233 (the dog)?' (Socca)
F

Kuna.r.S sara.nhat? ‘Why are you going to go?' (Sitajara)
what ~~ go 2>3
F

Kuna.ru.s sar.k.ta? ‘Why are you going?! (Sitajara)
what ~ go 2>3
S

5-3.31.4 -yta ~ -t"a directional ‘from, of!

The allomorph /-t"a/ occurs in Juli, Huancané,

Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Morocomarca,
283

and is the form reported by Bertonio (1603b) and Tschopik
(1948). Only /-t"a/ occurs in Sitajara, Salinas, and
Morocomarca. In other dialects there seems to be some
free variation of /-t"a/ and /-ta/, except in La Paz,
which has only the unaspirated allomorph.

Bertonio (1603b:69) indicated that this suffix
could mark the complements of certain verbs that usually
took -na complements, aithough -na was more common.
Examples in Bertonio also imply that an unexpressed
Frot"a/ complement could occur in a sentence, as in the

following:

* Juma kuna.layku aru.s.naq.itta?
2p what for speak 2-1

Ss

‘Why do you go around saying bad things about me?'
(Bertonio 1603b:327)

In present-day La Paz the sentence would be rendered as

Juma.x kuna. layku.s nay.xa.t parla.s.ista?
2p Ip speak 2a

with the complement nay.xa.t ‘about me' (with -xa

locational) necessarily expressed in the sentence by a
noun plus /-ta/, not merely by the verbal inflection as
in the Bertonio example. Today, if a /-ta/ complement
is not expressed by a noun in a sentence, the sentence

14

usually implies a -ru complement, as in
284

Juma.x kuna.layku.s parla.s.ista?
2p what for speak 2+]
S

'Why did you talk to me?' (naya.ru ‘to me' implied)

The combination /-xa.t/ ‘about' usually occurs in La Paz;
elsewhere /-ta/ or /-t"a/ alone may be used with that

meaning, e. g- (in Jopoqueri),

Juma.t" parla.si.p.xa.flani. ‘Let's talk about you.'
2p talk 4+3
F

This suffix often occurs on interrogatives and

numbers, sometimes in reduplicative phrases.

gawg"a.t.s gawg'a.t.s ‘how many by how many' (La Paz)

may.ni.t may.ni.ta ‘one by one' (La Paz)

kuna.t"a ‘why' (Juli, Morocomarca) kuna ‘what'

kuna.ta.raki ‘why’ (Huancané)

This suffix sometimes occurs where the English
translation would have 'in' or 'by', as in aymar aru.t"a
‘in Aymara’ and awtu.t ‘by car'. In Morocomarca it occurs
sometimes with the special meaning ‘instead of', which
elsewhere is expressed by the root noun lanti. The

following all gloss 'I came instead of him':
285

Juta.n.t"a jupa.t'a. (Morocomarca )
come 123 3p —
S

Lanti.pa.t.x pur.t"a. (Salinas)
3p ~ come I+3

S

Jupa lanti.t jut.t"a. (Jopoqueri )
3p ~ come 143
S

This suffix may also gloss ‘after’, as in

jaqu.rpa.t.pa.t ‘after his throwing it out' (Sitajara)
throw out >N 3p

Everywhere this suffix requires a preceding vowel.
It keeps its final vowel before the independent nonfinal
suffix -raki in Huancané. Elsewhere it loses its final
vowel before a following suffix unless the latter requires
a preceding vowel. It may keep or lose its vowel word-
finally.
5-3.31.3 ~ taki ~ -tak"i ~ stay beneficiary/purposive

C

/-tay/ occurs in Sitajara; /-taki/ occurs else-
where. Some Salinas speakers have /-taki"i/ in free
variation with /-taki/.

When the verbal derivational suffix -rapi-

occurs on a verb stem, the complement is a beneficiary
286

of the action, and if that complement is expressed by a
noun in the sentence, it is suffixed with -taki ~ -tak"i
-tay. If there is no -rapi in the verb stem, the verb
complement is not a beneficiary, but there may be a noun

marked by -taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay expressing a goal or pur-

pose of the action.

Jupa.x naya.tak law ay.ta.s.i.
3p Ip ——s stick «pick up 353
S

'He picked up a stick for me (i. e. to hit me with).' (La Paz)

Here naya Ip is not the complement of the verb inflection,
which is 3+3 -i, but rather is the goal of the action.

The foregoing example was inspired by an example
in Bertonio (1603b:294) which was intended to have the
above meaning but has -rapi- verbal derivational suffix
on the verb. For contemporary speakers, this makes the
/-taki/ complement the beneficiary, changing the meaning
of the sentence to 'He picked up a stick on my behalf’.
That is, -rapi- always implies a beneficiary in Aymara
today. It seems unlikely that the meaning has shifted
since the 17th century; rather, Bertonio's translation
was probably in error.

Additional examples of /-taki/ and /-tay/ are the

following:

Na.tay.wa. ‘It's for me. ' (Sitajara)
287

yapu.nha.tay ‘for my field' (Sitajara)
kuna.tay.s ‘why, what for' (Sitajara)
Na.taki.wa. ‘It's for me.'  (Huancané)
Jiwas.taki.wa. ‘It's for us (4p).' (Huancané)

kuna. taki.rak ~ kun.taki.rak ‘what for' (Compi)

 

Occurrences of -taki ~ -tak"i ~ -~tay on stems

ending in -fna nominalizer (the purposive subordinator)
are discussed in 7-4.21.23.
In Compi /-taki/ permits either a preceding vowel
or consonant after the interrogative kuna but requires
a preceding vowel in other environments. In Jopoqueri
/-taki/ permits either a preceding vowel or consonant
after the nominalizer suffix -fia but otherwise requires
a previous vowel. In Huancané /-taki/ follows the
three-vowel rule. Elsewhere /-taki/ requires a preceding
vowel. It keeps its final vowel before following suf-
fixes, except consonant-requiring final noun suffixes.
It may keep or lose its final vowel, word-finally.
/-tay/, which occurs only in Sitajara, requires
a preceding vowel. It is parallel in shape to /-ray/,
the Sitajara allomorph of -ra ‘yet' and/or -raki ‘aggregate/
complainer' independent nonfinal suffixes (see 7-2.21.3

and 7-2.21.4).
288

5-3.32 Final Class 2 suffixes

The last suffixes to occur on a noun stem or
theme before verbalization, if any, are -kama aggregate/
attainer, -pacha ‘all, same', -jama ‘like’, and zero comple-
ment vowel drop (which may not be followed by verbalization).

-kama may occur before the complement/relationals
but usually does not. -pacha may occur before all
complement/relationals except -mpi ~ -nti, and its
meaning is tied to its position of occurrence. -jama
may follow -kama on a stem, but not vice versa. -pacha
has not co-occurred with either -kama or -jama except
on the stems frozen with -jama: ak"ama and uk"ama.

5-3.32.1 ~ y kama aggregate/attainer

~

c

This suffix means ‘among, ali, each' on human
nouns, as in warmi.kama ‘among women'. On nonhuman,
inanimate nouns -kama refers to spatial and temporal
orientation. An example of spatial orientation is the

following from La Paz/Tiahuanaco:

Juli.mpi.r Ch'ugi.yap.kama.mpi.ru.w pur.i.
373
S

 

‘He arrived as far as Juli and Chuquiago. '

Usually, however, -kama occurs after the complement/relational
289

suffixes -mpi ~ -nti, -ru, etc., as in the following

example from La Paz/Compi:

Ch'ugi.yapu.r.kama.ki.w. ‘It's just as far as Chuquiayago. '

This suffix occurs with temporal orientation on
time words and nominalized verbs, most often as a form

of leave-taking with the prospect of another meeting.

arumant. kama ‘until tomorrow' (La Paz, Huancané)

 

may.ur. kam ‘until tomorrow! (Sitajara)
q'ar.u:r.kama ‘until tomorrow' (La Paz, Juli)
jiki.si.fi.kama ‘until (we) meet again’ (La Paz)

*Sich"a. kama. sa ‘until now' (Tschopik 1948:113)

In Salinas the variant /-ka:ma/ was heard, but this may
have been paralinguistic: ratu.ka:ma ‘so long'.

~kama is subject to the three-vowel rule.
5-3.32.2 ~ pacha ‘all, same'

This suffix was originally considered two sep-
arate homophonous suffixes because it has different mean-
ings in two positions of occurrence. When it occurs

before the complement/relationals it means "all's;
290

when it occurs after them, it means ‘the same, the very,
itself'. However, it never co-occurs with itself, and
when it occurs without a complement/relational, it may
have either meaning or may act as an intensifier of the
meaning of the root it occurs on.

This suffix must be distinguished from the verbal
inflection -pacha 3+3 Inferential and from the restricted
temporal root pacha ‘time, epoch' (5-2.6). The frozen
stem pachpa 'same' is evidence that -pacha suffix was
once a root. The suffix -pacha may occur on certain

temporal roots (but not on pacha).

mar.pacha ‘all year, the same year’ (La Paz)

ur.pacha ‘by daylight’ (La Paz)
An example of a temporal root plus pacha ‘time, epoch'
is g'alt'i pacha 'in the morning' (Salinas), in which

the vowel of the modifier is retained.

Other examples of -pacha suffix are

pug".pacha ‘full up' (Salinas)

laka.r.pach laka.r.pach ‘gasping for breath' (Corque)
mouth to a

In Juli, La Paz, and Calacoa -pacha occurs on

naya ~ na: 1p pronoun, meaning 'myself'; elsewhere it
291

is rejected in that context. -pacha occurs frozen on
the roots tagi ‘all' and liju ‘all’ in stems having the

same meaning: tag.pacha and lij.pacha, which then act

as roots, taking Class 1 noun suffixes.
5-3.32.3 - Jama (and variants) '‘like'

This suffix has a number of different allomorphs
in different dialects. It occurs on all classes of noun
roots, stems, and nominalized themes. It is unique among
the noun suffixes in occurring on the nominalizer subordi-
nating suffixes -iri, -sa, and -sina. -jama combines
with the complement/relational suffix -na possessive/
locational with unpredictable meanings.

The sequence /jama/ or a reduced variant /ja/
may occur in certain inflected verb stems, and -jama
on nouns may be preceded by the independent suffix -ki.
These facts suggest that the suffix -jama should be
classified as an independent nonfinal suffix. However,
while such an analysis works well for some examples, it
does not for others. These complexities are discussed
in more detail in 6-2.11 and 6-2.3.

Bertonio (1603b:241) cited the following example

. +.
showing jama as a separate root:

+). ; . .
Kamisa na Jura.t'a , jama.ki juma.naka Jlura.jata.

how Ip do 153 thus 2p pl. do 243
S F

‘As I did, thus you will do.'
292

In present-day La Paz/Tiahuanaco dialect this is ren-

dered as

Kamisa.ti.x maya.x Jur.k.t.xa , uk"ama.rak

how Ip do 133 thus also
S
lura.p.xa.m. "As I did, thus do you also.'
do pl. 23
I

Here -jama occurs in the frozen demonstrative uk"ama
‘thus'. In contemporary Aymara jama does occur as a
noun root, but only with the meaning ‘excrement', !°
The suffix -jama is distinguished from the homophonous

root by always requiring a preceding consonant, while the

root does not. Syntactic homophony is rare but possible.

Achak.jama.w. ‘It's like a mouse.'

Achak jama.w. ‘It's mouse dung.'
In the second example the final vowel of achaku 'mouse'
drops by the three-vowel rule.

The allomorphs of -jama are given below with

geographic areas of occurrence and examples.

/-jama/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa, Sitajara)

kun. jama.sa ~ kun. jam. sa ‘how, like what'

kuna ‘'what'
uk"ama 'thus' uka_ ‘that’
nay.jama ‘like me' naya Ip
wal.jama ‘pretty good' wali ‘well, good'

risa.s.jama ‘while praying’ (La Paz)
pray

-sa_ subordinator
*risa.sin. jama ‘while praying' (Bertonio 1603b:234)

-sina subordinator

/-ja:ma/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)

kun.ja:ma.sa ‘how’ (La Paz, Jopoqueri).

yag'ama ‘different’ (Morocomarca )

/-ja/ (La Paz, Socca, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa, Sitajara,
Jopoqueri, Salinas)

kun. ja.sa ‘how! (Sitajara)

kun. ja.t.s ‘how' (Socca)

Uk.ja.w. ‘They are like those.’ (Huancané)
may.ja ‘different’ (Jopoqueri, Sitajara, La Paz)
may.ja.ta ‘in a certain way' (La Paz)

*inti.ja ‘like the sun' (Bertonio 1603b:263)
294

/-k"a/  (Jopoqueri)

Naya.x ak.k"a.n.k.j.iri.t.wa.
Ip here — 133
S
‘I'm from around here, more or less.'
/:ma/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
kuna. :ma.s "how, like what'
maya. :ma ‘different'

uta. :ma ‘like a house'

Awt.ja.ta.:ma.k.:.it.sa. ‘I'm sort of hungry.’
hunger of ——>Vs 3+

S
(literally, 'Of hunger like is to me.')

‘One example of /-:ma/ was heard for Juli, as follows:

juma.ki.ki.:ma.s ‘just like you'
2p —

/-\ma/ (Morocomarca)
uta.ma ‘like a house’

awayu.ma ‘like an awayu' (a kind of shaw1)

/-:mu/ (Salinas)

maya. :mu ‘different'
295

Bertonio (1603b:174) gave a similar variant with

. +, . .

final /u/, /-jamu/, occurring only on numbers.
+ . .

maya.jamu ‘in one manner'

+ . .
paya.jamu ‘in two manners' (etc.)

The suffix -na possessive/locational occurs with
-jama and variants in the following combinations having

various meanings.
/-n.jama/
layi.n.jama ‘through the irrigation ditch' (Calacoa)
plaxsi.n.jama ‘like on the moon' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

uru.n.jama ‘like in the day' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

 

Bertonio (1603b:231) gave the following

examples:

+ .
mara.n.jama ‘every year'

 

+ . 7 \
marka.n.jama ‘in every town

 

+ : .
pagsi.n.jama ‘every month'

+ . \ \
uru.n.jama every day

 
296

/-na.ma/

uta.na.ma 'through the house'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
ilis jak’.na.m ‘near the church'

 

ilisa ‘'church' jak'a ‘'near'

Two other related variants have occurred. /-:ma/ 'through'
occurred in San Andrés de Machaca, giving the following

contrast:

ut.jama 'like a house' uta. :ma ‘through the house'

 

The contrast in Tiahuanaco is

ut.jama ‘like a house' uta.na.ma ‘through the house'

Also in Tiahuanaco, /-jama/ may occur after /-na.ma/ on

a stem.

ak.na.m.jam ‘by this (same path)' aka 'this'

The above evidence would seem to indicate that /-na.ma/
in Tiahuanaco and /-:ma/ in San Andrés de Machaca should
be considered suffixes in their own right, the unitary
morphemes -nama and -:ma.

In Morocomarca the combinations of -na with -jama

are rejected, and ‘through the house' is translated into
297

Aymara as uta.:k"a (5-3.12.5). In Jopoqueri it is trans-
Tated uta.ra.n (5-3.12.10).

Present-day allomorphs of -jama beginning with
/j/ or /k"/ require a preceding consonant; those beginning
with vowel length of course require a preceding vowel.
Bertonio's inconsistent spelling precludes certainty
about the morphophonemics of the allomorphs in his day.
The morphophonemics of -nama are variable, sometimes
requiring a preceding vowel, sometimes a preceding con-
sonant. The various allomorphs keep their final vowels
except before /-jama/ itself (which may occur after -nama
and may reduplicate on itself) and when zero complement

final vowel dropping occurs.
5-3.33 Zero complement vowel drop

In Aymara each verb root or stem has many poten-
tial zero complements. These are noun roots, stems, or
themes whose occurrence with a given verb root or stem
depends on semantic constraints inherent in the verb root
and in the verbal derivational suffixes which may occur
in the verb. As these suffixes change, the zero comple-
ments change also. They are called zero complements
because they are marked by obligatory loss of the final
stem vowel before final sentence suffixes, if any,
except -lla ~ -~ya. The loss of vowel may occur on an

independent suffix, if any occurs on the noun root, stem,
298

or theme. This vowel loss, the mark of zero complement,

is not actually a suffix at all, but rather the result

of a phonological deletion rule, morphologically and syn-

tactically conditioned, and belongs in a discussion of

Aymara morphophonemics and syntax. It is being included

among the noun suffixes because it occurs only on noun

roots, stems, and themes and is thus a part of the Aymara

noun system. It is inflectional, closing a stem to further class change.
Noun roots, stems, and themes, singly or in

phrases, may serve aS zero complements. They usually

occur directly before the verb to which they correspond.

KunQ.s tag".i? ‘What's he looking for?' (La Paz)
what Took 3+3
for S§S

. uk.ja.11 JVluchch'u.wa.chi.xa.y ‘that, he robbed'
that rob NI (Sitajara)

. jani kuntrula.n@ puyri.wa.k.t.ti.x.
no control able 133
S

'I am unable to control . . .' (Sitajara)

WawM pirti.si.y.itu. 'She made me lose (my) children.’
child lose 3+] (Socca)

S

Kullaka.fAg wank.j.t'a. ‘I'm waiting for my sister.’
sister Ip await 123 (Morocomarca )
299

A noun stem or theme with an independent suffix,

for example -ki ‘just, only', may be a zero complement.

Inklisa.k@.xa.y parla.p.x.s.t.xa.
English speak i

‘We speak only English.' (Hardman et al. 1975:3.406)

A zero complement may occur after its verb.

Na.x suy.t'a.s.k.t"a jich"a.x chacha.jQ.wa.
Ip wait Pe now husband Ip

'I am waiting now for my husband.‘ (Huancané)

Kuna.mpi.ra(ki) mag'a.si.: ch'ufi~.ka?
what eat 133
F

‘What am I going to eat chufio with?' (Morocomarca)

This type of word order is more common in Aymara transla-
tions of Spanish elicitation sentences (as was the case
with the two previous examples) than in nontranslated,
free texts. In translating from Spanish to Aymara some
speakers pronounce the final vowel of zero complements,
even when placing them before the verb, in a kind of

citation-form delivery.

Jin marka.sa sara.w.ja.tana. ‘Let's go to our town.’
town 4p go 4-+3 (Calacoa)
F
300

In normal speech contexts the vowel drops unless a pause

separates the zero compiement from the verb.

. uwija ... ana.k.t mna.x. ‘. .. sheep... I was
sheep herd 1-3 Ip herding.’ (Sitajara)
S

The following shows retention of the final stem vowel

before -ya final suffix:

Uma.ma.y wax.t'a.si.fani. ‘Let's invite someone to have
water 2p —s invite 4+3 some of your water.' (La Paz/
F Compi)

5-3.4 Class 3 suffixes (verbalizers)

There are four noun suffixes that verbalize noun
roots, stems, and themes: two defective verbalizers and
two full verbalizers. The full verbalizers create a
normal verb stem that may be inflected for all verb
person/tense suffixes (6.3). The defective verbalizers
take the four persons as subjects only, not as comple-
ments, and are also restricted in the verbal deriva-

tionals they may take.
5-3.41 Defective verbalizers

These are of very frequent occurrence.
301

5-3.41.1 ~ das ~_-ka-

In all dialects studied, the suffix -ja- ~ -ka-
occurs only after -na possessive/locational (which does
not occur before the other verbalizers, although it may
be verbalized with the verbal derivational suffix -cha-
(see 6-2.11). This suffix turns a possessive or a loca-

tion into a verb. In Jopoqueri the allomorph /-ja-/ is

more common than /-ka-/, which occurs in all dialects. Examples:

Kawki.n.ka.rak.ta.sti? ‘And where are you?' (Huancané)

where 223
Naya.x Lima.n.k.t.wa. ‘I'm in Lima.' (Huancané)
Ip ~ 133

S

Kawki.n.k.i.sa? ‘Where is it?’ (La Paz, Juli, Socca,
~ 333 Calacoa, Sitajara)
S

Kawki.n.ka.rak.i2? 'Where is it?' (Salinas, Morocomarca)
~~ 333
S

uta.nha.n.ja.s.j.t"’a ‘I'm in my house’ (Jopoqueri)

house Ip a 133
S
J
K"iti.s uta.n.~a.ni? ‘Who will be in the house?' (Jopoqueri)
k 3+3

F
302

In Jopoqueri the allomorph /-ka-/ usually occurs before
/-ja-/ allomorph of -ja- ~ -ka- verbal derivational in-

completive.

Misa.x jani naya.n.k.j.i.ti. ‘The table isn't mine.'
table no Ip ~ 333
S

In other dialects /-ka-/ verbalizer followed by /-ka-/

incompletive results in a geminate /kk/ cluster, as in

Jani.w naya.n.k.k.i.ti ‘It's not mine.'

(In speech, /kk/ reduces to /k/.)
Another allomorph occurring in Jopoqueri is
/-k"a-/. Compare the allomorph /-k"a/ of -jama

(5-3.32.3), which occurs first on the following stem:

 

Naya.x ak.k"a.n.k".iri.t.wa. ‘I'm from around here,
Ip here a 13 more or less.'

A variation of the above is

Naya.x ak.ja.n.j.iri.t.wa.

This implies a certain consonant harmony; further study
is needed to determine whether or not this is idiosyncratic

to one speaker.
303

5-3.41.2 -:-

As in the case of zero complement vowel-drop,
vowel length is more properly a morphophonemic process
than a suffix, but as it occurs to verbalize noun roots,
stems, and themes, it is here included with the other
verbalizers.

When vowel-length verbalization is followed by
a suffix that requires a preceding consonant, the length
may be somewhat reduced, or the vowel in question may
revert to simple length, or it may remain somewhat
lengthened; length appears to vary from one speaker to
another. A timed spectrographic analysis of texts con-
taining vowel length verbalization is needed to define
the length in different contexts. In this study some
examples containing the morpheme of vowel-length verbali-
zation show the notation /:/ before a consonant-requiring
suffix, if more than one vowel-length was perceived to
occur. If only one vowel-length was perceived, the
notation /:/ is usually omitted from the transcription,
the presence of a vowel before a consonant-requiring
suffix being sufficient to indicate the underlying pres-
ence of the vowel-length morpheme in that context.

This suffix is in complementary distribution
with -ka- ~ -ja- verbalizer, never occurring after -na

possessive/locational. Examples:
304

kawk.iz:ri ‘which' (La Paz, Socca, Huancané, Jopoqueri;
~ see 5-2.1)

kawk.n-i:ri ‘which' (La Paz, Juli; see 5-2.1)

Kuna.:.chi.x? ‘Why should it be? (Sitajara)
~ NI

Aruma.:.x.iritayna.w. ‘It was already night.' (Juli)
~ 333
RIK

A story told in Huancané yields several examples
of the use of verbalization vowel length on verb stems

nominalized with -ta resultant.

Yati.ta.:.x.chi. ‘They got to know each other.'

know !
Jani jig"a.ta.:.f muna.tayna.t. "He didn't want to meet
no meet ~ want 33 him. '

RIK

An example of verbalization of a noun phrase

is the following from La Paz:

Ma: jisk'a uta.ni.:.t.wa. 'I have a little house.'

one little house ~1>3
S

 

-ni possessor

('A little house owner am I.')
305

According to Herrero et al. (1971-2:1.126), an
allomorph of vowel length verbalization, *T-ya-/, occurs
in Omasuyos province of La Paz, but only in certain
contexts: on the nominalizer suffix -iri before 13
and 2+3 Future affirmative, but not negative. Glosses
for the following were not given, but the verb is

yati.cha.fia 'to teach’.

*yati.ch.iri.ya.:.wa
~~] 3
F

*yati.ch.iri.ya.:ta.wa
—~ 23
F
The negative forms are the following, with /-:-/ ver-

balizer:
+. . wo. :
jani.w yati.ch.iri.:.ka.:.ti
~ 43

*Sani.w yati.ch.iri.:.ka.:ta.ti
~ 2>3
F

Since /-ka-/ incompletive requires a preceding consonant,
the negative forms could contain +p e-ya-/ also, reduced
to /y/ homophonous with /i:/, that is

*jani.w yati.ch.iri.y.ka.:.ti

133
F
306

*jani.w yati.ch.iri.y.ka.:ta.ti
2>3
F

However, the other affirmative forms in the paradigm are

given with /-:-/ before vowel-requiring suffixes, e. g.

*yati.ch.iri.:.ni.wa
~~ 343
F

5-3.42 Full verbalizers
5-3.42.1 i ta-

This suffix is of less frequent occurrence than
-ka- and -:- verbalizers.

Hardman has pointed out (Hardman et al. 1975:
3.402) the relationship of -pta- and the verbal deriva-
tional suffix -ta- 'up, inceptive', whose cognate in
other Jaqi languages is -pta-. In present-day Aymara
-ta- does not usually verbalize, except in La Paz/
Tiahuanaco where it was found in free variation with

-pta- on one root.

Ch' iyar.ta.s.k.i.w.
~~ 333
Ss ‘It turned black.’

Ch‘ iyara.pta.s.k.i.w.
307

Bertonio (1603b:305) said

Some Indians say that pta and ta are

not distinguished on nouns but rather

mean the same thing.
This implies that the two were in free variation in 17th
century Juli, but Bertonio does not indicate whether they
both occurred on verbs. *_pta- as verbal derivational
has been cited in two published sources (see 6-2.16)
but has not occurred in the spoken data investigated for
this study. Since -ta- usually does not verbalize and
-pta- usually is not a verbal derivational, it has been
decided to treat ~pta- as the verbalizer and -ta- as the
verbal derivational, recognizing that they overlap but
seem to be diverging.

The combination -pta- verbalizer plus -jfia
nominalizer implies a human subject in the following

examples from La Paz/Tiahuanaco:

k'umara.pta.fia 'to become healthy’ k'umara_ ‘healthy'

quligi.ni.pta.fia ‘to progress, to become rich'
quligi.ni ‘one who has money'

Liamp'u.pta.fia ‘to humble oneself, repent, change character'

Llamp'u = 'clear'

If a verb stem does not permit a human subject (because

of Aymara semantic constraints), a noun plus the
308

combination -pta.nma will be rejected, e. g. *muxsa.pta.mia

"for a person to turn sweet'. However, with a nonhuman
(usually inanimate) subject, an inflected form of a verb
created with -pta- may be acceptable.
laranja.x muxsa.pt.i ‘the orange turned sweet (ripened)'
333
S
Until this situation was understood, a number of nouns

that actually take -pta- verbalizer were thought not to.

5-3.42.2 “y ipta- accelerated verbalizer
é
Contrasting examples with this suffix and with

-pta- are the following, all from La Paz. (The suffix
-kipta- was not found in other dialects and should be

looked for in future research.)

jang'u.kipta- ‘turn white suddenly'
jang'u.pta- ‘turn white’

achach. kipta.fia ‘to become old'
gam. ir. kipta.fia ‘to win a lottery' (get rich quickly)

gam. iri.pta. fia ‘to get rich'

As may be seen, usually -kipta- seems to accelerate the
verbalization. At first the /ki/ of the suffix was thought
309

to be the independent nonfinal suffix -ki but morpho-
phonemics eliminate that possibility, as the morphopho-
nemics of -kipta- follow the three-vowel rule, while -ki
independent suffix takes a preceding vowel. Morphopho-
nemics also distinguish -kipta- verbalizer from the
verbal derivationals -kipa- plus -ta- (see 6-2.15.1 and
6-2.16).

5-4 Summary and Conclusions

5-4.1 Types of variation in the noun system

In general, variation in the Aymara noun system
is not extensive. There are two main types: internal
and external. Internal variation includes differences
in the phonological shape of morphemes (roots and suf-
fixes) due to instability of certain phonemes and to
operation of different phonotactically conditioned rules.
Other kinds of internal variation are found in the morpho-
phonemics of suffixes and in the inventory and meaning
of certain roots and suffixes.

External variation in the noun system involves
the introduction of Spanish loans. These have entered
the open class of noun roots freely and continue to do
so. Some dialects may use a Spanish loan where others
may use a native Aymara term; some examples of this are

given in 8-3.1. The only closed classes of Aymara nouns
310

that have taken in Spanish loans are the kinship terms
and the temporals. The only Aymara suffixes that are
Spanish loans are the noun diminutives.

The following sections summarize internal variation

in the noun system.

5-4.11 Variation in noun roots

5-4.11.1 Closed classes

Variation in shape occurs in all the closed noun
classes, e. g. the interrogatives kamisa ~ kama and
gawq"a and variants, the demonstratives of third and
fourth degrees of distance, the personal pronouns except
the second person, and several numbers, positionals,
and temporals. Some temporals have different shapes
attributable to different morphophonemic rules, e. g.,
those affecting jich"a and uru (loss of initial /jV/
in the first case, and different vowel sequence avoidance
rules in the second case).

Variations in inventory and semantics are few.
The demonstrative uwa apparently occurs in a few dia-
lects. The temporais show the widest variety in inven-
tory, some terms occurring only in certain dialects and

not others, or with different meanings (see 5-4.2).

5-4.11.2 Open class

The majority of noun roots in the open class are

the same everywhere, with a few differences in shape nated
311

in examples in Chapter 3. Examples of shifts of meaning

across dialects are given in 8-3.12.
5-4.12 Variation in suffixes

Suffixes that show variations in phonemic shape
are the Ip possessive, the complement/relationals (except
-ru and -na), -jama 'like', and the verbalizer -ja- ~ -ka-.
Those that show variation in morphophonemics are the per-
sonal possessives, the complement/relationals, and three

suffixes that follow the three-vowel rule: -layku ‘on

account of', -pura ‘among', and -kama ‘until'. Suffixes
that occur only in certain dialects are -chapi ~ -chap"i

‘the one which/who' (which also shows phonological vari-

ation), -ra 'through', and -cha diminutive.
5-4.2 Dialectal patterning

Dialectal patterning in the noun system is
most evident in the temporals and in the shape of per-
sonal possessive suffixes. The following dialect groups
may be distinguished on the basis of the morphemes indi-
cated; there is, however, a good deal of isoglossic

overlapping.
5-4.21 Juli, Socca

jayp'u. ‘evening/night'
5-4.

5-4

5-4.

5-4.

5-4

5-4

22

.23

24

25

-26

27

312

Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa, La Paz

aruma ‘'night/early morning' arumanti  ‘tomorrow'

Initial velar or postvelar fricative in lp pos-
sessive

Calacoa, Socca, and Sitajara

q'alta '‘morning' (also means 'tomorrow' in Calacoa
and Sitajara)

Calacoa and Sitajara

No forms based on q"ara - (all other dialects have
them)

Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca

gtalt'i '‘morning/tomorrow'

jayp"u ‘evening/night' (also Calacoa)
Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala, Sitajara

Initial nasals in Ip possessive suffix:

Jopoqueri and Sitajara: /nh/

Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala: /fi/
Huancané, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala

Variable morphophonemics for personal possessive

suffixes
 

5-4.28 La Paz/Compi and La Paz/Tiahuanaco

Invariable morphophonemics for personal possessive

suffixes
314

Notes

Teor a fuller description of the Aymara noun
system in Compi and Tiahuanaco, see my Chapter 8 in

Outline of Aymara phonological and grammatical structure
(Hardman et al. 1975:3. 246-394).

2The sequence /mana/ exists today only in this
frozen form. Bertonio (1603b:247) alleged tkawki.mana
"wherever', but this was rejected by Vasquez.

3 a5 in the case of kawk.n.iri ~ kawk.n.i:ri,
the /n/ which may occur is probably an instance of -na
possessive/locational frozen to the root. It intensi-
fies the meaning of the demonstrative.

 

4 any personal possessive suffix may occur in
the stem.

S Javier Alb6 (personal communication).

8 In Tiahuanaco and elsewhere today ch'ina means
‘human posterior, ass' and by extension metaphorically
'base' (e. g. of a pot, a cup). In La Paz/Compi
ch'in.kata means ‘a place to sit inside the house’. As
-~kata- is a verbal derivational suffix, it may be that
ch'ina is an ambiguous noun/verb root (see 5-2.7).

 

some members of the temporal class were identi-
fied by Hardman et al. (1975:1.152-166). The present
analysis presents the first full description of the
class and is therefore longer than sections on other
noun classes, which have been described previously.
Bertonio cited only a few temporals (1603b:50).

Bin La Paz three compound forms of uru occur

together with the meaning 'week': jich".ur_ gq'ar.ur
jurp".ur (literally ‘today, tomorrow, day after tomorrow' ).

9 juch".urru ‘today' occurs in Achocalla (La
Paz).
315

107, La Paz nink"ara is a noun/verb root. An
example of its occurrence as a verb is Nink"ara.tayna.w.
‘It was a while ago.' nink"ara also occurs with the
verbal derivational suffixes -t'a- momentaneous and
-~Jja- divider, but without subsequent verbal inflection,
i. @., as nouns: Nink"ar.t'a.w ~ Nink"ar.ja.w. ‘It was
a while ago. (The latter may instead be a case of
/-ja/ allomorph of -jama 'like' on the root acting as a
noun.) Other examples of verb roots plus verbal derivationals
forming stems that serve as nouns are given in 6-2.

"I temporals were not obtained for Socca until
very late in the researcn; they are not included in
Figures 5-1 and 5-2. Those obtained are the following:

 

alwa ‘morning’

aruma "night'

arumanti ‘tomorrow'

q'aita ‘morning'

q"ar-u:ru ‘tomorrow’

suji.suji ‘gray time before dawn'

suj.s.t"api ‘dusk'

l2the Spanish demonstrative este ‘'this', which
serves a similar filler function, has been borrowed into
Aymara as isti and occurs in variation with inchi, as in
the following:

 

 

(isti.x) naya.xa (inchi.w) sara.ki.tayna.x ...
Ip — go 343
RIK

 

'(uh) I (uh) he just left . . .' (Juli)

"34. we have seen, the personal possessive suf-
fixes also have differing morphophonemics across dia-
lects.

Vacertain verbs take -ta ~ -t"a rather than -ru
complements, e. g. mayi.fia 'to borrow’.
316

Sry is possible that some relics of *jama ‘like’
as a root still occur. In Calacala an old lady was heard
to say jama.ch.i.xay 'so it may be’ rather than
uk"ama.chi.xa.y, the normal expression in La Paz and

elsewhere. For other possible relics of a noun *jama
‘like', see 6-2.3.

 
CHAPTER 6
VARIATION IN THE VERB SYSTEM

6-1] Introduction

The verb system of Aymara consists of verb roots
and verb suffixes, which together form verb stems. A
verbalized noun root or stem is a verb theme. Verb roots,
stems, and themes are usually cited with the nominalizing
suffix -fia, unless the resulting form implies a seman-
tically unacceptable human subject. (See 8-2.25 for
more on -fia semantics.) The verb sa.fia ‘to say' (see
6-4) is set off from all others by its phonological
structure (it is the only monosyllabic root in the lan-
guage) and by its function as a syntactic subordinator.
Most Aymara verbs have two-vowel roots; a few (mostly
Spanish loans) have three-vowel roots. Spanish verbs
enter Aymara freely, e. g. puyri.fia ‘to be able’ from
Spanish poder. There is also a class of ambiguous
noun/verb roots, as noted in 5-2.7.

Verb suffixes are of two types: derivational
and inflectional. Both types are closed classes that

do not admit loans. Verbal derivational suffixes modify

317
318

the action or the persons involved in the action. A
special kind of derivation is nominalization, which
changes a verb root or stem to a noun theme. The suf-
fixes that nominalize verbs are discussed in 7-4.2 as they
are used in morphosyntactic subordination. Verbal in-
flectional suffixes indicate person and tense, and these
suffixes close verb stems to further derivation. Verbal
inflectional suffixes may be separated from derivational
suffixes by the class of independent nonfinal suffixes
that occur on both nouns and verbs.

Verbs of carrying and placing belong to covert
classes according to manner of motion and attributes
of the item moved (Tate 1970). Some examples from La

Paz are included in the elicitation list, Appendix A.

6-2 Verbal Derivational Suffixes

The basic data and analysis on which this section

is based were provided by England (Hardman et al. 1975:
3.148-208) and have been supplemented by my analysis

of additional data obtained in my field work and from
Bertonio (1603b); see Figure 6-1. Class 1 suffixes
affect the action of the verb (e. g., its direction,
intensity, duration) and are tied to the selection of

its zero complements. Class 2 suffixes affect the in-
flection (the persons involved in the action and/or the

tense or aspect of the verb). Suffixes occurring on the
 
   
 

    
   
 

     
  
      
  

    
 

   

   

1 4 6 8
ef wycha f oyrar #4 a yPta- - ecth'ak"a- ~ “och'uki-
af o_t*apt é ota- i o_tia-

  
   
     
   
   
     
  
    
   
 
  
   
    
      
    
  
    
  
  

5
f = ykipa-

#- nuga- ~ enuque
t

oyaa-

a xata- ~ =xita-

7

 
   
  
 

  
   
  
  

# Suffixes which can ver-

f-jate- ~ ekata- ~ -k"ata-
balize certain noun roots.

 
 
 
  
 

-~ .

=n .
" ## Suffixes which can ver- yhaaa
Pp balize certain noun roots é
0 and stems. i ayntae

#4) «Suffix which can ver-
balize noun roots, stems,
and themes with {-fa}

3 = puchas ~ emuchu- ~ -mukue ~ -nuchu- ~ -nukue

  

f oytata

= _karu-

= _xaista

mexaya> = -Kate

   

a

=yPaya~

  

«"paya> ~ =rpas-

         

4 6 ?

=_Ja- ~ -ka-

    

     

aytae ~ ewayde = “Wale nckae ~ -ga-

 
  
  

Class 2

ewie ~ ewlya-
and (Hardman et a}. 1975:3.161

 

Adapted from Engi
Figure 6-1. Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes: Order Classes

6LE
320

border of Class 1 and Class 2 (-t'a- momentaneous, -Si-
reciprocal/reflexive, and -ya- ~ -:- causative) share
attributes of both classes. Members of both classes may
determine, in ways as yet little explored, the semantic
features of verb subjects and complements (see 8-2.25).
Class 3 consists of a group of semantically related suf-
fixes all containing the phoneme /ch/ and forms deriving
from the suffix -jama ‘like!
Certain verb roots never occur without deriva-
tional suffixes. Two are *ana- ‘herd' and *ma- ‘go’.
The nonoccurrence of the plain root *ana- was noted
by Bertonio (1603b:271). The root *ma- was apparently
productive in Bertonio's time, but in contemporary Aymara
it occurs only in a few frozen stems, such as manta.jfia
‘to enter’ (with the verbal derivational suffix -nta-
‘into') and mak"ata.fia 'to go across' (with the deriva-
tional suffix -k"ata- ‘across'), both used in La Paz.
Certain verb roots plus derivational suffixes

may occur as derived nouns. Examples are
ana.nta ‘concentration of people or animals; herd'
(Jopoqueri) -nta- ‘into!
arum.t'a ‘greeting; greet' (La Paz) -t'a- momentaneous

irpa.ga ‘betrothal; take a person down' (general) -qa- 'down'
32]

g"uma.nta ‘hug; embrace' (Juli) -nta- ‘into'

ufi.naga ‘appearance; appear' (Huancané) -naga- ‘around’

See 4-2 for general morphophonemic rules that
affect verbal derivational suffixes beginning with voiced
consonants and specifically with nasals. Verbal deriva-
tional suffixes beginning with the fricatives /j/ or /x/
require a preceding consonant. The morphophonemics of
the remaining suffixes are unpredictable and must be
specified for each suffix. Suffixes subject to the

three-vowel rule are listed in 4-3.22.16.
6-2.1 Class 1 suffixes

The 22 suffixes¢ of this class are discussed
below in the order of their occurrence in stems. Thirteen
of these suffixes can verbalize noun roots. Four can
also verbalize certain noun stems, and one of the four

can verbalize noun themes ending in -fia nominalizer.
6-2.11 ~ycha- verbalizer, causative
In all dialects ~ycha- occurs most often as a

verbalizer of noun roots. Examples:

isi.cha.fa ‘to gradually acquire a lot of clothes
~— over a period of time' (La Paz/Compi)

jiwq'i.cha.jfia ‘to cause smoke' (Calacoa)
322

junt'u.cha.fia ‘to heat' (Calacoa)

kama. cha. fia ‘what to do' (all dialects) kama ‘how’
lik'i.ch. iri ‘fat-maker' (Salinas)

niya.cha.fia ‘to be nearly finished' (La Paz)

suma. cha. fia ‘to make amends, decorate' (La Paz)

In contemporary Aymara -cha- does not verbalize
animate nouns. Bertonio (1603b:273) gave the example
*gawra.cha-° ‘to create llamas' (said of God), but
Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) rejected it in favor of
gawr uywa.fia 'to llama-raise' or gawr uh.s.ta.ya.fia
‘to make llamas appear' (metaphorical).

-cha- may also occur as a verbalizer of noun
stems ending in certain suffixes: -na possessive/
locational and -ni possessor. It is not always possible
to tell which of the two is occurring, because on such
stems the three-vowel rule applies (see 4-3.22.16),
causing the vowel of the noun suffix to drop before
-cha-. The following examples cited by Bertonio (1603b:

273) have the same meanings in La Paz today:

uma.n.cha.fia ‘to mix something dry with water'

quiigi.n.cha.fia ‘to make someone win (money)'
323

Some other examples used today in La Paz/Tiahuanaco are

asukara.n.cha.fia ‘to add sugar'

jayu.n.cha. fia "to add salt'

jinchu.n.cha.fia ‘to put ears on'

The last example refers to a practice attributed to
Catholic priests, of having sexual intercourse with a
pregnant woman; the woman is allegedly told by the priest
beforehand that it is necessary ‘in order to make the
baby's ears'. A nickname for such a priest is
jinchu.n.ch.iri ‘ear-maker'.

-cha- as verbalizer may also occur on verbs
nominalized with -fia. Again, the vowel of ~fia drops
by the three-vowel rule. When it occurs on -fia, -cha-
is usually followed by the sequence /jama/ (or a re-
duced variant /ja/) that is best analyzed as the suffix
-jama occurring primarily on nouns (see 5-3.32.3). All

the following examples are from Compi:

Juta.fi.ch.itu.w. ‘It seems that it comes to me.'
come 3-1]
S

Juta.fi.ch. jama.k.itu.w. ‘It makes me want to come/

I would like to come.'

juta.fi.ch.ja.k.itu 'I think I'l] just come!
324

Lup'i.fi.ch.ja.ki.rak.itu.wa. ‘I'm thoughtful/It makes me
think ~~ want to think/I want to be

thoughtful. '

Literal translations would be 'to come, like, is to me'
or ‘to think, like, is to me', given the 3+] inflections.
Set 3 verbal derivational suffixes all contain
the phoneme /ch/, which may in some cases be a frozen
form of this suffix (see 6-2.3).
-cha- occurs as a verbal derivational causative

on only a few verb roots.

yati.cha.fia "to teach' yati.fia ‘to know'

waki.cha.fia ‘to prepare’ waki.fia ‘to provide' (Socca)
— ‘to provide mutually'
(La Paz/Compi)

6-2.12 ~ das verbalizer, divider

This suffix is to be distinguished from /-ja-/
allomorph of -ka- verbalizer (5-3.41.1), from -ja ‘amount'
(5-3.12.3), from /-ja-/ allomorph of the Class 2 verbal
derivational incompletive (6-2.25), and from /-ja/ allo-
morph of the suffix -jama (5-3.32.3).

In all dialects this suffix occurs frequently

as a verbalizer of noun roots.
325

lup.ja.si.fia ‘to heat with sunlight’ Jupi ‘sunlight’

tiay.ja.:.si.fia ‘to catch cold' (La Paz)

t'aya '‘cold' -i- causative

uma.t p'ar.j.itu ‘I'm thirsty' (La Paz)
uma ‘water' p"ara_ ‘'dry'

uma.t wafi.j.itu ‘I'm thirsty’ (Calacoa)

On verbs -ja- is also frequent everywhere.

ayw.ja.ra.fa ‘to spread out all over' (La Paz)
~~ ‘for many to go to different places’
(Bertonio 1603b:279)

aywi.fia ‘for many to go together' (Socca)

mang'.ja.fia ‘to chew' (La Paz)
‘to give to eat' (Bertonio 1603b:279)

mang'a.fia ‘to eat'
‘at.ja.na ‘to grab and pull in various places! (Compi)
p'ata.na ‘to grab and pull with teeth or beak'
6-2.13 - (Su- ‘out', completive

In these data, -su- has verbalized only as fol-

Jows:

q'aw.s.ta.fia "to shed its skin' (La Paz)

qg'awa_ ‘snake skin, tiger skin; dance costume’
326

*g" aw. su- "to take off shirt' (Bertonio 1603b:302)

*g!awa 'shirt' (Bertonio spelling: caua)

On verb roots the meaning of this suffix is either

literally ‘out of' or a completive, or metaphorical.

ar.su.fa 'to babble, be barely able to speak; to decide’
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
‘to describe something orally, reveal. bring out'
(Bertonio 1603b:302)

ar. Su. ya. fia ‘to cause to say’ (Salinas)

aru ‘word, language, speech, speak' (noun/verb
root)

-ya- causative

6-2.14 ~ra- and -t"api-

6-2.14.] ~yra- serializer, reverser

-~ra- occurs infrequently as a verbalizer. Example:

kaka.ra.si.fia ‘place todefecate' (Corque) <

Spanish caca_ 'feces'

As noted by Bertonio (1603b:292), and still the case
today, on verbs of carrying and placing the suffix
usually reverses the action; on other verbs it signifies

serial or repeated action.
327

apa.ra.fia ‘to take away' (Sitajara, Salinas) apa.fia 'to
carry'

iga.ra.fia ‘to take off clothing, pull at a cloth' (Juli,
— La Paz

iga.na ‘to carry cloth'
jist'a.ra.na ‘to open' (La Paz) jist'a.fia ‘to close’

uma.ra.fia ‘to have a party' uma.fia ‘to drink' (La Paz)
_ ‘to drink a little' (Bertonio 1603b:292)

willi.ra.fia ‘to throw things down or off' (e. g. contraband
~~ off a bus, by customs agent) (La Paz)
‘to spill a little water’ (Bertonio 1603b:292)

willi.na ‘to spill, pour' (La Paz)

usu.r.ta.si.fia ‘to get pregnant' (Calacoa)

usu.na 'to be sick’
6-2.14.2 =. api- gatherer

-tUapi- verbalizes infrequently. In available
examples, all from La Paz, it may verbalize roots, stems,
and themes. In the following example, it verbalizes a

nominalized verb, lunt"a.ta 'stolen':

lunt'a.t.t"api.fia ‘to steal from various places' (La Paz/
— Tiahuanaco)
‘to steal with other people' (Ebbing 1965:245)

lunt"a.fia ‘to steal!

This suffix occurs most often as a verbal derivational.
328

mang'.t"api.na ‘to eat everything--a banquet' (La Paz)
‘to eat together’ (Ebbing 1965:245)

ampar ay.t'api.fa 'to bend the arm, to have a paralyzed arm'
— (La Paz)

aya.na ‘to carry a cylindrical, rigid object’
*ampar a:.t'api.fia ‘to bend the arm' (Bertonio 1603b:304)

qun.t"api.fia

 

‘to sit down together' (two people); ‘to sit
up' (bringing two halves of body closer
together) (La Paz)

A use of a verb stem with -t"api- in a metaphorical sense
is the following from La Paz:

iki.n t"al.t"ap.i ‘youngest child', literally, ‘shakes the
bed'

 

t"ala.na 'to shake'

6-2.15 ~kipa-, -nuga- ~ -nuqu-, -ga-, and -xata- ~ -xita
6-2.15.1 =) ipa- ‘past a point', verbalizer

This suffix may verbalize, as in

uru.kipa.na 'to delay, be late'

uru_ 'day' (La Paz)
‘to delay a day or more’ (Bertonio 1603b:291)

But it is more common as a verbal derivational. Origi-
nally thought to be in the 6-2.17 order set, it has been

found occurring before -ta- ‘up' (6-2.16) in La Paz.
329

In combination with -ta- 'up' it is to be distinguished

from the verbalizer -kipta- (5-3.42.2).

parla.kipa.iia ‘to communicate information’ (La Paz)
parla.fia ‘to talk’

qillga.kipa.fia ‘to transfer information from one book to
another' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:290)

qillga.fia ‘to write'

4

uta.ch.kipa.si.ni.fia’ ‘to fix the roof of a house' (La Paz)

uta.cha.fia ‘to build a house’ (La Paz)

‘to again build houses around something,
like an inherited property' (Bertonio
1603b: 320)

The following show occurrences of -kipa- and of -kip.ta-
on the same roots, all from La Paz:
jaqu.kipa.na ‘to turn over clothes'

jaqu.kip.ta.fia ‘to pass near (a town); turn over in bed'
jaqu.fia ‘to throw'

muyu.kipa.na ‘to turn around'
muyu.kip.ta.fia ‘to turn; pass a hill’ muyu.fia ‘to turn'
pasa.kipa.fa ‘to pass to the other side'

pasa.kip.ta.na ‘to pass a person' pasa.fia ‘to pass'
< Spanish pasar
330

6-2.15.2 ~ynuqa- ~ - nuqu- placer,cessation of action
c
The consonant-requiring form of /-nuqa-/ is the
more common, but the vowel-requiring form is acceptable.
/-nuqu-/ occurred only in Jopoqueri, which also has

/-nuqa-/. /-nuga-/ verbalizes infrequently but occurs

often on verbs. Examples:

ali.nuga.fia ‘to sprout' ali.fia ‘to sprout' (Corque, Salinas)
iki.nuga.fia ‘to sleep' (Jopoqueri) iki.fia 'to sleep'

ik.nuga.na ‘to spend the first night of a trip; or the
first night in the grave' (said of a corpse)
(La Paz)
‘to be born, give origin to' (Juli)

‘to fling oneself down to sleep or to sleep
flung out' (Bertonio 1603b:286)

(j)iki.nuqu.fia ‘to be born' (Jopoqueri)
nuwa.nuga.fia ‘to hit, beat up; to give someone what's
coming to them'

nuwa.fia ‘to hit' (La Paz)

t'axlli.nuga.fia ‘to pummel' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:276)

6-2.15.3 ~ Gar ~ -Xxa- 'down', remover

This suffix, which does not verbalize, occurs

often with carrying verbs and other verbs of motion.
331

A variant /-xa-/ occurred in Salinas.
jaqu.x.ta.fia ‘to whip' jaqu.fia ‘to fall'

Elsewhere the allomorph is /-qa-/.

ala.ga.fa ‘to buy' ala.fia ‘to buy’ (Calacala, Morocomarca)

asa.ga.fia ‘to remove plate or hat, down from above' (La Paz)

asa.fa ‘to carry a plate-like object' (La Paz)

ima.ga.fia ‘to save food for someone’
ima.fa 'to keep' (La Paz)
"to hide something' (Bertonio 1603b:272)

6-2.15.4 -_xata- ~ ~ xita- ‘on top of, up to'

This suffix does not verbalize. /-xita-/ occurred

in Salinas. Examples:

ik.xata.fia ‘to sleep on top of something’ (La Paz, also
— Bertonio 1603b:283)

ig.xita.fia ‘to carry a saddle-bag' (Salinas)
iga.na ‘to carry a cloth'

pur.xata.fia ‘to arrive (rain, hail, etc.)' (La Paz)

puri.fia ‘to arrive, to come'
332

6-2.16 ~ ta- ‘up', inceptive

zta- rarely verbalizes in any dialect. Other
homophonous suffixes, distinguished by morphophonemics
from this one and each other, are given in 5-3.31.4.
Examples of -ta- verbal derivational in combination with

-kipa- are given in 6-2.15.1. Other examples with -ta-:

pur. ta.fia ‘to arrive' (Sitajara) puri.fia ‘to arrive'

sar.ta.ina "to get up' (La Paz); 'to leave, set out!
a (Salinas)

sara.fia 'to go'

jala.g.ta.fia ‘to fall down from above’ (La Paz)

jala.na ‘to run'

jaqu.q.ta.fia ‘to fall down from a height' (La Paz)
jagu.fa ‘to fall'

junt'u.ch.ta.wa.fia ‘to heat up (an oven)' (Calacoa)

junt'u ‘hot’

As indicated in 5-3.42.1, this suffix is related
to -pta~ verbalizer of noun roots and stems. The allo-
morph /-pta-/ has not occurred as a verbal derivational
in the spoken Aymara analyzed for this study, but it

does occur in two examples from published texts.
333

*jala.pta.s.i ‘jumped up' (Sebeok 1951a:69)
353

34

S  jala.fia ‘to run'

*tuku.pt.x.i.wa ‘changed suddenly’ (Ebbing 1965:241)
“343
S tuku.fa ‘to finish'

The first is reportedly from the city of La Paz, the
second from La Paz department.

Bertonio (1603b:308) cited in addition to *-ta-
the variants + y-uta-/ ‘up' and *7-(u)talta-/ inceptive.
Forms with these are unacceptable to present-day speakers.
One speaker in Juli used /-tu-/ instead of /-ta-/, but
this may have been idiosyncratic. Examples:

~

un.tu.t ‘seen’ una.fia 'to see'

jal.tu.w.j.iri.tayn ‘he had flown' jala.fia ‘to fly'

 

33
RIK
6-2.17  -jata- ~ -kata- ~ -k"ata-, ~naqga-, -nta-,
~mucha- ~ -muchu- ~ -muku- ~ -nuku-, -tata-,

~Xaru-, -xXa:Si-, -xaya-

These suffixes precede -t'a- momentaneous and

do not co-occur with suffixes 6-2.13, 6-2.14, and 6-2.15.
6-2.17.1 ~ .Jdata- ~_-kata- ~ -k"ata- ‘across!

This suffix verbalizes infrequently. /-jata-/

was used by one speaker from Salinas and one from
334

Jopoqueri; /-k"ata-/ occurred in a song sung by speakers
from Jopoqueri and in variation with /-kata-/ in La Paz.

Examples:

it.kata.fia ‘to put (a rock) up against (a wall)' (La Paz/
" Compi)

itu.fia ‘to carry a heavy object' (general)

mak"ata.fia ‘to come/go up in front of someone, to go across'
(Compi/Jopoqueri) *ma- 'go'

 

o~

in.jat.ka.p.x.ista ‘you are looking across at us' (Salinas)
— 2>1|

S ifla.fia ‘to look' (Salinas)

6-2.17.2 ~ ynaga- ‘around, aimlessly'

c

The suffix -naga- does not verbalize. In contem-
porary La Paz Aymara this suffix is preceded by a vowel
On some roots and by a consonant on others; on some roots
either form is acceptable. Examples from Calacoa and Sita-
jara have a preceding vowel; examples from Calacoa, Huan-

cané, and Salinas have a preceding consonant. Examples:

sar.naga.fa ‘to go around, get along, live' (La Paz, Calacoa)

Sara.naga.fia ‘to go around, get along, live' (Calacoa, Sitajara,
— Bertonio 1603b:
284)
sara.fia ‘to go'
335

suma uf.naga.s.iri ‘having a good appearance’ (Huancané)

una.fa ‘to look' suma 'good'
pur.naga.fia ‘to turn over and over' (Salinas)

puri.fia ‘to arrive, to come'

In one instance, two stems with -naga-, one with
a preceding vowel and the other with a preceding consonant,

are distinguished in meaning.

ira.naqga.fia ft ie ira.na ‘to handle small objects’
La Paz

ir.naga.fia ‘to work the fields in the morning’ (La Paz)
‘to work (in general)' (Missionary Aymara;
see 9-6.2)

In the second example above, the root ir- is probably
not identical to the ira- of ira.fia, since the meanings

are quite distinct.
6-2.17.3 ~ yata- ‘into', slow inceptive

-nta- can verbalize, as in

link'u.nta.fia ‘to zigzag' (La Paz) link'u link'u ‘zigzag
~~ line’

k'ari.nta.fia ‘to spread lies' (La Paz) k'ari '‘lie'

In dialects having the morphophonemic rule voicing prevocalic
336

stops after nasals (Corque, Salinas, and northern
the suffix is phonetically [nda]. The meaning on
of motion is usually 'into', while on other verbs

usually an inceptive.

iki.nta.fia 'to go to bed' (everywhere)  iki.fia

manta.fia ‘to enter' (everywhere) *ma- 'go'

PotosT),
verbs

it is

‘to sleep'

manta.nta.fia ‘to enter' (Socca) (manta- as frozen stem)

puri.nta.fia ‘to arrive' (Tarata, Jopoqueri)
puri.fia 'to arrive'

sara.nta. fia ‘to enter' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:287)

sara.fia 'to go'

[wina .nda. fia] ‘to put in' (Corque, Salinas)

*wina.fia ‘to put' (unattested)

yati.nta.fia ‘to learn by oneself' (Calacoa) yati.fia 'to know'

An interesting use of -nta- with the meaning ‘not on pur-

pose, by bad luck' is the following:

uta nak"a.nta.ya.s.iri ‘a person whose house burned down
— through bad Juck' (La Paz/

Tiahuanaco)

nak"a.fia ‘to burn'
337

Without -nta- the above would imply the houseowner burned

the house down on purpose.
6-2.17.4 ~ ymucha- »_-muchu- ~ -muku- ~ -nuku- ‘away, off'

This suffix can verbalize, but it is more often
found as a derivational. The preferred form in certain
La Paz dialects, including JesGs de Machaca, is /-muku-/,
which is the only allomorph cited by Bertonio (1603b:283).
/-nuku-/ is preferred in Compi and Tiahuanaco; a speaker
from La Paz/Tiahuanaco also uses /-muchu-/. /-mucha-/
occurs in Salinas. A La Paz speaker reports having heard
/-nuchu-/ somewhere, but it is not included here since

its provenance is unknown at present. Examples:

ali.s.muchu. fia” ~ alis.nuku.fa 'to throw out' (La Paz/
— —— Tiahuanaco)

ali.s.mucha.fia ‘to throw out' (Salinas)

 

ali.si.fia ‘to run after someone’ (La Paz/
Compi )

apa.nuku.fia ‘to abandon, cast off (a person); to throw away'
(San Andrés de Machaca) apa.fia_ ‘to carry’

iki.nuku.fia ‘to sleep away from home, without notifying
one's family’ (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:283)

iki.fia ‘to sleep'

jaqu.nuku.fia ‘to throw off' jaqu.fia ‘to throw' (La Paz)
338

jayta.muku.fia 'to abandon’ jayta.fia ‘to leave' (Jesfis de
Machaca)

6-2.17.5 ~ ptata- scatterer

This suffix may verbalize. In La Paz, if a stem
with -tata- cannot take a human subject, but only a non-
human one, it cannot be nominalized with -na. In this
respect stems with -tata- resemble stems with -pta- ver-
balizer. Some examples given by Bertonio (1603b) with

either human or nonhuman subjects may take only nonhuman

subjects in La Paz today, as follows:

Chullu.tat.i.w. 'The ice melted! chullu ‘ice’ (La Paz)
333
S
Jang'u.tata.s.k.i.w. 'A soiled thing is becoming clean. (La Paz)

jang'u = ‘white'

 

k'umar. tata. fia 'to be cured' (La Paz) k'umara ‘healthy’
Q'ana.tata.s.k.i.w. ‘It's clearing up (after rain)! (La Paz)
3+3
S "ana ‘clear’

Uma.tat.i.w. 'It melted. (La Paz) uma ‘water'
3+3  'He sweated/It began to melt! (Bertonio 1603b:305)
S

The following are examples of -tata- as derivational:

alli.tata.fia ‘to fall outward’ (e. g. walls of a building)
(La Paz) ‘to spread out grain, potatoes, etc.'
(La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:304)

alli.na ‘to dig’ (La Paz)

 
339

aru.s.tata.fia ‘to say' (Salinas; not used in La Paz)

aru ‘word, language'
jacha.tata.fia ‘to begin to cry suddenly’ (La Paz)
'to begin to cry' (Bertonio 1603b:305)
jacha.fma ‘to cry'
mang'a.tata- ‘bite suddenly' (said of a dog) (La Paz)
— "begin to eat' (Bertonio 1603b:305)

mang'a.na ‘to eat' (La Paz)

tuki.tata.fia ‘to faint' (San Andrés de Machaca)

tuki.fia ‘to stretch out'

6-2.17.6 -  xaru- preparative of motion

This suffix occurs only on verbs. It has occurred
only on verbs of motion, especially carrying verbs. In
Sitajara it occurred on verb stems used to translate plain
carrying verbs, without any preparative connotation.

Examples:

an.xaru.fa 'to get ready to herd' (La Paz; also Bertonio
1603b: 282)

*ana- '‘herd'

way.xaru.fia ‘to carry by handle' (Sitajara)
wayu.fia ‘to carry by handle'

6-2.17.7 ~ (Xaisi- static, cessation of motion

This suffix does not verbalize, and is of rather

infrequent occurrence. It is not listed as a suffix by
340

Bertonio (1603b), although it occurs in a few examples.

* Judas aycha.xas.i ‘Judas hanged himself.' (1603b:300)
333
S

*sirp.xasi- ‘to take someone with one (as a master his
servant)' (1603b:313)

 

In La Paz the above are today rendered as follows:

Judasa.x jaych.xa:s.i. jaycha.fia ‘to quarrel'

irp.xa:si.fa ‘for an adult to be responsible for a minor;
" to have a child with one'

irpa.fia 'to take a person'
6-2.17.8 ~ -Xaya- accompanier

This suffix does not verbalize and does not occur
with verbs of carrying. Bertonio (1603b:280) gave it as

+ ypexar-/. Examples:
ar.xaya.na ‘to talk with someone' (JesGis de Machaca)
aru ‘word, language’

paril.xaya.na ‘to deceive, to declare love falsely' (Calacoa)
parla.na ‘to speak'

ik.xaya.na ‘to sit up with a sick person' (La Paz)

iki.na ‘to sleep'
341

Fike xar- ‘to sleep with a sick person' (Bertonio 1603b:280)

6-2.18 - ch ak"a- ~ -ch'uki-, - tta-
6-2.18.1 ~_Chtak'a- ~ -ch'uki- sustainer of action, teaser

The first allomorph occurred only in Sitajara.

un.ch'ak"a.n.ititu.x '(the dog) stared at me'
3+]
S una.na ‘to look'

/-ch'uki-/ occurred in La Paz, Calacoa, and Socca.

Examples:

ufi.ch'uki.fia ‘to look at steadily, or frequently’ (La Paz,
Calacoa)

 

is.ch'uk.t'a.fia ‘to listen' (Socca) is.t'a.fia ‘to listen'

jaq.ch'uki.na ‘to throw (stones) at someone teasingly'
—— (La Paz)

jagu.fia ‘to throw'

Jar.ch'uki.fia ‘to pull someone's leg' (La Paz)

 

laru.na ‘to laugh'
6-2.18.2 ~-tta- momentaneous

This suffix occurs as verbalizer of noun roots
and stems, on most verbs, and is of very frequent occur-
rence everywhere. The meaning is sometimes a politive.

Examples:
342

warm.t'a.si.fia 'to have a mistress' (La Paz) warmi  ‘woman'

wayn.t'a.si.fia ‘to have a lover (male)' (La Paz)

wayna ‘young man'

An example on a noun stem ending in -ta nominalizer is

wayk' jiya.t.t'a.si.tayna ‘pepper has been ground' (Jopoqueri)
—_— 333
RIK iya.fa 'to grind’

An example on a noun stem ending in -ni possessor is
jan punchu.n.t'a.ta ‘without poncho' (Huancané)
The following are examples on verbs:

ampar jamp'at.t'a.fa ‘to kiss the hand' (La Paz)
jamp'ati.na ‘to kiss'
irp.t'a.fia ‘to give a child back to his own mother or father'
—— (La Paz)
irpa.na 'to take a person'
jirt.t'a.fia ‘to make mazamorra' (a corn-based soft drink)
— (Sitajara)

jirta.fia ‘to move'

The suffix occurs frequently as a softener with imperatives,

as in the following examples from Calacoa:
343

say.t'a.ki.m ‘stand up’ saya.fa ‘to stand’

— 233

I

almus.t'a.wa.tana ‘let's eat Junch' almusa.na ‘to lunch’
~~ 4>3
I

yanap.t'.ita ‘help me' yanapa.fa ‘to help’

2>|

I

pari.t'a.p.xa.m ‘you (plural) talk’ parla.fia ‘to talk’
~~ 2>3
I
6-2.19 -paya-, -rpaya- ~ -rpa:-
6-2.19.1 - paya- helper, mocker

This suffix is very infrequent and was not identi-
fied by England. Certain forms cited with it by Bertonio
(1603b:287) are not acceptable in La Paz today. Other
forms with the suffix do occur in La Paz, some of them

with -paya- frozen to the root. Examples:

k"uya.paya.fia ‘to have mercy, give help' (La Paz)
*k"uya.tia (does not occur)

yat.xa.paya.fia” ‘to imitate in order to mock' (La Paz)

yati.fa ‘to know'

muyu.paya.fia ‘to take a look around, like a guard' (La Paz)
muyu.fa ‘to turn around'
344

ali.s.paya.fia 'to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas)

ali.si.fia ‘to run after someone’ (La Paz/Compi)

In the last two examples the meanings are closer to some

examples of -rpaya-.

6-2.19.2 -Ppaya- ~ -rpa:- multiplier of action, intensifier

This suffix does not verbalize. /-rpaya-/ occurs
in most dialects; /-rpa:-/ occurs in Sitajara, Corque,
Jopoqueri, and Salinas, and was cited by Bertonio (1603b:
297). Both variants occur in Compi. The suffix occurred
more frequently in Salinas and Jopoqueri than elsewhere.
One speaker in Corque voiced the /p/ after /r/, giving
the phonetic rendition [rba:] in rapid speech. In Corque
this is not a regular rule like that voicing prevocalic
stops after nasals in Salinas, but rather an optional
rule like the one that voices stops intervocalically

(see 4-3.21.31). Examples:

jamu.rpaya.fia ‘to select chufio from a pile, to be ground
into smaller pieces' (La Paz)

*jamu.fia (does not occur in La Paz/Compi)

* Jamu. rpa:- ‘to understand something well' (Bertonio
— 1603b: 108)

jaqu.rpa:.fia ‘to throw away' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara)

 
345

jaqu.rpaya.fia ‘to throw away' (La Paz, Salinas)

jaqu.na 'to throw'
jara.rpaya.fia ‘to untie' (La Paz)

[jara.rba:. fia] 'to untie' (Corque) jara.fia ‘to untie'
jat'i.rpa: fia ‘to pick up thorns and thistles' (Salinas)

jat'i.rpaya.fia ‘to scratch' (La Paz)

jat'i.fia 'to scratch'
k" ita. rpaya. fia ‘to send' (Salinas) k"ita.fia ‘to send'
p"ichu.rpa:.fia ‘to untie' (Salinas) p"ichu.fia ‘to tie up'
6-2.2 Class 2 suffixes

These suffixes occur in all dialects on almost
any verb root, stem, or theme and are more closely tied
to the inflection than to the preceding part of the verb.
Of the nine suffixes in the class, four affect case rela-
tions of the subject and complement person contained in
the inflection: -si- reciprocal/reflexive, -ya- ~ -:-
causative, -rapi- beneficiary, and -raqa- victimary.
-ni- approacher and -wa- distancer (and its variants)
indicate spatial relations (physical, temporal, or meta-
phorical) of the person(s) involved in the action. The

incompletive and completive suffixes are aspects of the
346

tense, which is also contained in the inflection. -p-
is a pluralizer of persons.

-si- and -ya- may reduplicate on a stem. If
~ja-_~ -ka- incompletive or -xa- ~ -qa- completive occurs

before -p- on a stem, it may reduplicate after -p-.
6-2.21 ~ySic reciprocal/reflexivee

This suffix is of very frequent occurrence,
especially in La Paz. It focuses upon the persons of
the inflection and may be translated as a reciprocal, a

reflexive, or an emphatic.”

Reciprocal:

parl.t'a.si.fia ‘to talk to each other' (La Paz)
talk —_

jay.cha.si.fia ‘to quarrel' (La Paz)
quarrel ~~

nuwa.Si.fia ‘to fight each other' (La Paz)
fight —

Reflexive:

asa.qa.si.fia ‘to take off one's own hat' (La Paz)
asa.qa.fia ‘to take off a hat'

gama.si.fia ‘to stay' (Corque)
gama.fia ‘to do nothing, to rest’
suffix

347

ala.si.fia ‘to buy oneself something' (everywhere)
buy
ala.fia 'to buy'

Emphasis:

ar.naga.si.: ‘I will yell' (Calacala)
yell 13
F

jaws. kat.t'a.si.: ‘I will call someone' (La Paz/Compi)
call ~~

The following examples of verbalization with this

have occurred in La Paz:
p'inga.si.na ‘to be ashamed, embarrassed' p'inga 'shame'
warmi.si.fia ‘to take oneself a mistress' warmi ‘woman '

wayna.si.fia ‘to take oneself a (male) lover' wayna ‘young
man'

This suffix occurs frozen in a few verb stems that

act as roots, taking suffixes normally occurring before

-si-.

ali.si.fia ‘to sprout' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
— ‘to run after someone' (La Paz/Compi)

ali.s.muchu.fia ~ ali.s.nuku.fia 'to throw out’ (La Paz/ Tia-
= ~ huanaco)
348

ali.s.mucha.fia 'to throw out' (Salinas)
ali.s.paya.fia ‘to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas)
aru.Si.fia 'to complain, protest, speak against someone'

(La Paz); 'to speak' (Bertonio 1603b:327)

aru 'word/speak'

aru.s.tata.fia ‘to say' (Salinas)
ufia.si.fia ‘to look at each other' (La Paz)

ufia.s.t'a.na ‘to wait for someone’ (Calacoa, Sitajara)

-si- does not co-occur with -rapi- beneficiary or -raqga-
victimary. -Si- may occur before or after the suffixes
-~ya- ~ -:- Causative, -ni- approacher, and -wa- distancer
(or its variants). -si- often occurs in combination with
-ja- ~ -ka- incompletive, resulting in its at first being
considered a continuative. However, it may also occur
with -xa- completive.

When it precedes -ya- on a stem, -si- usually
glosses as a reciprocal. -si- following -ya- usually
glosses as a reflexive. When -si- occurs twice on a
stem, separated by -ya-, the first -si- is a reciprocal,
and the second, a reflexive. When two -si-'s occur in

succession, the second is usually followed by the incom-

pletive suffix -ja- ~ -ka-.
349

Examples of -si- with the other Class 2 suffixes

mentioned above are the following:

~~

jay.cha.si.ya.fia 'to cause others to argue with each other’
— (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:317)

jay.cha.si.fia ‘to argue disrespectfully
with someone to whom re-
spect is due' (La Paz)

jay.cha.ya.si.fia ‘to allow someone to argue (talk) disre-
— spectfully with one' (La Paz/Compi)

* jay.cha.:.si.fia ‘to get oneself beaten up' ee 1603b:
— 317

ne

jay.cha.si.ya.si.fia ‘to allow someone to go on arguing dis-
a respectfully with one' (La Paz)

nuwa.si.ya.Si.fia ‘to referee a fight' (La Paz)
fight’

Ma.nta.si.n.ka.ki.m. 'Come on in.' (La Paz)
enter 2+3
I

Ma.nta.ni.s.ka.ki.m. ‘Come on in.' (La Paz)

usu.r.ta.Ssi.w.x.i ‘she became pregnant' (Calacoa)
343

S usu.fia ‘to be sick'
350

jay.cha.wa:.s.ta ‘I scolded him' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
quarrel ~~ ——s1333

S

10

Aka.n.ka.s.k.i.ti? 'Is he here?' (most dialects)
SS

S

Aka.n.ka.s.j.i.ti? 'Is he here?' (Jopoqueri)

maq'a.nta.s.xa.tayna ‘he ate it up' (Salinas)
eat 333

RIK

Qullq apa.s.xa.m. ‘Take the money again.’ (La Paz; also
money take 23 at 1603b:
I 301

ala.s.xa.:ma ‘I'll buy you' (Corque)
buy 1+2
F

nuwa.si.s.t"a ‘I'm fighting' (Calacoa)
fight’ 193
S

Nuwa.si.s.k.t.wa. ‘I'm fighting.' (Juli, La Paz, Huancané)
~~ 133
S

arma.si.si.p.k. itasma ‘you might forget us' (Juli)
forget ~
5.
351

In Morocomarca -si- occurred where the nominalizer
-fia would occur in other dialects, in the following type

of sentence:

Kuna.mpi.rak mag'a.s.i ch'unu.ka?
what with eat ~ 3-3 chuno

S)

‘With what is chuno eaten?'

This use of -si- may be due to the influence of Spanish,
from which the sentence was translated: Con qué se come
chufo? The possible influence of Spanish se reciprocal/
reflexive on the incidence of -si- in Aymara needs fur-

ther investigation.

6-2.22 -ya- ~ -:- causative

This suffix has been found to verbalize few noun

roots, and only in La Paz.

1 ~

jayp u.ya. fa ‘to get late' (nonhuman subject); ‘to spend

evening the day waiting in one place’ (human subject)
(La Paz)
uru. ya. fia "to celebrate a wedding or a birthday by giving
day ~ someone a party’ (La Paz)

Bertonio (1603b) gave examples similar to the above, but

with phonologically conditioned allomorphs: *y-wa-/ after
352

/u/, *p-ya-/ after /i/, and either vowel length or

+p -ya-/ after /a/. In contemporary dialects these altera-
tions have not been found to occur. Most dialects use
/-ya-/; Compi uses both /-ya-/ and /-:-/; /-:-/ has

also been found in Huancané and in northern Potosi.

Examples:

apa.:.fia ‘to cause someone to carry' (Calacala)
carry —

apa.ya.fia ‘to cause someone to carry' (elsewhere)

~

ar.Su.ya.ria ‘to cause someone to say' (Salinas)
say ~—

chura.ya.fia 'to cause someone to give' (general)
give —_

The following has /-:-/ reduced to simple vowel before

a consonant-requiring suffix:

Amu.s.t'a.g.i.lla. ‘He made him be quiet.' (Calacala)
™ 333
S /-.9a-/ completive (see 6-2.25)

The Compi equivalent of the above has /-ya~/ reduced to

/y/.

Amu.s.t'a.y.X.i.ya. ‘He made him be quiet.'
353

In the foregoing examples the verb stem takes a
human subject and a human agentive complement (the person

Some verbs that do

who is caused to do something).
not take a human subject may take one if -ya- is added
to the stem. If it is desired to have a human agentive

complement as well, -ya- must be reduplicated. Examples:

achu.fia ‘for a field to produce' (nonhuman subject) (La Paz)

achu.ya.fa ‘to cause a field to produce’ {human subject)
~ La Paz)

puqu.fia ‘for a field to produce' (nonhuman subject) (Jopoqueri)

~

puqu.ya.fia 'to cause a field to produce’ (human subject)
_ (Jopoqueri )

uma.pta- ‘for something to melt' (nonhuman subject) (La Paz)
uma.pta.ya.fla ‘to cause to melt' (human subject) (La Paz)
uma.pta.ya.ya. fia 'to make someone melt something’ (human

subject and complement)

uma ‘'water'

Some examples of -ya- on stems with -si- were given in

6-2.21. See also the examples in 8-2.25.

 

6-2.23 -yni-s ~ Was ~ -waya- ~ -wa:- ~ -wi- ~ -wi

These suffixes appear to be semantic opposites,

but they may co-occur on one stem with a meaning different
354

from either alone. When both occur, -ni- always precedes

-wa- or variants.
6-2.23.1 ~yni- approacher

This suffix has only one allomorph in all dialects.
It reduces spatial, temporal, or emotional distance be-
tween the persons of the inflection (who may be the
speaker, hearer, both, or neither) or between person(s)

and place (s). Examples:

jir.ta.ni.fia ‘to go to move something’ (Sitajara)
— 'to go to move something with a stick' (La Paz/
Compi )

jiru.fia, jir.ta.fia ‘to stir’

iki.ni.fia ‘to go somewhere to sleep' (La Paz; also Bertonio
—_ 1603b:285)

iki.nma ‘to sleep’

mang'a.ni.fia ‘to approach to eat' (La Paz)
— ‘to go to eat, to have just eaten’ (Bertonio
1603b: 285)

mang'a.fia ‘to eat’

qillga.n.ch. itasma ‘you could write to me' (La Paz)
qillga.fia ‘to write’

In Calacoa -ni- often occurs with sa.fia ‘to say',

with the Imperative, Future, and Desiderative tenses.
355

Waka. nufu Sa.ni.p.xa.sma. lla! ‘You should say cow's udder!’

cow udder 2>3
D-1
6-2.23.2 ~yWas ~ -Waya- ~ -wai- ~ -wi- ~ -wiya- distancer

This suffix increases spatial, temporal, or emo-
tional distance between the persons of the inflection, or
between person(s) and place(s). There may be a change of
location, or several locations, for the person(s). The
suffix may imply action before leaving for somewhere else
or while on the way somewhere else. The suffix may serve
as a softener or emphatic with such meanings as ‘quickly',
"at once', or ‘by the way'.

The most common shape of this suffix is /-wa-/,
which reduces to /w/ before consonant-requiring suf-
fixes. This variant occurs in Juli, Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, Sitajara, and Calacala. The allomorph /-waya-/
occurs in La Paz, reducing to /way/ before consonant-
requiring suffixes. It may reduce to /wa/ before vowel-
requiring suffixes. Parts of La Paz also have an alter-
nate form /-wa:-/ (also attested in Bertonio 1603b),
which reduces to /wa/ before consonant-requiring suf-
fixes.

In Sitajara /-waya-/ (reduced to /way/) occurs
before -i 3+3 Simple tense; /-wa-/ (reduced to /w/)
occurs before other /i/-initial suffixes; and /-wa:-/
occurs elsewhere, reduced to /wa/ before consonant-

requiring suffixes.
356

/-wiya-/ occurs in Salinas and Corque. /-wi-/
occurs in Jopoqueri. In Morocomarca /-wi-/ or /-wiy-/
occurs before /i/ (resulting phonemically in /wi:/ or
/wiyi/), and /-wiya-/ occurs elsewhere, reducing to

/wiy/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. Examples:

Ap.xaru.way.ma. ‘Take it away.' (San Andrés de Machaca)
2>3

I apa.fa ‘to carry’

Chura.waya.m. ‘Give it to him quickly, at once, on the way.'
give 23 (La Paz)
I

Chura.way. ita. 'Give it to me (as you're leaving right away).”
| (La Paz)
I

Iskula.y jala.q.ta.way.i.w. ‘He played hooky.’ (stayed out
school 333 of school) (Sitajara)
S

jala.ga.na ‘to fall'

Mang'a.waya.m. ‘Eat and go right afterwards.' (La Paz)
eat 243

I

Mang'a.way.i.wa. ‘They ate (somewhere else).' (Sitajara)
~~ 343
S

ch"aga.way.i ‘he got lost (somewhere out there)' (Sitajara)
333

S  ch'aga.fia ‘to get lost’
waxcha.t'a.si.way.t.xa: 'I was left an orphan' (Achocalla)
orphan +3

S

Puri.wa.ta.ti? 'Did you arrive (today)?' (Sitajara)
a3
) = ta- 2+3 S (This example is an instance of
/-wa:-/ reduced to /wa/ before
the inflection. )

sara.wa.:xa ‘I'm going to go' (San Andrés de Machaca)
go -~— 133
F

sara.w.xa.: ‘I'm going' (Juli)
eee

F

jayta.wa.p.ka.taytu ‘(our grandparents) left us (our
Teave 341 language)' (Juli)
RIK

pa:.t'a.si.wa.fiani ‘let's cook' (Sitajara)

cook 4+3
F

Sa.w.ma.11la. ‘Tell him on the way.’ (Socca)
say 2>3
I

t"uqu.wa.:ta.x ‘you will dance (there)' (Socca)
dance —~ 233
F

jayta.wiya.:tan ‘we will leave (the sheep with him while
leave 4+3 we go to church)' (Salinas)
F
358

ar.t'a.wiy.i ‘he called (the birds to him, from the sky)'
call 393 (Salinas)
S

t'aq.ta.wiya.:ma.x 'I will look for you (there in La Paz)
look for 132 (Salinas)
F

yapi.nta.wiya.tay ‘she tied her up (before going off) (Corque)
tie up 323
RIK

Chura.wiy.t.wa. ‘I left it for him (and went away again). '
give 133 (Morocomarca)
S

way. xaru.wi.fa 'to carry water in a pail' (Jopoqueri)
way.xaru.fia ‘to carry by handle’

The combination of -ni- plus -wa- (or its vari-
ants) is common in all Aymara dialects. In many instances

it means action on the way back from another place.

ap.ta.ni.wa.: ‘on my way back I'll bring X' (Juli)
bring” — ‘I+3
F

sara.ni.waya.fia ‘to stop off somewhere on the way back

go from a farther point' (La Paz)

 

England found that this combination could also
359

- . express discrepancies between where
the speaker was at the time of an action
and where he is when he tells about it.
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.177)

An example of this from my research is the following said

by a young man from Socca who had left his town as a boy:

. mist.su.ni.wa.sn . . . ak"am jayt.ja.ni.w.t'a ...
Jeave ~— thus leave —*d133
S

. . leaving (my community) . . . thus, I left (everything)

The combination may also be used to express discrepancies
between the location of a person or persons involved in
an action, and the location of a hearer, as shown in the
following examples which occurred in a recorded message
from a man in Juli to his nephew in another city. The
message concerned the author's visit to Juli, during

which the nephew was not present.

Parl.t'a.ni.w.i.w. ‘She spoke.'
speak ~~ 333
S

graba.q.t'a.si.ni.w.k.i ‘she made tape recordings'
— =" 3+3 < Spanish grabar ‘to record’
S

Ap.s.t'a.ni.wa.rak. 'And she took photographs.’
take ~~
360

wali sum qued.t'a.ya.ni.wa.p.x.sma ‘we did well by you,
very good OO 132 we left a good im-

S pression'

 

< Spanish quedar ‘to leave'

In Calacoa the combination /-w.ja-/ occurs very
frequently, apparently as a softener since none of the
other meanings of the distancer seem to apply. The com-
bination seems to occur on any verb stem and with a variety

of tenses. Examples:

Chura.w.j.sma.w. 'I gave it to you.'

 

give 12
- S
Sa.w.j.iri.tayn ‘he said'
” 3>3
RIK
sara.w.ja.tan "we will go'
go 4+3
F

Yati.w.ja.ma-lla. ‘You learn, then.'
know 2>3

I

The /-ja-/ in this combination is not identical with
/-ja-/ allomorph of the incompletive suffix (see 6-2.25.1).

In Calacoa the allomorph of the incompletive is /-ka-/
361

and /-w.ja-/ may precede it on a stem. */-w.ka-/ has not

occurred in Calacoa.

dan puyri.w.j.k.t.ti. 'I have not been able to.'
no able +3

S puyri- < Spanish puede ‘is able'

It is possible that /-wja-/ is a unitary suffix identical
in shape to the noun locational suffix -wja- (see 5-3.21).
When occurring before the completive -xa-, /-wj.xa/ re-

duces to /w.xa/.

Aruma.w.x.i.w , iki.nta.w.xa.tan. ‘It's already late,
night ~ =. 3343 bed 43 let's go to bed.'
S F

 

On verbs /-wja-/ is rejected in Socca as ‘sounding
like baby talk.’ /-w.xa-/ is, however, of frequent occur-
rence in Socca and Juli. A series of verbs with /-w.xa-/
occurred in an account of the death and burial of the

archbishop of Juli.

pasa.w.xa.tayn ‘he passed' (died) < Spanish pasar
3
RIK

 

jiw.t'a.w.xa.tayn 'he had died' jiwa.fia ‘to die’

yati.w.xa.sin ‘having learned'
know

 
362

amuk.t'a.w.xa.p.x.i ‘they were silent' amuki.fia 'to be
333 silent'
S

/-w.xa-/ also frequently occurs with /-iritayna/ (-iri
plus 3+3 RIK) and other compound forms with -chi NI, in
stories told in Juli and Socca (see 6-3.36.1 and 6-3.37.2).
/-w.xa-/ occurs with the Imperative in Socca,
meaning 'do it this minute!' on sara.fia 'to go' and
Sa.fia 'to say’ but conveying a gentle, friendly plea
on chura.fia 'to give', thus illustrating the different
connotations verbal derivational suffixes, even those
of Class 2, may have on different verbs.
In Morocomarca /-wiy.xa/ and /-xa.wiya-/ both
occur. In some instances one order is preferred. Examples

occurred with the Simple tense.
133 Chur. xa.wiy.t.wa. "I left it for him.'
2>3 Chur.xa.wiy.ta.wa. ‘You left it for him.'
343 Chura.wiy.x.i.wa. "de left it for him.'
4+3 (not elicited)

342 Chura.wiy.x.tma.wa ~ chur.xa.wiy.tma.wa.
"He left it for you.'

3-1 Chur.xa.wiy.itu.wa. ‘He left it for me.'

344 Chur.xa.wiy. istutu.wa. "He left it for us.'
363

The source rejected a 3+3 form with a preceding -xa-.
(For a discussion of ordering -xa- directly on verb
roots, see 6-2.25.2). Further research will be needed

to determine how best to describe the above.
6-2.24 - rapi-, -raga-

These suffixes are mutually exclusive.
6-2.24.1 -rapi- beneficiary

The presence of -rapi- in a verb stem indicates
that the verb complement expressed in the inflection is

a beneficiary of the action. |2

This suffix is of frequent
occurrence and no dialectal variation in its use has

been noted.
6-2.24.2 ~ ytaga- victimary

The presence of -raga- victimary in a verb stem
indicates that the verb complement expressed in the in-
flection is the victim of action by the subject against
a possession of the complement person. That is, the
complement person is adversely affected indirectly,

through his possession. |2

This use of the suffix -raqga-
is general, although it is of less frequent occurrence

than -rapi-, and no variation in its use has been noted.
364

6-2.25 - .da- ~ -ka- ~ -k"a- incompletive, ~ Xar ~ -ga-
completive

The incompletive and the completive may occur
before and/or after -p- plural. They usually do not
co-occur on a stem; when they do, the incompletive pre-

cedes the completive.
6-2.25.1 - das ~ -ka- ~ -k"a- incompletive

This suffix must be distinguished from the par-
tially homophonous -ja- ~ -ka- verbalizer (5-3.41.1)
and -ja- Class 1 verbal derivational suffix (6-2.12).
The form /-ka-/ occurs in most dialects, but not in
Corque and Jopoqueri, which instead have /-ja-/.

In Salinas, a morphophonemic rule (4-3.22.23) reduces
-ka- to /j/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. The
allomorph /-k"a-/ occurred sporadically instead of /-ka-/
in the speech on one Salinas source. Both /-ka-/ and
/-ja-/ occur in Calacala and Morocomarca, where it
appears that the two morphs may have separate morpho-
phonemic status, -ja- ‘ahead of‘ and -ka- incompletive.

This brings us to the semantics of this suffix.
In some contemporary Aymara dialects the suffix usually

translates ‘ahead of' when it occurs directly on a root.

ap. ka. fia ‘to carry ahead of someone' (La Paz)

apa.fa ‘to carry'
365

sar.ka.fia ‘to go on ahead' (La Paz) sara.ffa ‘to go'
sar.ja.fia 'to go on ahead' (Jopoqueri)

However, in some dialects this suffix translates as a

continuative.

Chur.k.t.wa. ‘I'm giving it to him.' (Morocomarca)
give 1-3
S

Chur.ka.:t.wa. ‘I was giving it to him.' (Morocomarca,
433 San Andrés de Machaca)
RDK

Chur.j.t.wa. ‘I'm giving it to him.' (Salinas, Jopoqueri,
13 Corque)

Chur.ja.ya:t.wa. ‘I was giving it to him.' (Salinas,
133 Jopoqueri, Corque)
RDK

In La Paz the continuative is usually expressed by -si-

plus -ka-.
She's
Mang'a.s.k.i.w. "He's eating. '
eat ~~ ~3+3 It's

S

She's
Aka.n.ka.s.k.i.w. "He's here. '
here ~~ 343 It's

S
366

Elsewhere the continuative may be so expressed also, with

/-ka-/ or /~-ja-/.

Jacha.s.k.i.way. ‘They are crying.’ (Calacoa)
~ 333
S

Uta.nha.n.ka.s.ka.:n.wa. ‘He was in my house.' (Sitajara)
house Ip ~~ 343
RDK

Aka.n.ka.s.j.i.w. ‘He's here.' (Jopoqueri and Corque)
here ~~ “343
S

One speaker in Salinas, whose Aymara was probably in-
fluenced by that of La Paz, used both /-ja-/ and /-s.ka-/

continuative in the same sentence in a story.

Aka.n.x na.x sSawu.n.j.t".w, sawu.si.s.k.t na.x.

here Ip weave = 1+3 weave l+3 Ip
S Ss

"Here I'm weaving, it's weaving I am.'

A popular song in Calacoa has /-s.ka-/ in one stanza

and /-ka~/ alone in another.

Jacha.s.k.i.way. ‘They are crying.’
cry 333
S
367

¢ dach.k.i.w s.i.way. '"They are crying," they say.’
~ 343 343
S S

Although this suffix frequently occurs with nega-
tive expressions, some negatives occur without it, or
with the completive -xa- instead. Negative expressions
are discussed in 7-4.5.

With the Inferential -pacha, /-ka-/ incompletive
may occur with the meaning ‘instead of.' The following
example was inspired in a La Paz/Tiahuanaco speaker by

Ebbing (1965:100):

Uka chacha.x jach.k.pacha.:n.x laru.s.xa.k.i.w.

that man cry 353 Taugh 333
RDK S

‘That man instead of crying is just laughing. '

However, in an example from Jopoqueri /-ja-/ with -pacha

is simply a continuative.

Jun.j.pacha.w. ‘He must be pecking. '

junu.fia ‘to peck, pierce'

This suffix occurs often on subordinated verbs
to indicate action ahead of the action of the main verb

or incompleted action ‘see 7-4.24).
368

6-2.25.2 -xa- ~ -ga- completive

In view of the /k/ ~ /j/ alternation for the in-
completive, the possibility that a similar alternation of
/q/ ~ /x/ exists for the completive--or may have existed
in the past--must be kept in mind. Tschopik (1948:109)
gives one example of a /q/ which is probably a variant
of this suffix, but /-xa-/ also occurs in his transcrip-
tion, which in any case is not completely phonemic.

In Calacala there occurred a /q/ which may be a realiza-
tion of the completive. It could not be -qga- 'down',
as it occurred after the causative suffix -ya- ~ -:-

(here reduced to plain vowel).

Amu.s.t'a.q.i.lla. 'He made him be quiet. '
333
S

The Compi equivalent of the above has /-xa-/ (see 6-2.22).
Further investigation will be needed to see if /-qga-/
completive is a productive suffix in Calacala and else-
where.

Examples of the completive are given below with

different tenses.

Simple: Chur.x.t.wa. ‘I've already given it to him.'
give 143 (La Paz)
369

Sar.x.i.w. ‘He left.' (La Paz)

go ~ 3+3
Jani.w mun.x.i.ti. ‘It doesn't want to.' (La Paz)
no want 3-3
Future: sar.xa.: ‘I'm going home' (La Paz)
~—|+3

Imperative: chur.x.ma ‘give it to him' (Socca)
273

apa.n.x.ita ‘bring it to me’ (Huancané)

|
Desiderative: Jiw.xa.sma.wa. 'You may die.' (Salinas)
die -_-23

In Huancané /-xa-/ occurred on many verbs used in telling
a story. The tenses used were RIK, Simple, and -chi NI.
Examples of /-s.xa-/ and /-w.xa-/ are given in
6-2.21 and 6-2.23.2, where it was noted that /-xa-/ some-
times occurs before /-wiya-/ in Morocomarca. It appears
that /-xa-/, like -si-, may occur directly on a root,
forming a stem which may take other suffixes that usually
precede /-xa-/. England considered this /-xa-/ a dif-
ferent suffix of limited occurrence (Hardman et al. 1975:

3.152). Other examples are
370

Atip.xa.s.ka.k.i.w. ‘It (the headache) overcame her.’
— 333 (Compi )
S

atipa.fa ‘to overcome'

yat.xa.paya.fia ‘to imitate in order to make fun of' (La Paz)

yati.na ‘to know'

* sar.xa.way.xa.tayna ‘he left' (LaBarre 1950:43)
go ~ 343
RIK

In the last example /-xa-/ reduplicates on the verb stem.
The combination /-ka-/ incompletive plus /-xa-/

occurs infrequently.

sar.k.xa.tayna.x ‘he had gone (for good)’ (Huancané)
go +=— 33
RIK

+ . . .
Jani.w sar.t.ir.jama.:.k.xa.:n.ti.

no get up 33

RDK
‘He could not get up (and never would again).' (Wexler
1967 : 456)

Other examples of incompletive and completive suffixes,
sometimes with reduplication, are given in the next

section.
371

6-2.26 ~ yo plural

No dialect has been found in this research with
the form of this suffix cited by Bertonio (1603b):
* _piska-. Examples from different regions bear out
the contention earlier expressed that the suffix -p- is
optional in Aymara. It may express plurality of the
subject, the complement, or both. There are some ex-
amples of its occurrence when no plural appears in
translation, or conversely, there may be plural in trans-
lation but no -p- in Aymara (this latter is the more
common possibility). When the noun plural suffix -naka
occurs on a subject or complement, -p- may or may not
occur on the verb, and vice versa (see 5-2.3, 5-3.25, and
8-2.4).

~p- occurs without a following incompletive or
completive in Calacoa, Sitajara, and Morocomarca. '4
/-p.ka-/ and/or the variant /-p.ja-/, where applicable,
and /-p.xa-/ occur everywhere, including those areas
that may have -p- alone. The following are examples of

-p- without a following incompletive or completive:

Puri.t.ma.taki p"uya.p.t.wa. ‘For your coming I've cooked
arrive 2p for cook ~ 13 (a lot).' (Morocomarca)
S

Juma.x na.naka.r ufi.kata.p.itta.
2p Ip Took at 25]
S

‘You are looking at us.' (Sitajara)
372

Juma.naka_ ufi.ch'uki.s.ka. p. sta. X.
2p Took at
=

'You (pl.) are looking at me.' (Calacoa)

The combination /-p.ka-/ frequently occurs pre-

ceded by -si-.

Chik.t'a.si.p.k.t.wa. ‘We are asking.’ (Salinas)
ask ~I33

S

ut.ja.si.p.k.t'a ‘we are living together' (Sitajara)
live ~ J+3
S

ala.si.p.k.t'a ‘we buy’ (Calacala)
buy ]+3

k'usa.si.p.k.i ‘they are making chicha' (Sitajara)
chicha ~ ~3+3
S

Sar xata.si.ni. p. ka. k.itasman ‘you should come up to us,
2>] that's all' (Juli)
D-1

In the following examples /-p.ja-/ is preceded

by /-ka-/ or /-ja-/:

ifia.si.n.ka.p.j.ista ‘you are looking at us' (Morocomarca)
~~ 2]
S
373

ifia.si.n.ja.p.j.ista ‘you are looking at us' (Jopoqueri)

By far the most common combination with -p-

is /-p.xa-/, often preceded by -si- or other suffixes.

sara.p.xa.ta.pa ‘their departure’ (La Paz)

go 3p

tuk.t'a.p.x.chi ‘they played music’ (Juli)

tuka.fa > Spanish tocar 'to play’

wisita.p.x.itu  'she visited us' (Salinas)
visit ~~ 3+]
S wisita.nma < Spanish visitar ‘to visit'

lura.si.p.x.ta 'I have done' (Socca)
do ~ 143
S

amt.t'a.si.p.xa.tayna.x ‘they agreed' (Huancané)
agree ~~ 333
RIK

nuwa.si.p.x.ta ‘you are fighting’ (Morocomarca)
fight ~~ 2+3
S

parla.si.p.xa.mani ‘let's talk' parla.na > Spanish parlar
talk ~~ 4+3
‘to talk’
374

sa.ta.:.si.p.x.t ‘we call it' (Sitajara)

say ~ 133

S
Apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y. ‘Please have them sent to me.'
send ~~ D>]

F

In the following, /-p.xa-/ occurs preceded by

/-ja-/ or /-xa-/.

Kuna.ma.:.S.ja.p.x.ta.s? ‘How are you?' (Jopoqueri)
243
S

Sar.xa.p.x.i.wa. ‘They left.' (Morocomarca)
343
S sara.na 'to go'

6-2.3 Class 3 suffixes

This class consists of a group of related suffixes
all containing the phoneme /ch/ (or a reduced form /s/)
and the sequence /jama/ (or reduced forms thereof) re-
lated to the noun/independent suffix -jama 'like'. They
have so far been found only in La Paz (Tiahuanaco and
Compi) and are attested by Ebbing (1965). The following

allomorphs occurred in spoken texts:
/- chjama-/ La Paz/Compi (Hardman 1975:1.305)

/-ichja-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco (also Ebbing 1965:209)
375

/-smach-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco

/-smachja-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco

The following occurred in examples which Vdsquez (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco) reported having heard; their geographic origin

is unknown:

/-chja-/
/-sja-/
/-,,sjamach-/ (also Ebbing 1965:223)

The following was cited by Ebbing (1965:223):
*7- ysamach-/

The meaning of these is expressed by a number of glosses,
including 'I think', ‘it seems that', ‘it looks as if',
‘it looks like', ‘it is likely that'. They are here
classified as verbal derivationals because they occur
as units after Class 2 verbal derivationals and before
independent or verbal inflectional suffixes.

Bertonio (1603b) and Ebbing (1965) have pro-
vided evidence which permits speculation about the
probable derivation of some of these forms. (In the

following analyses, presumed underlying morphemic, or
376

partial boundaries are shown for clarity even though the
forms are synchronically unitary.)

As indicated in 5-3.32.3, a free root * jama
occurs after an inflected verb in a sentence cited by
Bertonio (1603b:204). In the following example (Bertonio
1603b:104) * Jama occurs followed by /cha/, perhaps the
verbal derivational suffix -cha- which may verbalize noun

roots.

*Chura.sina jama.cha.sma. ‘It seems to me that I gave it
42 to you.'
S

 

A more literal translation might be 'I having given to
you, like’ as -sina is a suffix which turns a verb root
or stem into a subordinated verb (a kind of nominalization;
see 7-4.22.1). In the above example, although the verbal
inflectional suffix -sma 1+2 Simple tense occurs on
*jama.cha-, the relation of subject and complement is
actually tied to the verb root chura-. This indicates
that the whole phrase functions as a syntactic and
morphological unit. With corrected morphophonemics it
would be *chura.sin.jama.cha.sma. In this analysis the
suffix -cha- reverbalizes the nominalized theme
*chura.sin.jama, permitting it then to take a verbal

inflection.
377

In modern Aymara -jama does occur on the subordi-
nators -sa and -sina, e. g. sa.s.jam ‘saying, like’
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.408). The following is an example
given by Ebbing (1965:223) that resembles the Bertonio

example cited above and is acceptable to Vasquez:

jallu.s jama.ch.i 'it looks like it's raining'
~ ~~ 333
S

 

Written as a unit, it would be jallu.s.jama.ch.i. Ebbing
said the form was archaic and that the following was to

be preferred:

*Jallu.s.ka.s.ama.ch.i.wa. ‘It looks like it's raining.'
343

Ss
Vasquez renders it as follows:
Jallu.s.ka.$.ma.ch.i.wa.
Ebbing heard a stress on the vowel before */sama/, e. g.
“Jallu.s.kd.s.ama.ch. i.wa/

This can be explained by assuming a double /s/ which would

tend to lengthen the preceding vowel.
378

*/jallu.s.ka.s.sama.ch. i.wa/
We may assume the following derivations:

*jallu.s.ka.s.jama.ch.i.wa -->

*jallu.s.ka.s.sama.ch.i.wa -->

*jallu.s.ka:.s.ama.ch.i.wa

The phonological rules, briefly, are /s + j/ --> /ss/ -->
/:s/.!°
Other examples, from La Paz/Tiahuanaco today, are

the following:

T'ag.s.ta.s.ma.ch.ja.k.i.w. ‘I think (the donkey) broke loose. '
~~ 333

S t'aga.fia ‘to break’
t'aq.su.fa 'to break loose’

Ut. ja.s.ka.s.ma.ch.ja.k.i.w. ‘It looks like there is some
OO there. '

The /-ja-/ after /-s.ma.ch-/ appears to be a reduplica-
tion of -jama in its reduced allomorph /-ja-/. If we
consider /-s.ma.ch-/ as three morphemes, then the final
/-ja-/ acts like an independent suffix, coming after the

verbalizer -cha- and before the verbal inflection -i.
379

However, other combinations of fAch/ and Ajama/
(or Aja/) cannot be analyzed as above. These other
combinations may be divided into two types: those in
which a verbal inflection occurs before /ch/ and those in
which it occurs after /Ach/.

Examples of /ch/ occurring after -i 3+3 Simple

inflection are the following:

Jut.i.ch.ja.w. ‘I think he has come.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
3
S

*Qut.i.ch.ja.ki.w. 'I think he has come.' (Ebbing 1965:209)

*Juta.p.x.i.ch.ja.ki.wa. 'I think they have come.'
~ (Ebbing 1965:209)

The three forms above may tentatively be analyzed as
containing, after the inflection -i 3+3 Simple tense,
the alternative question suffix -cha, a sentence suffix
after which no further suffixation may occur. The /-ja/
which follows must then be interpreted as the root

*ja, a reduced form of *jama 'like', followed optionally
by the independent suffix -ki and the sentence suffix
-wa. This is obviously not a satisfactory analysis in
synchronic terms, as *jama 'like' is not a root today,

and a reduced form *ja would furthermore be the only
380

16

monosyllabic free root in the language. We must there-

fore conclude that /-i.ch.ja-/ is a frozen form in con-
temporary Aymara.
Examples of fAch/ followed by Ajama/ plus verbal

inflection are the following, which occurred in Compi:

T'aq.su.ch.jama.raki.tayna.sa: ‘I think (the donkey) broke
— 343 loose.’ (Hardman et al.
RIK 1975:1.305)

T'aq.su.ch.jam.i.w. ‘I think he broke loose.’
~~ 343
S

Juta.ch.jama.k.itu.w. ‘It seems it comes to me.'
come ~_ 3+]
S

Al.ja.ra.ch.jama.k.ta.wa. ‘I think you have sold it.'
sell 2>3
S

 

Chura.ch.jama.k.tam.wa. 'I think he gave it to you.'
give 3+2
S

In most of the above cases fjama/ is followed by an inde-
pendent suffix, either -raki or -ki, but it is not required.

Determination of the derivation of fAch/ in the
above forms is tentative pending further investigation,

but certain possibilities may be eliminated. It is not
381

the verbal derivational suffix -cha-, as it occurs before
other Class 1 and 2 derivational suffixes, whereas in the
above examples /ch/ occurs after Class 1 suffixes. It

is not -chi NI, which takes a preceding consonant. It is
not -cha alternative question, which occurs after in-
flections, as noted above. Eliminating these three possi-
bilities, we are left with the hypothesis that /-ch.jama-/
is a frozen form, perhaps a metathesis of /-jama.cha-/,
possibly formed by analogy with the combination of -cha-
verbal derivational as verbalizer, plus -jama--/-ch.jama/--
which occurs on noun roots and stems. In the following
form from Compi (see also 6-2.11) the vowel before -cha-

drops by the three-vowel rule:

Juta.:.fi.ch.jama.k.itu.w. 'I just feel like coming.’

come 3+]
S

 

(A more literal translation would be ‘Something makes
me feel like coming', given the causative suffix /-:-/
and the 3+1 S inflection -itu.)

Finally, the following forms have been heard by

Vasquez but their provenance is unknown.

Jut.ch.ja.k.i.w. 'I think he has come.'

come 333
S
382

Jut.s.ja.k.i.w. ‘I think he has come.'

These might be thought to contain -chi NI or a reduced
variant /s/ occurring before /j/, except that the sentence
suffix -wa (here reduced to /w/) does not occur with the
NI suffix (Hardman et al. 1975:3.413). The /ch/ is not
-cha- verbal derivational, as it requires a preceding
vowel unless the three-vowel rule applies. The -ja/

in this suffix may be analyzed as /-ja/ allomorph of
-jama occurring before verbal inflection.

To summarize, in Class 3 suffixes beginning with
hy s7 the partial /-jama/ may be analyzed as the suffix
-jama which occurs primarily on nouns and occasionally
as an independent, if -cha- may verbalize a stem ending
in an independent suffix. If /jama/ is reduplicated in
suffixes beginning with hy S7 » the reduplicated occurrence
must be analyzed as an independent suffix. In /-ichja-/,
kja/ is a frozen root, synchronically submorphemic. In
suffixes beginning with Fych7 /-jama7 may be an indepen-
dent suffix, but until the partial [,ch/ is better
identified, /-,chjama-/ is unanalyzable. In suffixes
beginning with F.ch7, fkja/ may also be identified as an
allomorph of the independent -jama, but as kch7 cannot
as yet be identified, the suffixes are not analyzable.

In all these cases the partial Ajamay or /-ja/ derives

from a form which was apparently once a free root meaning
‘like' and which today occurs most often as a suffix on
nouns, sometimes on verbs (but only when accompanied
by a preceding or following fAch/ or fs/) and sometimes
frozen in forms which are synchronically unanalyzable.
f‘ch/7 in these suffixes derives from several
different underlying forms. In suffixes beginning with
Fys/ it may be the verbal derivational verbalizer -cha-.
In /-ichja-/ it may be the alternative question suffix
-cha, frozen and no longer a morpheme in this context.
In /-,chjama-/, -ch/ may be the verbal derivational/
verbalizer -cha- metathesized to a position before
fjama7. In /- chja-/ and /- sja-/; /-ch/ is not identi-
fiable. The possibility exists that in some or all of
these cases fch/ is related to the present-day noun
suffix -cha diminutive which occurs in only a few
dialects, not including those which are sources of the
Class 3 suffixes so far obtained. In the sister language
Jagqaru there is a noun suffix -cha 'limitative' seman-
tically equivalent to the Aymara independent suffix -ki
‘only, just' (Hardman 1966:87).

Although forms beginning with fs? may be analyzed
synchronically, the other suffixes having fAch/ and /Ajama/
(and their reduced variants) cannot be. It seems best
at this time, therefore, to present them all as Class

3 verbal derivationals pending further investigation.
384

6-3 Verbal Inflectional Suffixes!’

6-3.1 Introduction

The Aymara verb inflection system consists basic-
ally of eight paradigms of nine suffixes each. The eight
paradigms, usually referred to as tenses, are the Simple
(S), Future (F), Imperative (I), Desiderative (D-1),
Remonstrator (D-2), Remote Direct Knowledge (RDK), and
Remote Indirect Knowledge (RIK). There are also compound
tenses, consisting of certain of the plain tenses with
either the Non-involver -chi (NI) or the Inferential
-pacha (IF), and there are various combinations with the
nominalizer -iri.

Each of the nine suffixes in each tense is a
synchronically unitary morpheme representing semantically
that tense plus one of the four grammatical persons as
subject and another person as complement. The suffixes
are therefore called person/tense suffixes. (Tenses in
Aymara also convey direct or indirect acquisition of
information; see 8-2.3.) These suffixes are not syn-
chronically analyzable into morphemes but do contain
submorphemic recurrent partials (see below) identifiable
as representing individual persons or tenses. The
subject-complement relations expressed by the nine
suffixes are 173, 273, 323, 4+3, 142, 3+2, 2-1, 3-1,

18

and 3+4. (2+4 exists in the related Jaqi language
385

Jaqaru but not in Aymara today.) The order just given
will be adhered to throughout this section as it is
believed to be the best for displaying structural simi-
larities and differences, but it is, of course, arbitrary.

For each tense paradigm a figure showing the
person/tense suffix allomorphs in each of nine dialect
areas will be given. Included in most paradigms are a
few contemporary forms alleged in published sources,
identified by a preceding raised + Also included are
forms alleged for late 16th-century Juli by Bertonio
(1603b); these are listed between contemporary La Paz
and Juli forms and boxed to distinguish them clearly
from contemporary forms. Other variants cited in the
paradigms occurred either in free texts or in elicited
paradigms, or in both. A blank in a paradigm means
that no form for it was obtained, but does not neces-
sarily imply that it does not exist. Each tense is
analyzed for the morphophonemics, structure, and distribu-
tion of its person/tense suffixes.

The verb chura.fia 'to give’ was used to elicit
all paradigms, as it occurs freely with all person/tense
suffixes. It should be pointed out, however, that even
when given in paradigms (an essentially artificial frame-
work), Aymara verbs usually occur with verbal deriva-
tional suffixes, and often with independent and final

suffixes, as well as inflectional ones. For the sake
386

of clarity and simplicity all but the inflectional suf-
fixes have here been stripped away.

For general rules concerning the morphophonemics
of verbal inflectional suffixes, see 4-2.1 and 4-2.2.
Additional rules specific to each tense and/or to indi-
vidual person/tense suffixes will be given in the section
on the tense in question. In the figures accompanying
the tenses the morphophonemics of suffixes will be shown
only in the case of exceptions. If a final /a/ is in
parentheses, it means it usually drops when there is no
subsequent suffixation. If a final /n/ or /na/ is in
parentheses, it means its presence varies with its

absence.
6-3.2 Verbal inflectional distinctive features

Hardman (1975) has reconstructed the person
system of the Jaqi languages using as bases the per-
sonal pronouns, the personal possessive suffixes, and
two verb tenses, the Simple (Present in Jaqaru and Kawki)
and Future. Person is marked in these and other tenses
by submorphemic recurrent partials. Other partials are

associated with tense.
6-3.21 Person markers

Following are the partials associated with verb

subject person and verb complement person, incorporating
 

387

data from Hardman (1975) and data for other tenses dis-

covered in my research.

Subject 1> Complement >]
Future, D-1 /sa/!? forms: S, RIK: /-itu/, /-ita/
/-ja/ ~ /-xa/ ~ /-nha/ ~ Other tenses: /-ita/

/-na/ ~ /-ya/ ~ /-:/

Other tenses:
[-,ta/ ~ /- tha,

v

Subject 2> Complement +2
I, D-1, and D-2 /sa/ forms: All tenses:
/-m(a)/ /-m(a)/
Other tenses: All tenses,  3+2 only:
/-ta,/ /-tama/
Subject 3+ Complement +3
I, D-1 /sa/ forms, D-2: Unmarked

/-p(a)/

Other tenses:

/-i/
Subject 4> Complement +4
S, I, F, D-1 and D-2 /iri/ All tenses: /-s-/

forms, RDK, RIK:

/-tana/

S, I, F, D-1 and D-2 /sa/
forms, RDK:
/-(s)na/ ~ /-(s)iia/

The 4p forms above are complex, perhaps reflecting two
systems that have not completely merged. Since 4p is
semantically Ip plus 2p, the following analysis is plaus-
ible (/-na/ having now fallen out of the Ip alterna-

tions):

/-ta/ + */-na/ --> /-tana/
2p Ip Ap

Forms with /-na/ or /-fia/ alone are marked only for
Ip, while those forms preceded by /-s-/ (not to be

confused with the /-s-/ or /-sa-/ marking D-1 and D-2)

are marked for 4p and 1p.28

6-3.22 Tense markers
The following partials are associated with tense:

S - Unmarked
F - Homophonous with 1p possessive, with exception of

reduplicative bilabial nasal in 1+2 in some dialects

I - Unmarked. Forms homophonous with personal possessive
suffixes for subject, except 2>1 which is unmarked

for subject

D-1 and D-2 - /iri/ forms: /-s-/, /-k-/, /-ks-/, /-j-/,
/-js-/
/sa/ forms: /-s(a)-/
(D-2 is marked also for Remote: /iri/ forms: /-:-/

/sa/ forms: /-:na/)
RDK - /-ya-/, /-:-/, and /-n(a)/ (in different combinations)

RIK - /-ta:-/ ~ /-tay-/ ~ /-taw-/3; some 3+3 marked also
with /-:na/; forms reduplicative of inflection,

271, 31, 3+4 only

6-3.3 Tenses

6-3.31 Simple tense

°o
med
oO
2.
“"

Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Y 'I gave

to him/her.'
6-3.31.1 Morphophonemics

All consonant-initial suffixes except Calacoa
4+3 /-stia/ require a preceding consonant. A111 allomorphs

of 1+3 except Calacoa fAt"a/ lose the final vowel before
390

final suffixes except the vowel-requiring suffix

~-lla_~ -ya. Only in Calacoa may the distinction between
1-3 S and 2+3 S be made solely on the basis of the pres-
ence or absence of aspiration: 133 [-thay/, 2>3 /- ,ta,/.
Elsewhere the distinction is made primarily by morpho-
phonemics: 1-3 [-,ta/ a /~t"ai/s versus 2>3 /-,ta,/.
That is, 2+3 keeps its final vowel before all following

suffixes. Other suffixes in this tense do also.
6-3.31.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-2)

133 /-t"a/ is found everywhere but in La Paz and
Huancané, which have /-ta/. In Calacoa the
aspirated form appears to be more common in
the speech of women, and the unaspirated in

the speech of men.

2>3 /-ta/ everywhere.
3>3 /-i/ everywhere.
4+3 Morocomarca has /-sna/, identical to the 4+3 D-1

found in all dialects except Calacoa. For 43

S Calacoa has an alternate form /-\siia/ identi-
cal in shape, but not morphophonemics, to its

4+3 D-1. /-tana/ occurs in Sitajara and was

cited by Bertonio. Socca has /-tan/ alternating
with /-tna/. Elsewhere the allomorph is /-tan/,
except that in La Paz /-tana/, with antepenulti-
mate stress on the word, was heard in a Protestant

sermon (see 4-3.33).
J+3

243
3+3
43

142

2

2+)

‘d]

Figure 6-2.

La Paz

-ta (atl dialects)

<i (all dialects)

-tan * tana
-VCtana

+
$m “ST
-tam * tama
eista

*eitta

~itu (all; dialects)

-istu Feisty

duli

«tan

“STS

-tam

eista

-chitu
=schitu
-chistu
“schistu

Simple Tense

Socca

-tan~
etna

@Sita

otam~
tha

etsta

-situ

Huancans

etan

osha

-{stu

Calscoa

“tard

-ista

Stu

Sitajara

=~taima

-{tta

estu

Jopoquerd

etan

-Sna

etam

eista

eistu

Salinas

«tan

oma

etana

eista

-fstu

Morocomarca

 

-sna

-sma

-ista

“istu

L6E
1+2

3>2

2>1]

341
344

6-3.31.3

392

Salinas has /-ma/, homophonous with 2+3 I in
Juli, Socca, Huancané, and Calacala. Huancané
has /-sna/, identical to Morocomarca 43 S and
to all 4+3 D-1 except Calacoa. Elsewhere the
allomorph is /-sma/; the variant /-sman/ also
occurs in Tiahuanaco.~!
Sitajara has /-ta:ma/; Morocomarca has /~-tma/;
Socca has /-tam/ alternating with /-tma/. Else-
where the allomorph is /-tam/, except that in

La Paz /-tama/, with antepenultimate stress

on the word, occurs at times in radio announce-
ments (see 4-3.33).

/-ista/ everywhere except Sitajara, which has
/-itta/, the form attested by Bertonio. (The
former has /-s-/ marker of 4p, and the latter
/-it(a)/ marker of Ip complement and /-ta/ marker
of 2p.)

/-itu/ everywhere.

/-stu/ in Calacoa and Sitajara; /-situ/ in Socca;
four variants frozen with /-(s)ch/, Juli. Else-

where /-istu/ (also attested by Bertonio).
Dialectal patterning

Several dialects have idiosyncratic allomorphs

of one person/tense suffix in this tense. In Huancané

1>2 /-sna/, in Calacoa 4+3 /-sfa/, in Salinas 1+2 /-ma/,
393

and in Morocomarca 4+3 /-sna/ are each identical to a
suffix found more commonly in another tense and/or person,
usually in a different dialect. In Sitajara, 2>1 /-itta/
corresponds to the form cited for the same person/tense
suffix by Bertonio but not found in any other contemporary

dialect investigated.
6-3.32 Future tense

Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Voy a darle ‘I'm

going to give him’.
6-3.32.1 Morphophonemics

Except for 3+4 forms starting with /s/ or /ch/,
suffixes beginning with a consonant require a preceding
vowel. Although collection and analysis of data regard-
ing behavior of suffix-final vowels for this tense is
not yet complete, it appears that in most cases vowels
are retained before most suffixes. An example of a suffix
needing further study is 1+3 /-nha/ which loses the /a/
before -ti (and probably before certain other final
suffixes) but keeps it before -wa, -xa, and -lla ~ -ya

aforesaid.
6-3.32.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-3)

The distinctive mark of this tense is a long

vowel, a glide, a nasal, or a velar or postvelar fricative.
La Paz Bertonio
1€03b
143 “3
“ja
“2nd
“ya:
2-3 -ita
*.jata
393 “ni (all dialects)
4*3 ohanl +
-tana
142 oima 5 +
nan -mama
3+2
“stam
* jatpa
27] -ita:ta +
~itajata

31 -itani (al) dialects)

344 “stant “stant stant
-istani -sitani -fstani -istani -istani -istant
. -chistant

 

 

Jult Socca
-ja
-ja: «Ja:
-:xa

“ya:
o3ta eita
nani “fant
-:ma orma
-mama omama
etms
ertma
eitam e:tan

-fta:ta -ita:ta

-schitani
-schistani

Figure 6-3. Aymara Future Tense

Huancané

-ja
-Ja:
3x8

sita

-nta

“nant

-.m
“Mand

enatpa
enatina

~itanta

Calacoa

«ja
oja:

-3ka

eita
-jata
eja:ta

~tana
ettan

mama

otra

-ita:ta

Sitajara

enha

enha:ta

“nant

“ma:
Mma smd

-nhata:ma

-itanhata

dopoqueri

onha

e:ta

-nta

efiant

-ntam

“itanta®

Salinas

ona
“na:
=ita

{-ndaJ

nani
-tan
~stan

“nna

[-itanda]

Morocomarca

-ya
“ya

“ita

“nant
-tna

“-rtna

esta

-ita:ta

v6E
Notes to Figure 6-3

loriginal written with stress (accent) rather than
length.

2calacala has /-:na/.

Scalacala has /-:ta/and [-nda].

4 Some Speakers have [-nda].

compl

come speakers have [-itanda].

“Calacala has /-ita:ta/ and [-nda:ta].
396

The tense is thus an excellent example of nonstop consonant

instability in Aymara.

133

2>3

33
4+3

1>2

372

/-:/ (vowel length) everywhere; voiceless frica-

tives<-

in La Paz, Calacoa, Juli, Socca, Huancané;
voiced nonstops elsewhere: velar nasal,
Sitajara and Jopoqueri; palatal nasal, Salinas;
palatal glide, La Paz, Socca, and Morocomarca. <*>
/-:ta/ everywhere except Sitajara; preceded by
voiceless fricative, Calacoa (also cited by
Bertonio); preceded by velar nasal, Sitajara;
preceded by alveolar nasal, Corque and Salinas.
/-ni/ everywhere.

/-tana/ and /-:tan/, Calacoa (*/-tana/ also

cited by Bertonio); /-fiani/, /-tan/, and /-:tan/,
Salinas; /-fiani/, /-tna/, and /-:tna/, Moroco-
marca; /-nani/ elsewhere.

Peruvian dialects, /-mama/ and variants; Bolivian
dialects, /-:ma/. (Vitocota, near Ayata, pro-
vince of Mufecas, in the department of La Paz,
also has /-mama/.) The following also have
/-:ma/: Juli, Socca, and Huancané. Sitajara

has /-ma:/; La Paz has /-:man/ in addition to
/-:ma/.

/-:tam/, La Paz, Socca; /-:tam/ and /-(:)tma/,

Juli; /-(:)tma;, Calacoa and Morocomarca. Forms
2>1

3-1
34

6-3.32.3

397

with initial alveolar nasal are found in Huan-
cané, Jopoqueri, and Salinas; with initial velar
nasal, in Sitajara; Bertonio cited a form with
initial velar fricative.

/-ita:ta/ La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Moroco-
marca; alveolar nasal instead of vowel length,
Huancané, Jopoqueri, Salinas; velar nasal between
two vowels, Sitajara; velar fricative between
two vowels, cited by Bertonio.

/-itani/ everywhere.

/-stani/ La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara; /-istani/

La Paz, Huancané, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Moroco-
marca, and cited by Bertonio; /-sitani/ Socca.

Juli has forms frozen to preceding /-(s)ch-/.

Dialectal patterning

6-3.32.31 Phonological

1. Dialects with initial or medial alveolar,
velar, or palatal nasals in 143, 2+3, 3-2,
and 2+1: Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas.
Huancané lacks a nasal form of 13 but has
the others. Calacala may lack a nasal form
for 352 (no information is available) but
has the others.

2. Dialects with a voiced palatal glide in

1+3: La Paz, Socca, and Morocomarca.
398

3. Dialects with voiceless fricatives in 133:

La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa.
6-3.32.32 Morphological

1. Dialect having /-tana/ and /-:tan/, but
not /-fiani/, for 4+3: Calacoa.

2. Dialects having /-(:)tan/ or /-(:)tna/
and /-fiani/ for 4+3: Salinas and Moroco-
marca.

3. Dialects using /-fiani/ for 4+3, but not
/-tana/ or variants thereof: La Paz, Juli,

Socca, Huancané, Sitajara, Jopoqueri.
6-3.32.33 Semantic

Dialects having only /-fiani/ for 4+3 F perceive
/-tana/ and variants as past, not future. An attempt
was made to discover whether dialects having both /-tana/
(or a variant thereof) and /-fniani/ distinguish them
semantically in some way, but the evidence so far is
inconclusive. Either form may gloss, depending on con-
text, as vamos a ‘we're going to' or as a plain future
‘we will'. In Salinas only /-fiani/ was given for 453
Imperative, which is identical in form to 4+3 Future,
but it may be that /-tana/ could also occur for the

Imperative, as both forms do in Calacala.
399

6-3.33 Imperative tense

Spanish used to elicit: 23 Daselo a 61. 'Give

jt to him.'
6-3.33.1 Morphophonemics

For forms homophonous with the Future (see below),
see that tense. 23 varies as indicated below and in
Figure 6-4. 3-2 (except the Juli form homophonous with
3>3) requires a previous vowel. 3-3 requires a previous
consonant. Imperative suffixes usually take no final

suffixes other than -lla ~ -ya.
6-3.33.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-4)

173 All forms are homophonous with the Future.

2>3 La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and
Salinas have an allomorph that requires a preced-
ing vowel and drops its own vowel except before

the final suffix -lla ~ -ya. Examples:

Chura.m. ‘Give it to him/her/them.'

Chura.ma.y. ‘Please give it to him/her/them. '

An allomorph requiring a preceding vowel and

retaining its own final vowel, with stress on
La Paz Juli Secca Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoquert Salinas Calacala
16039

 

 

 

 

 

143 2 “ss - 23
* 4a “Ja:
~2xa “3xa .
enhs enha ona
= +
23 -_n! weit scm{a) “cmla) “ctla) ~_ ng”
- "aya oym oy oym “yn on “re
eter oFcyina
3-3 -pa(n) *pa(na) -pana ~p”ana “pa “sapaina “pan “pan =pan
43 tant + “fant -fiani ~fiani “fant -fiani -fiani -hanf
etana «tan =tana
+2 orra oima -ima
mama omama mama -mama ~maima
362 -tma ~tr{a) -tma ~tma?
=stma esta
“stam + =rtam enhata:ma onma
=:tpa(n)} ejatpa(na) | -pa(na) -tp(a) ompa
]impa
21 eita fail diatects)
{tra | -itm{a)

 

    
 

  
 
   
   
 

+) + -fteand
~itpa(na) “itpana = =4tp"ana = -itta (a) -itpan -itpan ~4dtpan

34 + -stani
~istpa(n) ~{stpa -itp(a) “itpan -{stpan -istpan

“Sitpana  -sitp"ana
esistpana

-chistpana
-schistoana

 
   

Vsan Andrés de Machaca
2Morocomarca
3conpi (not In Hardman et a]. 1975)

Figure 6-4. Aymara Imperative Tense

00n
333

4+3
1+2

401

the antepenultimate vowel of the word, occurs
infrequently in Sitajara and La Paz (see 4-3.33).
In Socca, Huancané, Juli, and Morocomarca 2-3 I
usually requires a preceding consonant, but when
-ka- incompletive occurs before 2+3 I on the

stem, 2+3 I requires a preceding vowel.

Chur.m(a). ‘Give it to him/her/them. '

Jani.w chur.ka.m.ti. ‘Don't give it to him/her/thenm. '

Generally, allomorphs of 2+3 I that require a
preceding consonant may keep or drop their own
vowel, while allomorphs that require a preceding
vowel drop their own vowel except before the
final suffix -lla ~ -ya or when preceded by
antepenultimate stress.

The full form is found in Juli and Socca (with
aspiration). The form without final vowel occurs
in Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. Forms
optionally losing the final nasal are found in
La Paz (also cited by Bertonio). Calacoa”
/-sapa:na/ is identical in shape, but not morpho-
phonemics, to its 3+3 D-2 /~sapa:na/.

All forms are homophonous with the Future.

All forms are homophonous with the Future.
3>2

2>1

3>1 &
34

6-3.33.3

402

La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara, and
Salinas have forms homophonous with the Future;
the last four have only those forms. La Paz

and Juli also have forms with /-pa-/. The fullest
allomorph of the Juli /-pa-/ form, /-pana/,

is homophonous with its 3-3 I. Jopoqueri

has only forms with /-pa-/ (also cited by Ber-
tonio). Huancané has a form that looks like the
Future form of other dialects but is not Future
in Huancané, plus a /-pa-/ form.

/-ita/ everywhere. Huancané and La Paz also

have /-itma/.

These suffixes follow the pattern of 3+3, except
in Catacoa which has forms homophonous with the
Future. In Huancané and Sitajara 3-4 has fallen

out and 3-1 does duty for both.

Dialectal patterning

6-3.33.31 Morphophonemic

1. 243 /- ma / La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara,
7 Jopoqueri, Salinas.

2. 243 /-ma,/ ~ /-ma./: Socca, Huancané, Juli,
- y Morocomarca
6-3.33.32

6-3.33.33

403

Morphological

2>3 and 24] peculiar to the Imperative, and
173, 4°3, and 1+2 homophonous with the
Future: All dialects.

373, 321, and 3-4 peculiar to the Imperative:
All except Calacoa.

3+2 peculiar to the Imperative (3+2 Future
form not used): Huancané, Jopoqueri (also
cited by Bertonio).

Qnly 173, 4*3, and 1+2 homophonous with the
Future: Huancané, Jopoqueri.

372 homophonous with the Future: La Paz,
Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas.

No 3+2 form peculiar to the Imperative:
Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas.

Both Future and Imperative forms for 3-2:

La Paz and Juli.

Semantic

In Huancané and Sitajara 3+] and 3-4 have fallen

together and only the 3>1 form survives.

In analyzing the Imperative it must be kept in

mind that it overlaps the Future both formally and

semantically to a large extent. The Future rather than

the Imperative will often be used as a polite command,
404

especially for 1+2, 2+1, and 2+3 (the suffixes involving
the first and second persons in the relationship of
subject/complement, or the second person as subject).
However, aS pointed out by Hardman, in La Paz Aymara

the overlap is not to be interpreted as indicating an
incomplete Imperative paradigm filled with Future forms,
as the Imperative is morphosyntactically marked by a
morphophonemic rule: When stated, the subject of an
Imperative verb drops the final vowel and carries no
sentence suffix, except in the case of 3>2, where the
subject 3p must retain the final vowel and carry a

sentence suffix (Hardman et al. 1975:3.226). Example:

Jum = jupa.r chura.m. ‘You give it to him/her/them. '
2p = 3p give 2+3
I

As a person subject often is not expressed by
a noun or pronoun in an Aymara sentence (since it is
already expressed in the person/tense suffix on the verb),
in this research it was not always possible to elicit
an expressed pronoun subject which might be checked for
presence or absence of its final vowel. In Sitajara,
the only dialect for which pronoun subject forms were
obtained with the Imperative for most person/tense
suffixes, the vowel drops for 1+3, 353 and 4+3 but is

retained and followed by a sentence suffix for 1+2, 3-1

3
405

and 3+4; information is lacking for 3>2 and 2+1. In

the case of 1+2 it may be that the Future, rather than

the Imperative, was elicited.*4
In Morocomarca, the vowel was retained on the

2p subject with 2+3 I.

Juma chur.x.ma. 'You give it back (to him/her/them). '
2p —s give 243
I

6-3.34 Contrary-to-fact tenses: Desiderative (D-1) and

Remonstrator (D-2)

Each of these tenses consists of two incomplete
and (in some dialects) partially overlapping paradigms,
one built on the recurrent partial /-sa-/ (the mark of
contrary-to-fact tenses) and the other built on the
nominalizing suffix -iri®? plus the partial /-sa-/ (or
other phoneme sequences replacing it; see below). Ber-
tonio (1603b) distinguished the two sets, calling the
/-sa-/ paradigms the 'Optative' and ‘Pluperfect Preterite
Optative' tenses, and the -iri paradigms the 'Subjunc-
tive' and 'Pluperfect Preterite Subjunctive' tenses.
However, the gaps in the paradigms and the semantic
identity of the examples given show that in fact the
four 'tenses' had already collapsed into two in Bertonio's

time.
In the following sections the -iri and /-sa-/
paradigms will be discussed, first with reference to the
Desiderative tense and then to the Remonstrator. The

forms will be referred to as /iri/ forms and /sa/ forms.
6-3.34.1 Desiderative tense (D-1)

Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Yo le daria a 61/Yo

puedo darle. See Figure 6-5.

may

1 might
can
could

give to him/her/them. '

6-3.34.11 /sa/ forms of D-1
6-3.34.11.1 Morphophonemics

1>3 and 4>3 require a preceding consonant; 2>3,
3>3, and 3+2 require a preceding vowel. All /sa/ suf-

fixes retain final vowels before following suffixes.
6-3.34.11.2 Structure and distribution

No spoken dialect was found to have a /sa/ form
for 133. 2+3 and 3+3 end in the partial corresponding
to the personal possessive suffix for the subject person.
In Calacoa 4+3 is marked by /-na/, which corresponds
to one allomorph of Ip possessive (but not that used

in Calacoa); elsewhere 4+3 is marked by /-na/, a partial
193

a3

33

443

142

32

a1
3-1

Figure

 
 
       
      

eirista

“sma

spa

-sna(n}

-irisma

efristan

#{tasms(n)}

eftaspa

estaspa °
-istaspa
eistuspa

6-5.

 
  

Bertonio
16035

* ariktta

+
-sna?

 

+
gririkta
“sma

    
    
 

  

* artkd

  
 

* spa(na)

* Liriktana
tesna

    
  
 
  
 
     
  
 
  
 
   

* iriksma
* ariktama

+
=jaspa
+2359a

* itasama2

*4taspa

* Astaspa

duli

etriksta
eirikta

“sma

spa

#sna

“iriksma ~

-iriktma

_ eftasma(n)

-{taspa

-chitaspa
eschitaspa
echistaspa
eschistaspa

Socca

-frikt%a
-trijtva

“spa
sna

“{riksma

«{riktma

-{tasma
-{taspa

-sitaspa

Aymara Desiderative Tense

Huancané

eirista
-iriksta

“sma

spa
-sna

-{riksna

eirikstam

ef{tasma

~itaspa

estaspa

Calacoa

etrikst"a
eirtkt"a

=Sma

“spa

-sna4

efriksma

efrikstam

-{tasma

«{taspa

eistaspa

Sitajara

-irijt’a

-irijta
“sma

eirji
efriji

°$na

edrijsma

edrijstan

“itasma

-irjitu

«irjistu

Jopoquert

-trijt’a

-triji
“spa

esna

eirijma

etrijtam

eitasma

efrjitu
etrijitu

eirijistu

Salinas

-irijt’a

sma

-iriji
“spa
“sna
-trisma

-frijma

eirijtam
-irijta:ma

eitasma
eirijitu
-itaspa
ei:rijistu

eistaspa

Morocomarca

eirist’a

<7Sma

-(:)sp"a(na)

-Sna

e{risma

-iristma

-itasma

“{tasp'a
-irik"a

-istasp"a

L0v
408

Notes to Figure 6-5

lebbing (1965:124).

2Bertonio (1603b:335) indicates these shapes change
when the inflections are followed by certain sentence
suffixes.

3Used with the verb sa.fia 'to say'.

*Tdentical in shape but not morphonemics to 473 §
/-ysfia/. Two examples of /~sfia/ as 4+3 D-1 were also
obtained, one in Calacoa and the other from nearby Torata,
and both occurred after -t'a- verbal derivational suffix:

un.t'a.sfia ‘we might get to know each other'

mant.t'a.sfa ‘we want to go in'
However, it is possible that the two examples contain -si-
reciprocal/reflexive reduced to /s/ before /-csna/, with the
geminate /s/ reduced to one, e.g.:

 

un.t'a.s.sna

mant.t'a.s.sfia

Ebbing (1965:149); he also attests */-istaspa/.
409

resembling in its initial nasal various 1p possessive
allomorphs, although none has yet been found with the
alveolar nasal. Ebbing (1965:124) attests *7-sa/ for
1+3 D-1 (La Paz). Bertonio (1603b:335) cites */-sna/
for both 1+3 and 4+3 D-1.

There is no 1*2 /sa/ form for D-1. 3*2 is rep-
resented by two forms attested only by Bertonio, both
similar to 3+3. 251 and 3+1 are built on the recurrent
partial /-ita-/ mark of 1p complement, pilus 23 D-1
/-sma/ or 3+3 D-1 /-spa/. 374 is based on 3>+1 plus
the 4p mark /-s-/.

In order to account for variations between /sa/
forms for the D-1 and D-2 tenses, an underlying vowel
/a/ may be assumed after /s/ in the D-1 forms. In D-1
the vowel drops by morphophonemic rule; in D-2 it is

retained.

6-3.34.12 /iri/ forms of D-1
6-3.34.12.1 Morphophonemics

These suffixes all end in Simple tense forms
which lose or keep their final vowels as indicated for

the Simple tense.
6-3.34.12.2 Structure and distribution

The mark of contrary-to-fact which occurs with

/iri/ forms varies regionally. The possible combinations
410

are /s/, /k/, /ks/, /j/, and /js/. For D-1 the appropri-

ate Simple tense suffix follows.

S
/iri + k (s)p / + Simple tense

j (s)

Each dialect employs characteristic variants of the con-

trary-to-fact mark, as indicated below.

La Paz /s/
Huancané /s/ ~ /ks/
Juli /k/ ~ /ks/
Socca /k/ ~ /j/
Calacoa /k/ ~ /ks/
Sitajara /j/ ~ fis/
Jopoqueri /j/
Salinas /j/ ~ /s/
Morocomarca /s/ ~ /k"/
Bertonio (1603b) *7k/

In order to account for variations between /iri/
forms for D-1 and D-2, an underlying vowel /a/ (or in
one or two cases /i/) may be assumed. The underlying
full forms for both D-1 and D-2 /iri/ forms may then be

stated as follows:
411

Jiri + k2 (s) S /

i% (s)

The comparative incidence of /sa/ and /iri/ forms
of the D-1 tense in different dialects is discussed in

6-3.34.3.
6-3.34.13 Semantics of D-1

In the affirmative, the meaning of D-1 is of
possibility or desirability. Examples from Bertonio
indicate, however, that 2>3 /-sma/, 2+1, and sometimes

3+3 were used as a cautionary.

+ : :
chura.sma mira no des ‘be careful not to give’

223, (Bertonio 1603b:249)

 

*K"iti.mpi kasara.si.ja s.ta uka —s marmi
wno =o with marry 1>3F say 2>3S that woman

apa.fia.ma.spa.
carry 2p 3>3

Mira no sea tu parienta la mujer con quien te quieres casar.

 

26

'Be careful the woman you want to marry is not your relative. '
(Bertonio 1603b:160)

The examples above are perceived by present-day

Aymara speakers not as warnings not to do something but
412

as statements of desirability or possibility, e. g.
'Why don't you give?', ‘You should marry your contem-
porary’. For these speakers the Desiderative is not a
cautionary unless the independent suffix -raki also
occurs in the sentence. Compare the following from a
folk tale about a fox and a lake bird (wallata) told in
Compi in the late 1960s:

Sikuya.ya pik.t'.itasma, kayfa.raki pik.t'.itasma.
thorn pierce 31 spine pierce

D-1

‘Thorns don't you pierce me, spines don't you pierce me.'
(L. Martin-Barber, Hardman et al. 1975:3.97)

In editing the story for publication another speaker from
Compi replaced the sentence suffix -ya on the first word

with another -raki, giving the following:

Sikuya.rak pik.t'.itasma, kayna.raki pik.t'.itasma.

(L. Martin-Barber, Hardman et al. 1975:3.101)

Another example from the La Paz area is

Jagi.ru.rak ach.ja.ya.s.ka.sma.
people bite cause 23
D-1

'Be careful you don't let them bite people. '
(Hardman et al. 1975:1.208)
An example from Socca is

Ch'aq.xa.p.xa.raki.sma. ‘Don't get lost.'
lose 2>3

D-1

Bertonio used 233 + y-ivikta/ as distinguished from

2>3 +7 -sma/ to indicate possibility or ability, as in

*qillg.irikta puedes escribir ‘you can (are able to) write’
(Bertonio 1603b:108)

But Bertonio also used 3-3 * 7 -spa/ to imply possibility

or ability, rather than as a cautionary.
6-3.34.2 Remonstrator tense (D-2)

Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Yo le hubiera dado a 41.

"I should have given to him.'

See Figure 6-6.

6-3.34.21 /sa/ forms of D-2

6-3.34.21.1 Morphophonemics

All /sa/ forms of D-2 require a preceding vowel
except 453 in Sitajara and 3-4 forms starting with /s/

or /ch/.
6-3.34.21.2 Structure and distribution

Most D-2 forms built on /sa/ consist of the corre-

sponding D-1 inflection, sometimes with the vowel /a/
143

243

33

4+}

192

2+]

+1

Juli Socca Huancané Calacoa Sttajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca

 
   
  
 

1603b

 

etriskayartay
elriska:ta |, . wirikstan
-irikat"a -irika:ta -irikast%a eirka:t'a eirja:t"a eirik"at"a
2 efrijazt*a -trijasta -trijat%a
#saina -Sajana
-sanal
* irtkata . eirjasta’
-samaina +-samana “sainaina  <-Samaina esamaina -sisamaina esama:na4 -Samaina -Samaina
-sma:na -smaina? esma:na -smaina osmaina
* irikana efrikta:na® -irijaina nfrija:na? -irijaina
-sapaina *-sapana “sapa:na -S$apaina “sisopa:na . 8
espaina -Spaina -sp"a:na
2.9 * irtkatana
-snaina ° -sifiana =_snazna -sna:na -Snaina
~saina -saina osaina -Saina -Saina -saina
-sa:sna
-trismanal? + -trisma:n!!
-dviskasama:nal -frikasma ~irikiya:sma -irika:sma -irkasmaina -“Irijsmaina ‘ eirijasma:na -irik“asma:na
-{rijma:na “irijma:na
otaisna
“iristatam!@
-friskataml2} | etrikfya:tama -irikastam
wiriskatama:na,, ~irtk(a)}tamana -Irkatamaina efrijstama:na -frijatamaina “irijtama:na = -irtk“atma:na
e{riskasapa:na :
-jaspana etaspa:na
: “iritasamaina
eitasamaina ;-itaSamana -itasamaina -{tasma:na -{tasma:na eitasma:na -{tasma:na -{tasma:na -itasma:na
+ “trijstaina etrijita:na’? -irijitaina
eitasapa:na | -{ftasapana j-itasapa:na -{tasapa:na
-itaspa:na eitaspaina eitaspa:na eitasp"a:na
‘ «{rijsta:na eirtjistasna -irijista:na
eteaeins eistasapana Shlirenaee esitasapa:na -{stasapa:na
eistusapa:na -schitasapa:na
eistaspaina “{staspaina -{staspa:na =istasp"a:na

«{stuspaina -schistasapa:na

Figure 6-6. Aymara Remonstrator Tense (D-2)

VLY
415

Notes to Figure 6-6

lepbing (1965:124).

2Ross (1963:155); attributed to Iquipuni, between
Ancoraimes and Puerto Acosta, Province of Camacho, Depart-
ment of La Paz.

3used with affirmative.

“Used with negative.

one speaker had /- sma:na/.

Gan unusual shape for this person/tense, resembling
4+3 as cited by Bertonio.

‘Used with affirmative and negative.

Bused with negative by one speaker who used /-irija:na/
for affirmative.

STiahuanaco, with the verb sa.na.

OF bbing (1965:149); probably has vowel length on
the penultimate vowel and probably submorphemically
/-irissma:na/.

“Vs ubmorphemically probably /-irissma:n/.

lee bbing (1965:149); these probably have vowel
length on the penultimate vowel.

13) Grijata:na/ attested by one speaker.
416

reinstated and usually followed by two marks of the Remote

Direct Knowledge (RDK) tense: /-:-/ plus /-na/.

D-2 D-1
133 /-sa:na/ /-sa/
2>3 /-s(a)mazna/ /-sma/
3>3 /-s(a)pa:na/ /-spa/
4+3 /-sna:na/ /-sna/
/-sasna/ /-sna/
2>1 /-itas(a)ma:na/ /itasma/
3>1 /-itas(a)pa:na/ /-itaspa/
3-4 /-istas(a)pa:na/ /-istaspa/

Calacoa forms differ in having /si/ before the

/sa/ form, or replacing it, in the following:

D-2 D-1
2+3 /-sisama:na/ /-sma/
3+3 /-sisapa:na/ /-spa/

4+3 /-sina:na/ /-siia/
The remaining two forms, both of which occur only
in Huancané, differ from the others in beginning with

/-ta-/ marker of 2p. They may be analyzed as follows:

1-2 /-ta:snal = /-ta-/ + 192 RDK */-:sna/2!

372 /-taspa:na/ /-ta-/ + 3+3 D-2

6-3.34.22 /iri/ forms of D-2
6-3.34.22.1 Morphophonemics

The behavior of the final vowels of /iri/ forms
of D-2 corresponds to that of the final vowels of the
RDK (see 6-3.35.1) or D-2 /sa/ suffixes with which they

end.
6-3.34.22.2 Structure and distribution

As indicated for D-1, /iri/ forms are followed
by a phoneme or combination of phonemes that mark the
contrary-to-fact tenses. The contrary-to-fact mark is
not exactly the same in D-2 as in D-1, even allowing

for reinsertion of vowels.

D-2 D-1
La Paz /-iri- ~ iriska-/ /-iris-/

Juli /-irikS-/ /-irik- ~ -iriks-/
418

D-2 D-1
Socca /-iri- ~ -irika-/ /-irik- ~ -irij-/
Huancané /-irik ~ -iriks-/ /-iris- ~ -iriks-/
Calacoa /-irka-/ /-irik- ~ -iriks-/
Sitajara /-irja- ~ -irij- /-irij- ~ -irijs-/
-irijs-/
Jopoqueri /-ivids-/ /-irij- ~ -irj-/
Salinas /-irij(a)- ~ -iris-/ /ivij- ~ -iris-/
Morocomarca /-irika- ~ -irik"a/ /-irik"a-/(3+4) ~ /-iris-/
(1-2, 3+2)

 

When, as is usually the case, there is more than
one /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact form in a given dialect,
there may be switches from D-1 to D-2 in one person/
tense, e. g. Morocomarca 1+3 D-1 /-irista/ and 1+3 D-2
/-iriktat"a/.

In La Paz D-2 forms, /sk/ appears where only /s/
appears in D-1. The form with /k/ may represent a meta-
thesis of the combination /ks/ that occurs frequently in

other dialects.
Following the contrary-to-fact mark, /iri/ forms
with 3p complement have the appropriate RDK (non /-ya-/)
inflection, as shown in the following examples:

RDK D-2
173s La Paz /-iriska-/ + /-:ta/ = /-iriska:ta/

2>3 Sitajara /-irja-/ + f/-:ta/ = /-irja:ta/

3-3 Jopoqueri /-irija-/ + /-:na/ = /-irija:na/

 

Ebbing (1965:124) cites a 1+3 form for La Paz with RDK
/-ya:ta/, *y-iriskaya:ta/.

/iri/ inflections for 1+2 and 3+2 D-2 are more
complex, as may be seen below. ‘Part 1' is an abbrevia-

tion for '/iri/ plus contrary-to-fact mark'.
J>2 Part 1 + 1592S + /-:na/ (Sitajara)
132 S (reduced) + /-:na/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas)

1+2 RDK (/-ya-/) (Juli)

2>3 D-2 /sa/ form (La Paz, Socca, Calacoa, Salinas,
Morocomarca )

*142 RDK  (Bertonio 1603b)
420

342 Part 1 + 3562S + /-:na/ (La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morcomarca; also Bertonio
1603b)

3+2 RDK (non /-ya-/) (Socca, also cited in Ebbing 1965)
3+2 RDK (/-ya-/) (Juli)
+343 D-2 /sa/ form (Ebbing 1965)

*7-ta-/ 2p mark + 3+2 RDK (non /-ya-/) (Ebbing 1965)

The other forms are

2>+1 Socca /-iri-/ + 2+] D-2 /sa/ form /-itasama:na/ = /-iritasama:na/
3+1 /-iri-/ + contrary-to-fact mark + 351 RDK (non /-ya-/)

3+4 /-iri-/ + contrary-to-fact mark + 354 RDK (non /-ya-/)

Sitajara 3+1 and 3-4 have fallen together. The 3+] form
has apparently fallen out, leaving only 3+4 for both.

On the other hand, in Morocomarca 3+4 appears to be
falling out, as at first the 3+1 form was given for

both 3+1 and 3-4.
6-3.34.3 Dialectal patterning of /sa/ and /iri/ forms

A comparison of the incidence of /iri/ and /sa/
forms in the D-1 and D-2 tenses shows that, as might

be expected, the most complete paradigms for both sets
are those cited by Bertonio (1603b). Of contemporary
dialects, Salinas has the most forms of both types.
Contemporary dialects may be divided into two main groups,
those with a preponderance of /sa/ over /iri/ forms
(Juli, La Paz, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa, and Morocomarca)
and those with a preponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms
(Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas).

Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms
have both /iri/ and /sa/ forms for certain person/tense
slots: Sitajara 2+3, Jopoqueri 3+3, and Salinas 3+1 and
334. This overlap is lacking in dialects having a pre-
dominance of /sa/ forms, the only exceptions being the
forms attested by Ebbing (1965) and Ross (1963) for La
Paz 1+3, and Morocomarca 3-4 D-1 /-irik"a/, a form
anomalous in shape and possibly in error. Interestingly,
dialects with a predominance of /iri/ have forms for 3-1]
and 3+4 which are missing from Bertonio (1603b), although
he cited 4+3 /iri/ forms which the former lack.

Except for La Paz dialects alleged by Ebbing
and Ross, no known contemporary dialects have /sa/ forms
for 143, but rather only the /iri/ form. 123 and 4+3
/sa/ forms have fallen together as 4+3, and the 4+3
/iri/ form has disappeared. The /iri/ forms apparently
took over the 1+3 slot when 1+3 and 4+3 /sa/ forms fell

together as 4+3.
Dialects with a preponderance of /sa/ forms have

/iri/ forms with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ contrary-to-fact

markers.

Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms

have them with /j(s)/ contrary-to-fact markers.

6-3.34.31

La Paz

Juli,
Calacoa

Socca

Huancané

Morocomarca

Dialects with a preponderance of /sa/ forms

D-1:

D-2:

/ivi/
(153,

(153,

(153,

(133,

(1>3,

(133,

(153,

(133,
3+4)

(153,

12,

12,

]>2,

12,

12,

]>2,

333)

12,

12,

3+2)

3+2)

3+2)

3+2)

332)

342)

32,

3+2)

/sa/
6 (+ 153, Ebbing)

6 (+1+3, Ross and Ebbing)

7 (including. 1+2, 3+2 /ta/
forms)

6 (the rest + 34)
423

/iri/ /sa/

Bertonio D-1: 6 (all but 2-1, 3-1, 8 (all but 132)
(1603b) 374)

D-2: 6 (all but 2+1, 3-1, 7 (all but 122,

374) 4>3)

 

6-3.34.32 Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms

/iri/ /sa/
Sitajara D-1
&
D-2: 7 (all but 4+3, 2+1) 3 (23, 443, 2>1)
Jopoquer? D-1
&
D-2: 6 (all but 4+3, 2+1, 4 (253, 443, 2-1,
233) 373)
Salinas D-1: 6 (all but 443, 2+1, 6 (23, 453, 2>1,
2-3) 373, 3+1, 3-4)
D-2: 6 (all but 4+3, 2-1, 5 (223, 453, 2-1,
2+3) 3+1, 3+4)

6-3.34.33 Dialectal distribution of /iri/ and /sa/
forms by persons and tense

/iri/ /sa/
133 all dialects (Ebbing, Ross)

2>3 Sitajara; also Bertonio all dialects
373

4+3

1>2

372

2+]

3-1

3>4

D-1:

D-2:

D-2:

D-1:

D-2:

424

/iri/

Sitajara, Jopoqueri
Salinas; also Bertonio

Same as D-1 plus
Huancané

no contemporary
dialects; cited by
Bertonio

all dialects

all except Huancané

all dialects

all except Huancané

no dialects

Sitajara

Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
Salinas

Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
Salinas, Morocomarca

Sitajara, Jopoqueri,
Salinas

D-2:

' D-1:
D-2:

D-2:

D-1:

D-2:

/sa/

all dialects except
Sitajara

all dialects except
Sitajara and Huancané

all dialects
all dialects (not cited
by Bertonio)
no dialects

Huancané

no contemporary dialects;
cited by Bertonio

Huancané

all dialects

all except Sitajara

all except Sitajara and
Jopoqueri

all except Sitajara and
Jopoqueri

all except Sitajara and
Jopoqueri
425

6-3.35 Remote tenses

Two remote tenses were encountered in this re-
search: one direct knowledge tense (RDK) and one in-
direct knowledge tense (RIK). The distinction of direct,
personal knowledge and of indirect (sometimes called non-
personal) knowledge is a linguistic postulate of Aymara
(see 8-2.3). RDK (called personal or near remote) and
RIK (called far, or hearsay remote) were discussed by
Hardman et al. (1975:3.218-222). Only RDK was attested
by Bertonio (1603b) as a paradigm, although RIK 333
occurred in examples of sentences. In contemporary
dialects the most commonly occurring Remote inflections
are the 3-3 suffixes of each tense, as noted by Hardman
et al. (1975:3.219) for La Paz.

All consonant-initial Remote suffixes (except

allomorphs of 3+4) require a preceding vowel.
6-3.35.1 Direct knowledge remote tense (RDK)

Spanish used to elicit: Yol

di. 'I gave it to
him/her. '

Yo le estaba dando.

‘I was giving to him/her.'
6-3.35.11 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-7)

As in the case of the Desiderative and Remonstra-

tor tenses, this tense appears to represent a
La Paz!

143 -:ta
~ta:na®
-tana
~ya:ta

243 qita

-nta!

“ya:ta
#3 ena

§+3 gro tan
-:ntan&
entan?

eya:tan

1+2 -:sma
-ya:sma

+2 ~itamy

*-ntam
-yartam
eyatam9

2+) *-itanta?
-tya:stal0
eistaya:ta

HI -ita:na
+-4tana9
+-{tuna

+4 -ista:na
+-istanad
+22 > tuna
testanad
+-stuna

Figure 6-7.

    

Bertonioe
1603b

+
-na

+
-smana

+
-tamana

*ritata

* itana

*-istana

Aymara Remote Direct Knowledge Tense (RDK)

 

Juli Socca Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoquert® Salinas! Morocomarca’??
oit'"a ~it"a =3t"a -t"a -:t"s o:t"a
-ya:ta eya:t"a eya:t"a
ita” ta =:ta esta
-ya:ta wya:ta
eina ena” ina -:na cyan “ina oina
e:tana -snaina sain
-ya:tan eya:tan
-rsma *25na -smaina -sma:n
-yarsma eya:sma
-:tama etama:na -tma:na
-ya:tam eya:tam
-istan eita:ta
eftayasta -itay{sta -yi:sta
-ita:na -{ta:nal2 ={ta:na eita:na eita:na
-ftanal2 -{tan -itan
-yitu ey{tu -yi:tu
~sita:na -sitaina «istan -{stan
-chita:na
«chista:na eytsstu
-schista:na

9¢7
427

Notes to Figure 6-7

la Paz forms not otherwise identified are from
the paradigm for Compi and Tiahuanaco (Hardman 1975)
which preface all non-/-ya-/ forms by -chi NI, -pacha
IF, or a verbal derivational suffix such as /-ka-/ incon-
pletive.

2No vowel length was indicated for these forms.

3Non-/-ya-/ forms occurred preceded by -chi NI
or by /-ja-/ incompletive.

Except for /-ita:na/ which occurred preceded by
-chi, these forms occurred preceded by /-ka-/ incom-
pletive.

>A source from San Andrés de Machaca, province
of Ingavi, La Paz, had forms identical to these, also
(except for /~ita:na/) preceded by /-ka-/ incompletive.

SRoss (1963:145); attributed to Iquipuni,
between Ancoraimes and Puerto Acosta, province of
Camacho, La Paz.

7Ebbing (1965:121).

8 occurred preceded by /-ka-/ incompletive or
/-s.ka-/ continuative.

2Ebbing (1965:146).

100 ~curred preceded by -chi NI.

Moan Andrés de Machaca.

to curred on the verb sa.fa ‘to say’.
428

falling-together of two paradigms, one with the partial
/-ya-/ in initial (occasionally medial) position in the
suffix, and one without. This is not a case of phono-
logical alternation of /ya/ ~ /:/, as in almost all
cases the /-ya-/ is followed by /:/ mark of Remote
tenses. There are indications that forms with /-ya-/
gloss as more remote (farther in the past) than forms
without it, but at present the contrast is not clear
enough to postulate two separate tenses. In any case,
complete paradigms of forms with and without initial
/-ya-/ were obtained for only one dialect, Jopoqueri,
while most dialects had a mixture of the two forms,

with one favored over the other: Juli has mostly /-ya-/
forms, Socca and Morocomarca have one /-ya-/ form each,
and La Paz has six. One dialect, Sitajara, apparently
has no /-ya-/ forms, as sources interpreted stems with
/-ya-/ as containing /-ya-/ causative. In dialects

that do have /-ya-/ Remote forms, the causative may pre-

cede the Remote.

Chura.ya.ya:t.wa. ‘I made X give to Y.' (La Paz)

Socca is the only dialect for which all forms
without /-ya-/ were obtained without preceding suffixes
in the verb stem. In other dialects, except for 373

/-:na/, RDK person/tense suffixes without /-ya-/ almost
429

always occurred preceded by a verbal derivational suffix
or one of the compounding suffixes: -chi Non-Involver,
-pacha Inferential, or -iri. Forms with /-ya-/ occurred
more readily without preceding suffixes.

When preceded by -ja- ~ -ka- incompletive, this
tense translates as a past progressive. This use has
occurred in La Paz, Morocomarca, Salinas, and Jopoqueri.

Examples of 1+3 with the verb chura.fia ‘to give' are

chur.ka.:t"a (Morocomarca)

chur. ka.:ta ~ chur.ka.ya:ta (San Andrés de Machaca)

Chur.ja.t.wa. (Jopoqueri)

Yo le estaba dando. 'I was giving to him/her. '

Apart from this fairly common usage, this tense
(especially the forms without /-ya-/) occurs most often
in the speech of elderly persons, for example in discuss-

ing their illnesses.

3+1 Kap"iyaspirina.w riskansa.y.ita:na.

'Cafeaspirina eased my pain.' (Compi)

(-ya- causative)

3>1 kama.cha.ta.:.rak.pacha.:t"a

‘what could have happened to me' (Sitajara)

 
430

It also occurred in the speech of young persons talking

with older ones about their illnesses.

2>3 Qal_ q'ip.naq.pacha.:ta.x.

stone carry if

‘You must have carried a load of stone.' (Sitajara)

32 Kun. jam.iri.:tam.s? ‘How did it use to affect you?'
what like (Compi )

 

Ratu.t ratu.ru.t sar.t.iri.:tam?
time go up

 

‘From time to time did it use to hurt you?' (Compi)

In the last two examples, the RDK inflection follows
-iri nominalizer plus -:- verbalizer, which becomes
neutralized in the length of the RDK inflection. Other
dialects use the -iri plus RDK forms in stories (see
6-3.37).

As indicated in 6-3.34, the Remonstrator tense
contains the partials that mark the RDK.

Apart from the sometime presence of /~-ya-/, the
marks of this tense are vowel length or alveolar nasal
or both together plus /a/. One dialect, Jopoqueri, has
plain vowel marking 1+3 and 2+3 forms without /-ya-/,
although its /-ya-/ forms are followed by vowel length.

In general, inflections with 3p and 2p complements consist
of vowel length or alveolar nasal plus Simple inflection,
or Simple inflection plus /-:na/, except in the case of
3+3 which is /-(ya):na/ (unmarked for person). The struc-
ture of the 2+1, 3+1, and 3+4 suffixes is discussed

below.
6-3.35.11.1 Forms without /-ya-/

143 1+3 S preceded by long vowel (plain vowel in
Jopoqueri) except for La Paz variants alleged
by Ross (1963) and Ebbing (1965), which have
1+3 S plus /-:na/.

2-3 2>+3 S preceded by long :vowel in most dialects
and thus homophonous with the Future. Socca
uses 2>3 S instead. Jopoqueri has 2+3 S pre-
ceded by plain vowel. Ebbing (1965) attested
2+3 S preceded by /n/.

333 /-:na/, all dialects.

4+3 La Paz and Socca have 4+3 S preceded by long
vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have forms
homophonous with their 4+3 D-2 /sa/ forms,
except that the Morocomarca allomorph loses
its final vowel. Ross (1963) and Ebbing (1965)
attested 4+3 S preceded by either /-n-/ alone or
/-in-/.

142 La Paz, Socca, and Huancané have 1+2 S preceded
by long vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have

forms homophonous with their 2+3 D-2 /sa/ forms.
32

2>]

3>1

3+4

La Paz and Socca have 3-2 S preceded by long vowel.
Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have 3~>2 S plus /-:na/.
Not attested for Compi, Tiahuanaco, and San Andrés
de Machaca. Jopoqueri has 21 S plus /-n/ with-
out preceding vowel length. Morocomarca has a
form homophonous with its 2+1 F. Ebbing attested
*/-itanta/, not homophonous with his 2-1 F,
*/-itata/.

/-ita(:)n(a)/ everywhere. Ebbing attests forms
alternating vowel /a/ and /u/.

/-ista(:)n(a)/ everywhere except Juli and Socca,
which have /-sita:na/. Juli also has the usual
compound forms. Jopoqueri's /-istan/ is homo-
phonous with its 2+]. Ebbing attested forms

alternating vowel /a/ and /u/.

6-3.35.11.2 Forms with /-ya-/

1+3

343
4+3

1+2

/-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 1+3 S occurred in
La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, and Salinas.

/-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 2+3 S occurred

in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri.

/-ya:na/ occurred only in Jopoqueri.

/-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 4+3 S occurred in
La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri

/-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 1+2 S occurred in

La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri.
433

3+2 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 3+2 S occurred in
La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri. Ebbing attested
/-ya-/ plus 352 S.

2+] /-ya-/ pilus vowel length plus 2+1 S, Jopoqueri;
forms with medial /-ya-/, apparently based on
2>+1 S, in La Paz, Juli, and Socca. Ebbing
alleged another similar form.

3+] /-y-/ plus 3+1 S, Juli and Socca; /-y-/ plus
vowel length plus 3+] S, Jopoqueri.

3>4 /y/ plus vowel length plus 3+4 S, Jopoqueri.

\

6-3.35.12 Dialectal patterning

Although final analysis must await the elicita-
tion of full paradigms for Huancané, Calacoa, Sitajara,
and Salinas, the following summary statement may be made
at this time. The dialect with the greatest number of
/-ya-/ forms is Jopoqueri, which also has a full para-
digm of non-/-ya-/ forms. Spoken La Paz dialects in-
vestigated in this research have /-ya-/ forms for all
but 343, 3+1, and 3+4 and non-/-ya-/ forms for all but
2>1; but a non-/-ya-/ 2+1 form was alleged by Ebbing.
One /-ya-/ form occurred for Salinas 1+3, but none
for Morocomarca, which has a full paradigm of non-
/-ya-/ forms. It is interesting to note that Bertonio
(1603b) attested only forms without /-ya-/ in this

tense.
434

6-3.35.2 Remote indirect knowledge tense (RIK)

Spanish used to elicit: Gd le habias dado.

 

‘You gave it to him!'
(surprisal)

6-3.35.21 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-8)

Suffixes with 3p or 2p complements are formed
on the base of /-ta:-/ or /-tay-/ recurrent partial marker
of remote indirect knowledge plus the corresponding
Simple tense suffix. Person/tense suffixes with 1p and
4p complements have some allomorphs formed by the same
rule as the above, but also have allomorphs (those that
begin with the vowel /i/) that are reduplicative or
formed in more complex ways.

The most varied suffix in this tense is 343,
commonly used in stories and as a surprisal. Although
/-tayna/ occurs in all dialects except Morocomarca, other
allomorphs also occur. /-tafia/, probably a metathesis
of /-tayna/, occurs in La Paz and Calacoa. /-ta:na/
occurs in La Paz. The form /-tawi/ alternates with
/-tana/ in Morocomarca and Calacala. For some speakers
the /w/ of -/tawi/ is somewhat unrounded, approximating
/y/. /-tay(i)/ occurs in Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and
Salinas. Tschopik (1948) attested * 7 -tawna/ in
stories recorded in 1940-42 in Chucuito, near Juli and
Socca. The variants cited by Bertonio (1603b) are

*y-tawina/ and */-tawi/.
La Paz dulf Socca Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoquert Salinas Morocomarca
1603b :

1

 

 

 

143 «ta:ta ~ta:ta -ta:t"a -ta:t’a -ta:t"a ~tatt"a
otayt"a =tayta . etayt"a
2*3 -ta:ta -ta:ta eta:ta -tata
-tayta etayta =tayta :
3 -tana -ta =tana =tani tan otana
etana + ~tafia
~tawi 2 tay! -tay({) etay(f) “tani
~tayna +-tawina -tayna. = -tayna -tayna «tayna =tayna -tayna -tayna
443 -ta:tan . -ta:tan 3 etastan =totna
e-taytana  -taytana
-taytna
2 -ta:sma ~ta:sna eta:sma ~ta:tsma
-taysma -taysma . =taysma
32 ota:tam : otastama -tastam etata:ma otatma
=taytam etaytama ~taytam
ee a
2) -ista:sta
-istata4 eista:ta -istata
e{tassta =ti:sta
-itaysta -{taysta
-itaytaysta ,
LL ES Se ps rene his ie PvE
HI ~itu:ty “ttitu? “{tu:tu -itutu
-itutu4 oti:tuS “ti:tu
4 -itaytu -itaytu 6
etaytu ~taytu etaytu
4 eistu:tu ; ‘ eti:stu e{stu:tu -istutu
-istutu4
-stutud
etaystu4 echitaystu. -sitaytu -taystu
-schitaystu
~schitaytu
=sitaystu

Figure 6-8. Aymara Remote Indirect Knowledge Tense (RIK)

SEV
Notes to Figure 6-8

'Tarata, Tacna, Peru.

2Occurred after -iri.

Sonly 43 § could be elicited here; ~/-taytana/
was rejected.

*Ebbing (1965:147).

Occurred in an account by an older speaker.

occurred in paradigm given by a young speaker.
437

In certain texts from Huancané, Jopoqueri, and
Salinas, there occur instances of /-ta/ where other
dialects would use 3+3 RIK. This /-ta/ is probably
best analyzed as the resultant nominalizer -ta, used

instead of a verb inflection (see 7-4.21.3). Examples:

Jani ut.j.ka.ta.t uka.t sar.xa.ta.
no exist ~—_ so leave ~_

‘There being none, he left.' (Huancané)

Manqg'.xa.ta.wa. ‘They have eaten.' (Huancané)
eat ~

Sawu.p ap.ta.si.s sara.ta.
weaving carry go 7

‘Carrying her weaving, she left.' (Jopoqueri)

The following was said by another Huancané speaker who

also used /-tayna/ in another instance:

Qamagi.raki.s sar.k.xa.ta.xa.:.

Tox and go

‘And the fox was gone for good!'

If the /-ta/ in all these examples is in fact the re-

sultant nominalizer used in place of verb inflection,
438

it suggests the following hypothetical derivations of
RIK 3+3, determination of whose correctness must await

further study.

*/-ya-/ */-taya-/
-ta resultant + | */-wa-/ | verbalizer --> | */-tawa-/
/-:-/ */-ta:-/

*/-taya-/ /-tayna ~ -tafia/
*/-tawa-/| + /-na/ remote --> | /-tawna/
*/-ta:-/ /-ta:na/

*/-taya-/ - 3, /-tayi/ |
Ee tori 235 --> | foe |
/-tawi/ + /-na/ remote --> /-tawina/

Neither */-ya-/ nor */-wa-/ has been attested
as a verbalizer in modern Aymara, but they may be postu-
lated as underlying forms on the basis of the existence
of -wa- verbalizer in Jaqaru (Hardman 1966:109) and the
* y-wa-/ attested by Bertonio as a variant of the causa-
tive verbal derivational suffix whose other allomorphs,
/-ya-/ and /-:-/, exist today. The alternation of /ya/
and /:/ in numerous other morphemes across and within
dialects is also common (see 3-4.31).

In some dialects RIK 3+3 forms occur after -iri
nominalizer in stories (see 6-3.37). For a further dis-

cussion of the use of 3+3 RIK, see 9-6.13.
439

6-3.35.22 Dialectal patterning

Leaving aside the 3+3 allomorph /-tayna/, which
all dialects except Morocomarca attest, two main dialect
groups may be identified for this tense: dialects having
forms based on /-tay-/ (Juli, Socca, Sitajara, and prob-
ably Calacoa, for which a paradigm was not obtained)

and dialects with forms based on /-ta:/ (all the rest).
6-3.36 Compound tenses

Paradigms for La Paz for these tenses were
given by Hardman et al. (1975:3.222-23). For the
present study they were not elicited in paradigms but
did occur in texts. They consist of -chi Non-Involver
or -pacha Inferential followed by tense inflection,
except in the case of 3+3 S forms which consist of

-chi or -pacha alone.
6-3.36.1 -chi Non-Involver

This suffix enters into compounds with the
Simple, Future, Desiderative, Remonstrative, and Remote

tenses.
6-3.36.11 Morphophonemics

-chi requires a preceding consonant. Its vowel

drops if the following suffix requires a preceding
440

consonant. If a cluster of /ch/ plus consonant occurs,

/ch/ reduces to /s/ (see 4-3.22.25.2).
6-3.36.12 Structure and distribution

When it occurs with D-2 /iri/ forms, -chi sep-
arates the /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact mark from the rest
of the inflection. Examples of this have been found in

La Paz, Jopoqueri, and Tarata, Peru (near Sitajara).

La Paz Jopoqueri
173 /-iriskchi:ta/ /-irijchi:ta/ (also Tarata)
373 (not elicited) /-irijchi:na/
1-2 /-iriskchisama:na/ /-irijssma:n/
3+1 (not elicited) /-irijchita:na/
34 (not elicited) /-irijchista:na/

In Juli, as indicated earlier, all tenses have
3>4 forms frozen to a preceding /-chi-/ or /-schi-/.
Those frozen to /-chi-/ are homophonous with the Non-
involver 354 forms (except in the case of the Imperative,

with which the Non-involver does not occur).

6-3.36.13 Semantics

Bertonio (1603b:276) called this suffix a con-

ditional or dubitative. He noted that the Aymara tended
44]

to use it when repeating back an order which they had

been given--an interesting illustration of the semantics

of this suffix, conveying non-involvement of the speaker.

The non-involvement usually implies lack of control over

a situation or outcome rather than unwillingness or doubt

as to its desirability, but forms with this suffix have

often been misinterpreted in translation.

-chi is very common in all Aymara dialects and

is used extensively in conversation. Examples:

343 S:

133 S:

233 F:

 

 

Wali kus jach' marka.chi.y.
very beautiful big country —

‘It must be a very beautiful big country.' (Sitajara)
Wijita.x.s.t.xa.y. ‘I'm an old lady already.' (Corque)
old lady 13

S

< Spanish viejita ‘little old lady'

Inas jan sar.k.chi.:ta.ti.
perhaps no go 2>3
F

‘Perhaps you will not go.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

6-3.36.14 Dialectal patterning

above,

Certain dialects use -chi not only as indicated

but also as a narrative device in stories.
442

Contemporary dialects that do this are Juli, Socca, and
Huancané; Tschopik (1948) reported it for Chucuito, and
Bertonio (1603b:276) used it to translate a passage about
the death of St. Stephen by stoning.

6-3.36.2 -pacha Inferential

According to Hardman et al. (1975:3), this suf-
fix occurs with the Simple, Future, and Remote tenses.

It is mentioned here only to complete the list of tenses,
as it occurred but rarely in this research.

~pacha requires a preceding consonant. Its
final vowel drops if the following suffix requires a
preceding consonant.

As indicated in 6-2.26, the combination of the
derivational -ka- ~ -ja- incompletive with -pacha means
‘instead of' in La Paz/Tiahuanaco and was cited with this
meaning by Ebbing (1965), but it does not necessarily
have this meaning elsewhere.

-pacha occurred with the 2+3 Imperative in Cala-

coa and Juli, in forms which are rather rude.

Am.pacha.m. ‘Shut up!' (Calacoa)

Am.pacha.p.x.ma ‘You (pl.) shut up!' (Juli)

*amu.fia ‘to shut up' (unattested)

amuki.fia ‘to shut up' (La Paz)
443

6-3.37 Combinations with -iri nominalizer

6-3.37.1 With -:- verbalization--Customary

The combination of -iri nominalizer (see 7-4.21.1)
plus -:- verbalization plus verb inflection means to be
accustomed to do an action. Such combinations are to be

distinguished from the /iri/ forms of D-1 and D-2.

Customary: chur.iri.:.sma 'I usually give to you'
_

D-1: chur. irisma ‘I may give to you'
1+2

Examples with the Remote tenses are the following:

3+1 RDK: Kap"iyaspirina.x nayra.x t'aku.y.iri.:.ita:n.
before ease pain

'Cafeaspirina used to ease my pain before.’ (Compi)

2>3 RDK: Pata. tug sar.iri.:.ya:ta.ti?
pampa go...

‘Did you use to go around the pampa?'
(Hardman et al. 1975:1.422)

6-3.37.2 Without verbalization, with 3+3 RIK--Narrative

-iri plus 3+3 RIK without intervening verbaliza-

tion is used in Juli, Socca, Chucuito (Tschopik 1948),
444

and Calacoa in telling stories. These dialects also use
the 33 RIK without -iri in stories but seem to prefer
forms with -iri. In view of the absence of verbalization
it would probably be better to view the combinations

as synchronically unitary, as in the case of D-1 and D-2

/iri/ forms. Examples:

sar.x.iritayna.x ‘he left' (Juli)
jisk.t'.iritayn 'she asked' (Socca)

*sar.x.iritawna "he went’ (Chucuito)

q'ip.kata.w.j.iritan ‘he had carried her' (Calacoa)

A case of -iri apparently frozen to a verb root
is the following from Calacoa. The verb is sa.fia, which

is highly irregular in all its inflected forms (see 6-4).

Sir.sma.w. 'I said to you.' /-sma/ 1+2 S

Jani.w sir.k.sma.ti. ‘I didn't say to you.'

Note that in the second example the verbal derivational
suffix /-ka-/ incompletive intervenes between /iri/ and
the inflection, whereas in the previous examples of
/iri/ plus 3+3 RIK the verbal derivationals preceded

/iri/ on the stem.
445

6-4 The Verb sa.fia 'to say'

This verb is of extremely frequent occurrence in
Aymara as a reportive and subordinator. Embedding with
Sa.fia is discussed in 7-4.4.

Variation in inflected forms of sa.fia is exten-
sive. This is due to its unusual canonical shape, and
the different morphophonemic rules operating upon it in
different dialects. As indicated earlier, sa.fia is the
only verb in contemporary Aymara with only one unlengthened
root vowel.-° (The verb *ma- survives today only frozen in
longer stems like ma.nta.fia 'to go in', and the verb
pa:.fia 'to cook', used in Sitajara, has a long root
vowel.)

Actually, as indicated in 4-3.13, it is probably
best to postulate the underlying form of sa.fia as
disa-, which loses its initial CV obligatorily before
the nominalizer suffix -fla and optionally in other
circumstances that vary dialectically. In many dia-
lects, the reduced root occurs before suffixes that
require a preceding consonant, creating an initial /sC/
cluster. This occurs, for example, with Simple tense
inflections.

In La Paz and Huancané such initial clusters
are commonly, though not invariably, avoided by reten-

tion of /si/ or /ji/ on the verb root. In Socca, initial
446

/si/ or /ji/ is usually deleted; according to two speakers
in their twenties, forms with initial /ji/ or /si/ sound
overly emphatic and old-fashioned, ‘the way old people
talk'. The one form that usually has a preposed /si/

or /ji/ in Socca is 3>4 S§. Huancané has /ji/ on 173 S

and /j/ alone, optionally, on 2+3 S; /ji/ occurs option-
ally on 3>3 RIK also, as in (ji)s.xa.tayn, but is required
before -chi NI. Bertonio attests forms with optional
initial /i/ (but no /j/ or reduplicated /s/).

Like La Paz and Huancané, Jopoqueri usually avoids
initial clusters in sa.fia, but does so not by retaining
/si/ or /ji/ but by reduplicating the root vowel and re-
taining the length before consonant-requiring suffixes
beginning with a consonant, e. g. 173 S sa:.t"a 'I said’.
In Sitajara, where initial clusters in sa-.fia are more
usual, the root vowel of the verb may also sometimes
be lengthened. (Vowel length retention, rather than
vowel reduplication, occurs in Sitajara in certain other
verb roots whose vowel length is analogous to the phoneme
sequence /ya/; see 4-3.22.15).

Lengthening of the root vowel of sa.fia results
in certain forms for the Simple tense which are homo-
phonous with RDK in certain persons, namely 1>3, 2>3,
4+3, 1+2, and 3+2. When there is a verbal derivational
suffix in the stem, however, it is clear that the length

goes with the root, not the inflection. Examples:
447

133 S: sa:.tia 'T said to him/her/them'

17-3 RDK: sa.:t'a 'I said to him/her/them' (Sitajara,
~ Jopoqueri)
1-3 S with /-ja-/ incompletive: Jani.w sa:.j.t.ti.

'I didn't say to him/her/
them.' (Jopoqueri)

In the third example above, it is clear that the vowel
length goes with the verb root before the derivational
suffix /-ja-/ (which usually takes a preceding consonant).
If the vowel length went with the tense, it would go
between the /j/ and the /t/. 13 F with /-ja-/ also has
vowel length on the verb root.

Another dialect that avoids initial consonant
clusters with sa.ma is Calacoa. Like Jopoqueri, Calacoa
does not prepose /si/ or /ji/, but unlike Jopoqueri,
it does not lengthen the root vowel. Instead, Calacoa
forms occur with the root sa- followed by verbal deri-
vationals or the initial /s/ followed by -iri, when
there would otherwise be an initial cluster.

Only the Simple and Future tenses were formally
elicited for this verb, but many examples of other tenses

occurred in texts.

6-4.] sa.fa with Simple tense (see Figure 6-9)

Some comments about Simple forms have already

vod

been made above. In La Paz and Juli the alternation of
   
  
    
 

dulf Socca Huancané Calacoa Sitajara Jopoquert Salinas Morocomarca

1603b

 

  
 
    
     
  
   
    

193 s + s s
~t.s.ta (i).s.t%a 7st ;| -S.tYa  fi.s.ta s.t'a s.t"a s.t%a
*S.iri.tha s.iri.tha sa:.t%a $a:.t"a sa.s.t'a
$a.s.ka.pun.t"a sa.s.k.t“a sa.s.ka.t"a
2+3 s + s ;
~(.s.ta (i).s.ta [;: -s.ta s.ta (j).s.ta s.ta $a.s.ta
j s.iri.ta sa:.ta
$a.$.ka.pun.ta sa.pin.ta
33 s.4 s.1 s.1 s.4 s.4 . s.4 S.4 $.1 s.4
s.irt
$a.$.ka.pun./
4+3 $s s
~i.s.tan ~if.s.tan s.tan s.tan s.tan
j Jj s.ir.tan Sa:.tan
$a.$.ka.pun.tan $a.s.ka.pin.te sa.S.ka.tna
12 s + s
~4.S.s.ma (4).s.sma | [~i].s.sma (ji).s.sma s.sna s.sma s.sma
$a.sma s.ir.sma sai.sma
$a.s.ka.pun.sma sa.s.ka.sma
32 $ + s
~i.s.tam (4).s.tamaj | ~fj .s.tam (jf).s.tam s.tama s.tam s.tam s.tma
j s.ir.tam Sa:.tam
$a.5.k3.pun. tam
2+] $s + s
~.ista s.itta ~.ista s.ista s.ista s.itta s.fsta s.ista sa.k.fsta
‘ s.fir.ista
$a.$.ka.pun.ista
31 s.4tu *s itu s.itu s.ttu s.itu s.itu s.4tu s.itu s.itu
s.tr.itu
sa.$.ka.pun. itu
: s 5
3+4 s.istu Q.chitu -~f.s.situ’ ~.istu s.{tu s.istu s.istu s.{istu
pschitu Jj J s.ir.stu
. 6a.s.ka.pun.stu

Figure 6-9. sa.fia with Simple Tense

8tvV
449

/s/ ~ /j/ occurs in the root consonant in 2+], and in
Socca and Huancané, in 3>4. Forms elicited paradigmat-
ically for Calacoa all had the continuative /-s.ka-/
followed by the independent suffix /-puni/ ‘really',
or else were built on -iri (see 6-3.37). 1+3 with
-iri was also attested by Bertonio. The continuative
is common with sa.na in other dialects, namely Sitajara,
Salinas, and Morocomarca. The independent /-pini/
‘really’ and the independent -ki 'just' occur in Moroco-
marca 2>1 S. An epenthetic vowel /u/ occurs in Moroco-
marca 1+3 before the sentence suffix -wa:s.t".u.wa
‘I said'. The Morocomarca forms having variants with
/-s.ka-/ are anomalous in that /-ka-/ keeps its final
vowel before consonant-requiring suffixes. Such forms
are probably instances of RDK rather than Simple tense,
although forms different from some of those in the regu-
Tar RDK paradigm occurred.

Juli forms for 3+4 contain a zero allomorph
of the root sa-, apparently by assimilation of the
initial /s/ to the /ch/ or /sch/ of the 3+4 inflection.

As with all Aymara verbs, the proper use of sa.fia
requires facility in manipulating verbal derivational
and independent suffixes. The following forms built on
3+3 S occurred frequently in this research and all gloss
‘"he/she/they said', with different degrees of personal

knowledge not pertinent to this discussion:
450

s.i.lla (Sitajara) sa.wiy.wa (Morocomarca)
S.i.pi.lla (Sitajara) sa.k.i.lla (Salinas)

s.x.i.wa (Salinas) sa.S.ka.rak.i (Corque)
s-i.wa (all dialects) sa.S.ka.pun.i (Calacoa)

6-4.2 sa.fia with Future tense (see Figure 6-10)

Future forms for sa.na were elicited for all
dialects except Morocomarca and Calacala. The La Paz
forms shown are from San Andrés de Machaca. In La Paz,
Juli, and Socca, 4+3 Future with sa.fia has vowel length
in the inflection, which it does not usually have with
other verbs. A variant of 3+4 with a three-consonant
initial cluster occurred in Socca: s.t'.sitani, with
the verbal derivational suffix -t'a-. For La Paz speakers
it is a tongue-twister, the corresponding La Paz variant
being ji.s.t.'istani.

The form that occurred for 3+2 F in Jopoqueri,

/sa.mpa/, contains the allomorph
earlier as the 3+2 Imperative in
checking will be required to see
is shared by both the Imperative

The Calacoa paradigm has
suffix

derivational -wja-

tenses in that dialect. Most of

/-mpa/ that occurred
that dialect. Further
if the form /-mpa/
and Future tenses.
the distinctive verbal

which accompanies most

the Sitajara forms
La Paz Jult Socca Huancané
3 $a.: sa.ja: Sa. Sa.ja:
2+3 sa.:ta sa.:ta , sa.:ta Sa.nta
33 sa.ni sa.ni sa.ni
43 sa.fa:ni sa.na:ni sa.naint
]+2 sa.cma Sa.mama Sa.mama
32 sa.:tam Sa.:tam sa.:tam
2+] = s. itasta s.ita:ta s.ita:ta
31 s.itani s.itani s.itani
34 s.istani si.s.chistani s.sitani s.stani
ji.s.t'.istant s.t'.sitani
1

Not elicited, but fits pattern.

Figure 6-10. sa.fia with Future Tense

Calacoa

Sa.wW.Jja.:
sa.W.ja.ixa

Sa.w.ja.:ta

sa.w.ja.ni
sa.w.ja.raki.tan
sa.mama
sa.w.ja.ma:ma
sa.w.ja.tma

s.ita:ta
Sa.w.j.ita:ta

sa.w.j.itani

sa.w.j.stani

Sitajara

Sa.ni.wa.nh

Jopoqueri

$a.nha

sa.ni.wa.nha:ta sa.nta

sa.ni.wa.ni

sa.ni.wa.nh
Sa.mam

*sa.nhata:ma!

s.itanhata

s.itani

sa.wa.stani

sa.ni

sa.nani

S$a.:ma

Sa.mpa

s.itanta

s.itani

s.istani

Salinas

$a.:

[sa.nda]
sa.ni

sa.nant
Sa.:tan

Sa.:ma

sa.nma

[s.itanda]

s.{tani

s.istani

LSv
452

occurred with the combination /-ni.wa-/. (Of course,
it is quite possible that the combinations of deriva-
tional suffixes that occurred in essentially artificial
elicited paradigms might not necessarily occur so often
in free texts.)

Negative forms with the Future were elicited
only for Jopoqueri and Salinas. A preposed jani.w
‘no, not' and the final suffix -ti negative occurred
with these. In Jopoqueri and Salinas negatives occur

with and without incompletive or completive suffixes,

according to rules as yet imperfectly understood; see

7-4.5.
Jopoqueri Salinas
133 /sa:.ja.nh.ti/ /s.ka.:.ti/
243 /sa.nta.ti/ [sa.nda.ti]
343 /sa.ni.ti/ /sa.ni.ti/
4>3 /sa.fani.ti/ /s.ka.fiani.ti ~
sa.:tan.ti/
]+2 /sa:.ja.:ma.ti/ /s.ka.:ma.ti/
32 /Sa:.ja.mpa.ti/ /s.ka.nma.ti/

2+] /s.itanta.ti/ [s.itanda.ti]
3+1

354

453

Jopoqueri Salinas
/sa:.j.itani.ti/ /s.itani.ti/
/sa:.j.istani.ti/ /s.istani.ti/

6-4.3 Sa.fia with other tenses

The only complete paradigm of sa.fia with the

Imperative was obtained for Juli.

133

233

353

4+3

12

3>2

2>1

3+]

34

/Sa.:.xa ~ sa.ja:.xa/~"
/sa.m/

/s.pana/

/sa.ifiani/

/sa.mama/

/s.pana/

/s.ita:ta/ (Future)
/s.itpa(na)/

/si.s.chistpana/

2+3 /sa.m/ is very common in all dialects, even those in

which initial clusters are common, probably to avoid confusion

with 1+2 S /s.sma/. In the following examples from Socca

the source's comments, if any, are shown in parentheses:
454

Sa.ma.1la. ‘Say it.' (‘not so imperative')

Sa.w.ma.lla. ‘Tell him on your way.'

Sa.w.x.ma.lla. ‘Tell him right this minute!' (peremptory)
In Sitajara 2+] Imperative occurred instead of the Future
form given in Juli: /s.ita/ ‘tell me’.

The following example of sa.fia with the Desidera-

tive occurred in Calacoa:

/sa.ni.p.xa.sma.1la/ ‘You (pl.) should say .. .'
2>3

The following examples of sa.fia with Remote
tenses occurred in Huancané:
3>1 RDK /sa.rak.ita:n.s/ ', . . and he said tome...

393 RIK /ji.s.xa.tayn/ ‘he said' (narrative)

Other forms commonly used in stories are given in 7-4.4.
6-4.4 Dialectal patterning

As has been said, inflected forms of sa.fia
display considerable variation. Dialects tending to
avoid initial consonant clusters are La Paz, Huancané,
Jopoqueri, and Calacoa, but each of these uses different

recourses for avoiding them.
455

There is some semantic variation as well. In
Sitajara sa.fia 3+1 and 3+4 S forms have fallen together
as /s.itu/, with loss of the 3+4 form, and sa.iia 1>3
and 4+3 F forms have fallen together as sa.ni.wa.nha,
with loss of the 4+3 form. In Socca the sa.fia 3+1 and
3>4 F forms /-sitani/ and /s.sitani/ are in process of

falling together.

6-5 Summary and Conclusions

6-5.1 Types of variation in the verb system

As in the case of the noun system, variation in
the verb system may be divided into internal and external.
External variation involves the entry of Spanish verbs
into Aymara, a continuing process. In certain areas
Spanish loans have apparently replaced native roots
still in use elsewhere. Examples of these are given
in 8-3.21.

Internal variation in the verb system is sum-

marized in the following sections.
6-5.11 Variation in verb roots and stems

Internal variation in verb roots is slight and
may be divided into two types: phonological (variation
in the shape of the root) and semantic (where a given

root has different meanings in different dialects or
456

exists only in some and not in others). Examples of
phonological variation in verb roots were given in
Chapter 3. Semantic variation in verb roots is discussed
in 8-3.21.

Variation in verb stems depends on the suffixes

occurring in them.
6-5.12 Verb suffixes

Verb suffixes display phonological and semantic
differences across dialects. Variation in verbal deriva-
tional suffixes is relatively slight; that in verbal

inflectional suffixes is more extensive.
6-5.12.1 Derivational suffixes

Six of the Class 1 suffixes have variable phono-
logical shapes involving alternations of /ya/ ~ /:/,
vowels, stops and continuants, and plain and aspirated
stops. The two Class 1 suffixes beginning with /nV/
(-nuga- ~ -nuqu- and -=naqa~) have variable morphophonemics
with respect to preceding vowel or consonant. Another
Class 1 suffix beginning with /n/, -nta-, is affected by
obligatory stop-voicing in Salinas (see 4-3.21.33).

Variation in Class 2 suffixes involves different
shapes for four, with alternations of /ya/ and /:/,

vowels, and stops and nonstops. A morphophonemic
457

rule in Salinas reduces the /k/ of /-ka-/ incompletive
to /j/ in certain environments (see 4-3.22.23). Certain
dialects usually have the incompletive (or less often,
the completive) suffix in negative expressions, while
other dialects do not (see 7-4.5). With respect to
inventory and meaning, Calacoa alone has the apparently
unitary suffix -wja-.

No formal attempt was made in this research to
determine whether all verbal derivational suffixes occur
in all dialects or whether those that occur have the same
or different meanings. However, it appears that the
meanings of Class 2 suffixes are usually predictable,
while the meanings of Class 1 suffixes vary according
to the root, stem, or theme they occur on. Sometimes
a stem containing the same root and derivational suffix(es)
was found to gloss differently in one dialect than in
another. Additional examples of such stems will be
found in 8-3.2, but a more thorough determination of
regional variation in this respect will require more

research.
6-5.12.2 Inflectional suffixes

Most variation in verbal inflectional suffixes
is in phonological Shape attributable to instability
of vowels and nonstop consonants and to a lesser extent,

of stops; the latter also vary in presence or absence of
458

aspiration. Other variations in phonological shape are
attributable to different processes of morphological change
with preservation or loss of different (now submorphemic)
recurrent partials. In two tenses, D-1 and D-2, exten-
sive variation results from the apparent falling-together
of two separate paradigms in each tense. Still other vari-
ations in shape are due to processes of analogy at work
within a dialect, resulting in symmetrical variation

across all its tenses. The most striking instance of

this is the shape of 3+4 suffixes in all tenses elicited
for Juli. All have allomorphs frozen to the NI suffix
-chi and thus homophonous, in that person/tense, with

NI compound verb forms.

Not only is there variation in shape across
dialects; there is considerable variation in allomorphs
within dialects, and a larger sample of speakers would
probably turn up more forms. While most Aymara speakers
have a receptive competence in inflectional variants
they do not use themselves, recognizing them as the way
some people talk, not all variants are equally accept-
able. What belongs in one tense in one dialect may
belong in a different tense in another. For example,
speakers who have only /-fiani/ for 4+3 F reject the use
of /-tana/ for it, saying it means a past action, not
future. There are also some overlaps of person and

tense, a given suffix being used for a certain subject,
459

complement, and tense in one dialect and for a different
subject, complement, and tense in another dialect (see
8-3.22 for examples).

In some dialects, in some tenses, person/tense
suffixes involving Ip and 4p have fallen together or are
in process of doing so, but this does not appear to be
a very widespread phenomenon (see 8-2.1).

The most complex and variable person/tense suf-
fixes in all tenses are 1+2, 342, and 2>1. The 3+3
suffixes are almost invariable except that D-1, D-2,
and RIK have complex allomorphs.

In contrast to the variety of their shapes,
the morphophonemics of verbal inflectional suffixes
are remarkably uniform across dialects. The only dif-
ferences noted so far are in the 1+3 Simple suffix,
which keeps its final vowel before succeeding suffixes
in Calacoa but loses it in other dialects; and in the
morphophonemics of the 2+3 I suffix, which in some dia-
Tects vary according to whether the verb is used in the

affirmative or the negative.
6-5.2 Dialectal patterning

Certain dialect groups emerge on the basis of
phonological, morphophonemic, and morphological varia-
tion in the verb system, especially in verbal inflec-
tional suffixes. As in the case of the noun system,

there is considerable isoglossic overlapping.
6-5.21 Dialects near Lake Titicaca (northern group)
La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané:

6-5.21.1 Retention of /si/ or /ji/ on sa.fia

6-5.21.2 Initial velar or postvelar fricatives in 13 F

6-5.21.3  Preponderance of /sa/ forms in D-1 and D-2,
and of /iri/ forms with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ in
those tenses

6-5.21.4 Negative usually accompanied by /-ka-/ incom-
pletive or /-xa-/ completive on verb

The following subgroups in the northern group
may be identified on the basis of the features indicated.

Juli, Socca, Huancané:

6-5.21.5 /-wa-/ allomorph of distancer (verbal deriva-
tional suffix)

6-5.21.6 -chi NI plus 3+3 S in stories

Juli, Socca:

6-5.21.7 -iri plus 3+3 RIK in stories

6-5.21.8 RIK forms based on /-tay-/ rather than /-ta:-/
La Paz, Huancané:

6-5.21.9 In general, lack of aspiration where other
dialects have it in verbal inflectional suf-
fixes
461

6-5.22 Dialects farther from Lake Titicaca (southern
group)

Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala):
6-5.22.1 /-wi/ ~ /-wiya-/ allomorph of distancer

6-5.22.2 /-ja-/ allomorph of incompletive, either as
the sole allomorph or alternating with /-ka-/,
Or as the result of a morphophonemic rule
operating on /-ka-/

6-5.22.3 Negative usually not accompanied by presence of
incompletive or completive suffix(es)

The following subgroups in the southern group may
be identified on the basis of the features indicated.

Jopoqueri, Salinas:

6-5.22.4 Initial or medial alveolar, palatal, or velar
nasals in four Future suffixes: 143, 253, 352,
and 2+]

6-5.22.5 Suffixes of the D-1 and D-2 tenses identical
or very similar in both dialects, with a pre-
ponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms in those
tenses

Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala:
6-5.22.6 4+3 Future /-,tan(a)/ ~ f-:tan/ ~ /-:tna/
6-5.23 Dialects sharing features of both groups

Calacoa, Sitajara:

These two dialects have several features in

common with the northern group and one each in common
462

with the southern group, but only three features in common
with each other. One of the latter is shared with Moro-

comarca alone of the southern group:

6-5.23.1 Occurrence of plural -p- without a following
incompletive or completive suffix30

Below are listed the features that Calacoa and
Sitajara share with the northern and southern groups.

Calacoa:

6-5.21.3 (northern group)
6-5.21.4 (northern group)
6-5.21.5 (northern group)
6-5.22.6 (southern group)
Sitajara:

6-5.21.4 (northern group)
6-5.21.5 (northern group)
6-5.21.8 (northern group)
6-5.22.4 (southern group)

As may be seen, Calacoa and Sitajara share 6-5.21.4

and 6-5.21.5 in addition to 6-5.23.1.
463

6-5.24 Dialects sharing features across regional lines

Two dialects that belong respectively to the
northern and southern groups have one feature each of
the opposite group. These are Huancané (in the north)
and Morocomarca (in the south). Huancané shares the
feature 6-5.22.4 with Sitajara and with Jopoqueri and
Salinas of the southern group, except that in Huancané
the 1+3 F suffix has no nasal. Morocomarca shares the
feature 6-5.21.3 with Calacoa and with the northern group.
It may also be noted that Calacoa and Morocomarca have
similar unusual forms for 4+3 S not found elsewhere:
Calacoa /-,siia/ and Morocomarca /-sna/.

The morphophonemics of the 2+3 Imperative suffix
also may be cited as an example of a feature cutting
across regional lines. Socca, Huancané, and Juli in
the northern group and Morocomarca in the southern group
have a rule whereby the 2>3 I suffix requires a preceding
vowel after the suffix -ka- incompletive but otherwise
takes a preceding consonant. This rule has not been

found elsewhere.
464

Notes

these suffixes were not considered verbal deri-
vationals by England.

The suffix -paya- has been added to the 21 listed
by England, who identified 10 verbal derivational suffixes
as verbalizing noun roots only. The three additional
verbalizers now identified are -su-, -ta-, and -kipa-.
Verbal derivational suffixes that can verbalize certain
noun stems as well as roots are -cha-, -t"api-, and -t'a-.
-cha- also verbalizes noun themes ending in -fia.

 

 

Scitation forms of verb roots and stems are not
given with -na in Bertonio's grammars, but rather with
1>3 Simple tense. Verbs from Bertonio will here be cited
by stem alone.

4 Tn this stem the three-vowel rule operates to
cause the three-vowel stem uta.cha- to lose its final
vowel before -kipa-.

"The three-vowel rule operates on this and the
next two examples built on ali.si-, a stem with -si-
frozen to the root (see 6-2.19.1 and 6-2.21, below).

Sagain, the three-vowel rule causes the final
vowel of k'umara to drop before -tata-, as it also does
in the case of aru.s.tata.fa.

’The /-xa-/ in this stem is believed to be an
instance of the Class 2 completive suffix frozen to the
root (see 6-2.25.2).

8 The present treatment of -si- differs from
England's.

9some verbs with -si- take complements which
must be marked with the noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti. (See
my earlier treatment in Hardman et al. 1975:3.323).

 
465

101, dialects studied, -si- does not occur before
the incompletive in negative expressions, e. g.

 

*Jani.w aka.n.ka.s.k.i.ti.

Rather, the following occur:

Jani.w aka.n.k.k.i.ti.
no 3>3
S
"He is not here.'

Jani.w aka.n.k.j.i.ti.

MV some verbs with -ya- require that the agentive
complement (the someone who is caused to do something)
be marked with the noun complement suffix -ru; others
mark the agent with the noun complement suffix -mpi ~ -nti.

ers the beneficiary complement is expressed by
a noun in the sentence, it is marked by the suffix -taki;
see 5-3.31.5.

'3the victimary complement may be expressed in
the sentence by a possessive noun phrase, or the possession
alone may be indicated.

Vy order to determine the vowel of the suffix
-p- it will be necessary to elicit forms that require
a preceding vowel, for example the Remote or Future.

137557 reduces to [¥] in Salinas; see 4-3.22.24.

'6another form which lends itself to analysis
as -cha- alternative question plus *ja root is

*Jani.ch.ja.w. ‘I don't think so.' (Ebbing
EE 1965:209)

In this -ch.ja- occurs on the particle jani 'no'.

7 the basic analysis of Aymara verbal inflec-
tional suffixes, for the dialects of Compi and Tia-
huanaco, is in Hardman et al. (1975:3.209-245).
466

8 verbal inflectional suffixes with 3p comple-
ments (143, 2+3, 3+3, and 4+3) may have no expressed
complement in translation, e. g.

chur.i ‘he/she gave (something to someone)'
3>3
S

19 E or an explanation of what are meant by D-1
and D-2 /sa/ forms and /iri/ forms, see 6-3.34.

Onardman (Hardman et al. 1975:3.233) has
pointed out that contemporary 2+1 forms represent a
falling-together of earlier 2+1 and 2+4 forms. Seman-
tically 2>4 has now fallen out, but some contemporary
2>1 forms have a formal vestige of the 4p complement
in an /s/ that recurs intermittently in different tenses.
It 245° recurs in the 1+2 S suffix -sma (see also Hardman
1975).

las indicated in note 20, the /s/ in 1+2 Simple
-sma is a vestige of the 4p marker.

22 uhen 1+3 F /-:/ is followed by -xa sentence
suffix, the resulting combination /:xa/ is indistinguish-
able from one of the other voiceless fricative allo-
morphs of 1+3 F, /-:xa/. The latter may be followed by
the sentence suffix -wa, as in the following examples
from Compi:

Sara.:xa.w. ‘I'm going to go.'

Chura.:xa.w. '(Now that you ask) I will give
it to him.'

However, -xa sentence suffix does not occur after /-:xa/
173 Fs; *chura.:xa.xa is rejected. We are left with a
possible ambiguity in such forms as chura:xa, which may
be analyzed as either chura.:xa or chura.:.xa. So far,
no predictable difference in meaning has been discovered
that would facilitate determining which is occurring.

23an example of 1+3 F with palatal glide, for La
Paz and Socca, is

Aka.n.ka.s.ka.ya:.wa. "I will be here.'
467

24 vanita (La Paz/Compi) indicates that 3+1 or
3>4 may sometimes occur with final vowel and sentence
suffix other than -wa, which implies that the syntactic
conditioning here discussed needs further investigation
in La Paz as well as elsewhere. Of course, where the
suffix is a form peculiar to the Imperative (for example
3>1 and 3+4 for La Paz and most other places), the pres-
ence or absence of vowel or sentence suffix is irrelevant
for identifying the tense. It is only in the case of
forms homophonous with the Future that the syntactic
mark may be significant.

25-1 and D-2 based on -iri are to be distin-
guished from sequences of -iri plus -:- verbalizer plus
inflection (see 6-3.37).

26a. iia ‘to carry' has in contemporary La Paz
Aymara the derived meaning ‘person of the same age, con-
temporary'; see 2-2.

27159 D-1 has not yet been elicited for Huancané,
but the form */-:sna/ fits the pattern for that tense
and dialect.

28 q second one-vowel verb root discovered late
in the research is ta- 'make a noise' (inanimate object).
See Chapter 7, Note 13.

22 These forms have 1+3 /-:/ or /-ja:/ plus -xa
sentence suffix.

30a ccording to Hardman (personal communication)
-p- without a following incompletive or completive also
occurs occasionally in La Paz, but I have yet to hear it
myself.
CHAPTER 7
SYNTACTIC AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC VARIATION

7-1 Introduction

Morphosyntactic structures are morphemes belonging
to neither the noun nor verb systems but operating at both
the morphological and syntactic levels. They are (1)
particles, and (2) syntactic suffixes. Particles are
roots that take neither noun nor verb suffixes, although
they may take syntactic suffixes. Syntactic suffixes,
which occur on nouns, verbs, and particles, are subdivided
into nonfinal (independent) and final (sentence) suffixes.
Nonfinal suffixes occur on nouns, verbs, and particles
before final suffixes. On nouns nonfinal suffixes occur
after noun suffixes; on verbs they separate derivation
from inflection. Final suffixes occur after all other
suffixes, marking phrase and sentence boundaries. They
define sentence types, conveying attenuation, absolute-
ness, vouching for information, repetition of information
known to the hearer, disclaiming of knowledge, and con-
tingency; they mark yes/no questions, alternate questions,

and information questions; they list in a series, link

468
469

sentences, and subordinate one part of a sentence to
another. Their meanings are often lost in translation,
however, which is why most Aymara grammars have dismissed
them as ornamental.

Morphosyntactic processes in Aymara include re-
duplication; subordination by noun-phrase embedding,
nominalization, or with sentence suffixes; use of the
demonstrative uka 'that' as summarizer and sentence
linker; sentence embedding with the reportive verb
sSa.fia 'to say'; and negation. In Aymara word order is
fixed only within the noun phrase and in the placement
of the summarizer uka after what is being summarized.

Syntactically-conditioned vowel retention and

dropping rules were discussed in 4-3.31.

7-2 Particles and Syntactic Suffixes
7-2.1 Particles

Particles are roots that take neither noun nor
verb suffixes. Some of them take nonfinal or final
suffixes; others always occur unsuffixed. Some of the
most common are listed below in alphabetical order.

(Onomatopoeic particles are listed in Appendix B.)

ampi ‘isn't that so?', 'no?' (tag question)

(Calacala, Jopoqueri; also Herrero 1971-72:228,
for Omasuyos)
Ch'uq al.ja.p.x.ta ampi.x? (Jopoqueri)
potato sell 23 7
S

"You sell potatoes, don't you?'
ampi softener; ‘please, then, so'
amp juta.ma.y ‘please come, then' (La Paz/Compi)
ina.ki ‘in vain' (Calacala)
inak"i ‘in vain' (Salinas)
ina.ta.lla ‘in vain' (Sitajara)
ina.y ‘in vain' (Sitajara)
*ina.maya.ki ‘needlessly, in vain' (Tschopik 1948:111,112)

jalla ‘thus, like that' (all dialects)

Aka Istaru Uniru.n jall asiru.x ut.j.chi.x.
United States —— steel exist NI

‘There may be steel like that in the United States. '
(Sitajara)

dina ‘let's go' (all dialects)

ma:ji 'quickly' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)

maki ‘quickly' (Calacala; also reduplicated, mak.maki)
ma:ki ‘quickly’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

mak"i ‘quickly’ (Calacoa)
47]

Mak"i.k mak"i.k

 

sara.wW.ja.tan.
go 43

Mak"i.x mak"i.x F

 

 

‘Quickly, quickly we will go.' (words of a song)

ma:ski ‘or other' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Ma:sk kun.ja:ma.s sar.chi.:.xa.y
——~— _ however go NI 123

F

‘Somehow or other, I'11 go.'

musp"a 'much, very' (Salinas, Calacala)

Musp"a jaya.wa. ‘It's very far.'

A special class of particles consists of terms
for affirmation and negation. The negative jani and its
occurrences in negative phrases are discussed in 7-4.5.
The affirmative jisa ‘yes' occurs in all dialects also;
sometimes either jani or jisa may lose its first syllable.

In some dialects jisa usually occurs with the final suf-

fix -lla ~ -ya. Examples:

jisa (La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)
jisa.ya (Morocomarca, Calacala)

sa.lla (Salinas)

 

sa.ya (La Paz, Calacala)
472

iyaw ‘okay, yes' (most dialects)

‘you're welcome' (Calacoa; thought by source to be
a Quechua word)

Other affirmative particles are the following, both
given by a source in Sitajara; the second is attributed
to Candarave (also in the province of Tarata).
kuwat.xa ‘yes' (Sitajara)
ja:t.xa 'yes' (attributed to Candarave by Sitajara speaker)
Interjections are a special kind of particle.
They usually end in /w/ or /y/ (possibly the final suf-
fixes -ya or -wa). These were not elicited for all dia-
lects, SO the following is probably an incomplete list.
achijuway ‘it's hot!' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

ach" ich" iw
expressions of pain (La Paz/Compi)

ach" ik" iw

alalaw ‘it's cold, brrr!' (La Paz/Compi, Corque)
alalay ‘it's cold, brrr!' (Corque)

anay ‘how pretty!' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

atataw expression of pain (La Paz/Compi)
473

atatay expression of pain (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
titila ~ titilay expression of disgust (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

wa: ~ way [bay]! ‘wow!' expression of admiration or
surprise (La Paz/Compi, La Paz/
Tiahuanaco, and probably elsewhere)

ju: ‘wow!' expression of dismay (Hardman et al. 1975:1.170)

There are also several particles which are Spanish loans

(see Hardman et al. 1975:3.134).

7-2.2 Syntactic suffixes

7-2.21 Nonfinal (independent) suffixes

These suffixes occur on a stem before final suf-
fixes. They may become part of a preceding noun or verb
stem and be immediately followed by verbalization or
nominalization, or they may occur after such thematic
alternation. On inflected verbs they occur directly
before the inflectional suffix. A noun stem ending in
-~ki or -pini (etc.) may be a zero complement, the inde-
pendent losing its final vowel. -raki (etc.) occurs

after zero complement (Hardman et al. 1975:3.403-409).

7-2.21.1 - ki ~ -ji ~ -y ‘just, only' (limitative)

The allomorph /-ji/ was heard in Salinas and
Morocomarca in word-final position. These dialects also

have /-ki/ both medially and finally. The allomorphs
474

/-ki/ and /-y/ occurred in Sitajara. /-ki/ occurs else-
where. The suffix requires a preceding vowel, except in
Huancané when following -raki. It loses its vowel before
consonant-requiring suffixes, in zero complement. vowel
drop, when preceding the final sentence suffix -sa in
Calacoa, and when preceding the final suffix -sti in
Sitajara.

/-ki/ may reduplicate on a stem. It frequently

occurs as a softener on verbs with the Imperative.

Examples:
suma.ta.ji ‘slowly’ (Salinas)
suma.ta.ki 'gently' (La Paz/Compi)

k'acha.ta.ji ‘slowly’ (Morocomarca)
juk'a.pacha.ki ‘a little’ (Morocomarca )

Juta.rak.ki.ni.w. ‘They will arrive.’ (Huancané)
33
F

Uk"ama.ki.:.s.ka.k.ch.i.xa.y. ‘That's the way it always is.'
— “NI (Huancané)

juma.ki.ki.:ma.s ‘just like you' (Juli)

ttaga.ki t'ag.ta.s ‘looking and looking' (Calacoa)

Say.t'a.ki.m. ‘Stand up.' (Calacoa)
243
I
475

uka.y.ti ‘and that?' (Sitajara)

sara.s.ka.y.ma. ‘Just go on.' (Sitajara)
2>3
I

ija.nha.ru.k.sti ‘and to my daughter' (Sitajara)

is.t'a.ki.na ‘to listen quietly' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Sara.ki.ya:. ‘I'll just go.’ (Socca)

I>

F

Chura.k.ita.1la. ‘Please give me.' (Jopoqueri)
~ 2+]
I

Sa.ki.pin.itu.wa. ‘He always told me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
~~ 3+]
S

In Calacoa /-ki/ plus -sa final suffix usually

occurred on the head of the first noun phrase in a

riddle, as in the following examples:

Ma: gala.taypi.na.k.s ma: pala.cha ucha.nta.ta-

 

 

a stone middle ~ a stick place
:.S.k.i.w. Uka.x  kuna.s ? Ampar sillu.
3+3 that what finger nail
S

‘In the middle of a stone a little stick is placed. What
is it? A fingernail.'
476

Ma: warmi.k.s wilt.ka.sin wilt.ka.sin usu.r.ta.si.w.x.4.
a woman — turning turning pregnant 3>3
S

Uka.x kuna.s ? Q"apu.w.

distaff
‘A woman turning, turning gets pregnant. What is it?
A distaff.'
7-2.21.2 -y ini ~ -puni ~ -pani ~ -pi emphatic

/-pani/ occurs in Jopoqueri; /-pi/ occurs in
Calacala; /-pini/ occurs in Juli, Sitajara, La Paz,
Salinas, Calacala, and Morocomarca and was alleged by
Bertonio (1603b); /-puni/ occurs in Huancané, Socca,
Calacoa, and La Paz and was alleged by Tschopik (1948).
As this indicates, /-pini/ and /-puni/ occur in La Paz,
and /-pi/ and /-pini/ occur in Calacala, /-pi/ either
before /-pini/ or before =pi sentence suffix. The
meanings of this suffix may be expressed in translation
as ‘always', '‘still', ‘'really', or ‘definitely', but

it is basically an emphatic. Examples:

Ina.ki.pini.w. ‘It's really in vain.' (Calacala)
ch'uqgi.pi.pini.k ‘just potatoes, really’ (Calacala)

Uka.pi.ki.pi.y. ‘It's just that, really.' (Calacala)
477

 

 

 

Ut.nha.pani.:.s.j.i.w. (Jopoqueri )
Ip 393
S
Uta. ja.pini.:.s.k.i.wa. (Juli)
Tp
Uta.nha.pini.w. (Sitajara)
Uta.fia. pini.wa. ‘It's really (Salinas)
Ip my house. '
Ut.fia.pini. {(Morocomarca )
Uta.ja.puni.w. (La Paz}
Uta. ja.:.s.ka.pun.i.wa. (Huancané,
343 Calacoa)
S
Sara. puni.:.w. (Juli)
I>3
F
‘I'm really going. '
Sara.puni.ya:.wa. (Socca)
]>3
F

There seems to be some relation between this suffix and
the sentence suffix -pi, although it may be due only to
their partial homophony. As shown in the example given
above for Calacala, /-pi/ allomorph of the nonfinal
suffix may occur before /-pini/ or before -pi sentence
suffix, in both cases with reduplication of the segment

/pi/.
478

In the following pair of utterances, where Vito-
cota has the sentence suffix -pi La Paz/Tiahuanaco has

the independent /-puni/.

Jani.pi.y jala.qa.y.i.ti.xa. (Vitocota)
no fall 33
S

'He did not cause

it to fall.'
Jani.puni.w jala.g.ta.y.k.i.ti. (La Paz/

~ Tiahuanaco)
7-2.21.3 ~yfa~ -rara ~ -:ra ~ -ray ‘still, yet'

In Modern Aymara this suffix persists only on
the negative particle jani. (It is a productive final
suffix in Jaqaru; see Hardman 1966.) It is classified
as a nonfinal suffix in Aymara because its allomorph
/-rara/ has occurred before -raki nonfinal independent
on a stem. /-ray/ occurs only in Sitajara. /-:ra/ and
/-ra/ occur in Huancané. /-:ra/ occurs in La Paz/Compi.
/-rara/ occurs in Juli; /-rara/ and /-ra/ occur in
Jopoqueri. Elsewhere /-ra/ or /-:ra/ occurs.

Some occurrences of /-ray/ may be analyzed as
allomorphs of -raki (7-2.21.4). However, occurrences
of /-ray/ on jani occupy the same slot as /-ra/ and
/-rara/, with the same meaning, and therefore must

belong to this suffix. Examples:
479

jani.ra (Jopoqueri )
jani.:ra (La Paz/Compi)
jani.rara (Jopoqueri)
jani.rara.raki.s "not yet' (Salinas)
jani.ra.1 (Huancané)
jani.:ra.y (Huancané)
jani.ray.s (Sitajara)

7-2.21.4 -raki (and variants)

This suffix translates variously, as an aggregate,
cautionary (see 6-3.34), complainer, objector, or chal-
lenger. It may occur on interrogatives immediately before
or in place of the final suffix -sa. It occurs after
zero complement vowel drop on a noun stem.

As for morphophonemics, this suffix requires
a preceding vowel except after the complement/relational
suffixes -na and -ta ~ -t"a and zero complement vowel
drop. In one instance (Calacala) it was preceded by a
consonant on a verb root.

Dialects that have only /-raki/ are Juli, Socca,
Calacoa, Jopoqueri, and La Paz. In Huancané this suffix
often occurs instead of -sa interrogative; /-raki/ is

the most usual allomorph, but /-raj-/ occurs before
480

-chi NI. In Salinas /-raj-/ occurs before consonant-

 

requiring verbal inflectional suffixes; /-raji/ or
/-rak"i/ occurs before vowel-requiring inflectional
suffixes; /-raji/, /-raki/, /-ra:/ and /-ra/ alternate
freely word-finally on interrogatives. In Calacala
and Morocomarca /-raji/ and /-raki/ both occur.

In Sitajara /-raki/ and /-raji/ are in free varia-
tion medially before verbal inflections; the allomorph
/-rk/ occurred once before verbal inflection; and /-ray/
also occurred before the final suffix -sa although a
homophonous /-ray/ is the allomorph of the suffix
~Ya ~ -ray in Sitajara (see 7-2.21.3). It might be
better to analyze all occurrences of /-ray/ in Sitajara,
both those on jani and others, as an independent suffix
resulting from the convergence of -ra ‘yet' and -raki
aggregate and overlapping the domains of both in other
dialects: on jani it means 'yet', and elsewhere it
has the meanings of -raki. Examples of -raki and its
allomorphs on different roots, stems, and themes are

given below.
7-2.21.41 On interrogatives

Kuna.rak aka.sti? (Huancané)

‘And what is this?! _
Kuna.ra: aka.sti? (Salinas)
481

Kuna.ra uka ispiritu.sti? ‘And what are those spirits?'

 

 

(Salinas)
Kun.ra: Jura. mun.ta? ‘What do you want to do?'
—— do want 233 (Salinas)
S
Kuna. taki.rak.s? (Huancané)
Kuna. taki.raki? "Why?! (Morocomarca)
Kuna.t.raji? (Morocomarca )

 

*kuna. taki.raji (rejected in Morocomarca)

Kawki.ray.sa? ‘Where is it?' (Sitajara)

Kawki.t.ra(j) pur.ta? ‘Where are you coming from?!

arrive 2>3 (Salinas)
S

Kawki.ru.rak sara.nta? ‘Where are you going?’ (Salinas)
go 243
F

7-2.21.42 On other nouns and nominalized forms
juma.raki ‘you too' (all dialects)
wali.ray '‘well' (Sitajara)

~~

Aka.ray.sa. ‘Here it is.' (Sitajara)
482

Sa. fia. ray. ‘It must be said.’ (Sitajara)
Alichi.nha.pini.ray. 'He's really my grandchild. ' (Sitajara)
uka.t.raji ‘and then' [ugatraji] (Calacala)

Ujtur paxsi.n.rak.wa. ‘It was in the month of October.'
—— (Corque)

7-2.21.43 On inflected verb stems or themes

Sa.rak.sma.sa.y. 'I already told you!' (Calacoa)
~~ 442
S

Wali.:.ka.raj.chi.ni.t. ‘It may not be good.' (Huancané)

  
   

~~ NI 333
F (Note: -:- verbalizer reduces to
plain vowel before -ka- incom-
pletive. )
kama.cha.ta.:¢. acha.:t"a ‘what could have happened to

  
  

133
RDK

me' (Sitajara)

   

Muna.raj.t.wa. ‘I want.' (Salinas)
]+3
S

tani.ki.raki.tay ‘he ran again' (Salinas)
333
RIK

 

mag'.rak.i ‘and he ate' (Calacala)
333

>

Ss
483

apa.ki.raki.tay ‘he had taken it' (Calacala)
333
RIK

 

7-2.22 Final (sentence) suffixes

Final, or sentence, suffixes occur after all
other suffixes on nouns, verbs, and particles. They

mark phrase, clause, or sentence boundaries and play a

role in syntactic subordination. All except -lla ~ -ya
politive and -: emphatic, which require a preceding vowel,

allow the preceding morpheme or syntactic considerations
to determine their preceding environments.

Final suffixes encountered in this research which
do not vary in phonemic shape or usage from one dialect
to another are -cha alternative interrogative, -sa in-
formation interrogative/indefinite/linker, -sti follow-up,
-ti yes/no interrogative and negative, -: emphatic,
and -wa absolute. An unvarying suffix combination is
~wa.ya, consisting of -wa absolute plus -ya politive,
which almost always is accompanied by rising intonation
and always occurs in this form even in dialects which
have the allomorph /-lla/ instead of /-ya/ for the
politive (see below). All dialects sometimes have final
vowel length -: as an exclamatory, and this may be in-
distinguishable from instances of /-ya/ reduced to /y/

after /i/.
484

Sentence suffixes which do show variation, either
in locale of occurrence, frequency of occurrence, phonemic
shape, or combinations thereof, are the topic/summarizer
suffix -ka (probably a reduced form of aka or uka
demonstratives), -lla ~ -ya politive, -m disclaimer and
its variants, and -pi

~ =-pu ~ -pu: reiterator of

   

absolute (stating information already known to the hearer).
Sentence suffix combinations showing variation are
i.lla ~ -pi. 25 -Sa.ya ~ -Sa.:, -xXa.]la ~ -xa.ya,

and -ti.xa which occurs as a subordinator in certain

   

dialects and will be discussed under subordination
(7-4.23.3).
7-2.22.1 -ka topic/summarizer and -xa ~ -: topic/
attenuator

Only one contemporary dialect, Calacala, was
found to have both -ka and /-xa/. Bertonio (1603b)
cited ca (phonemically /ka/ or /qa/?) and kha
(phonemically /xa/ or /k"a/ or /q"a/?) occurring in
environments apparently like those of -ka and -xa ~ -:
in contemporary dialects. Most dialects today have only
/-xa/. Morocomarca was found to have only -ka and /-:/.
This /-:/ must be distinguished from other morphemes of
vowel length. It is clearly not -: emphatic since it
occurs in the same or similar environments as /-xa/

attenuator with apparently the same function and meaning.
485

7-2.22.11 -ka topic/summarizer

This suffix has occurred only in Morocomarca and
Calacala. At first it was thought that it might be *-qa
cognate to Jaqaru -qa final suffix (Hardman 1966), or
possibly a borrowing from Bolivian Quechua -ga topic
marker, as all sources for Morocomarca and Calacala were
bilingual in Quechua.* However, the suffix here re-
ferred to is clearly phonemically /ka/, beginning with
the velar stop, and as noted in note 2 to Chapter 5,

/k/ is not considered a normal reflex of /q/ in Jaqi
languages.

It was then thought that -ka might represent
a falling-together of several suffixes, perhaps related
to the Jaqaru final suffix -ja surprisal or to the
Jaqaru noun suffix -ja accusative, cognate to Aymara
zero complement (Hardman 1966). As we have seen, the
alternation of /j/ ~ /k/ does occur in Aymara and pre-
sumably might across Jaqi languages. The semantics of
Jaqaru -ja surprisal do not correspond to the semantics
of Aymara -ka, however, and Jaqaru -ja accusative is
cognate to Aymara zero complement, while Aymara -ka
occurs on both subjects and complements.

Yapita (La Paz/Compi), who assisted me in analyz-
ing a recorded Calacala text, indicated that he would

replace most instances of -ka with -xa topic/attenuator.
486

The distributions of the two suffixes are not identical,
however. Unlike most final suffixes, including -xa, -ka
has not occurred before -lla ~ -ya politive in data
analyzed so far. And, in some cases, Yapita would replace
~ka by either -xa topic/attenuator or the demonstrative
uka as syntactic summarizer (7-4.3).

As will be seen in the examples that follow, -ka
seems to function both as topic marker and as a summarizer
of what precedes it in a sentence. The latter function
is fulfilled in all Aymara dialects (including those that
have -ka topic/summarizer) by the demonstratives uka and
(to a lesser extent) aka. In all Aymara dialects, also,
aka and uka act like suffixes in phrases such as naya.n
uka 'my house', literaliiy ‘mine, that' but conveying the
sense of the French chez moi.

In the data analyzed for this study, -ka occurs
only on nouns of the open class or the demonstratives
aka and uka and usually only when they occur sentence-
initially or -finally. On the demonstratives, -ka recalls
the noun suffix -:ka that occurs on demonstratives in
La Paz and Socca and possibly elsewhere (see 5-3.12.6).
In one case in Calacala -ka ({ga]) is obviously a re-
duced form of uka 'chez', being followed by the noun
suffix -na ‘in, of': padre.[ga]l.n ‘at the priest's
(house)'. The suffix -ka might therefore be considered

a noun suffix, but for the fact that when it occurs
487

word-finally (without a following -na) it seems to
require something before it to summarize.

On aka and uka, which already have a potential
summarizing function, -ka occurs directly on the root,
whether it is sentence-initial or -final. On other nouns
the behavior of -ka is different. Sentence-initial
nouns may take final -ka only if one or more deriva-
tional suffixes (or zero complement vowel drop, which
acts like a suffix) precede it on the stem; -ka does
not occur directly on a plain noun root occurring sen-
tence initially. On the other hand, sentence-final
nouns are not so restricted. Such nouns may take the
suffix -ka whether or not there are any derivational
suffixes on the noun root.

All of this suggests that when it occurs word-
finally (with no other suffixes after it), -ka must have
something before it longer than a single root. Thus, in
order to take -ka a sentence-initial noun must have
suffixes on it. A sentence-final noun need not have
such suffixes, because when -ka occurs on a sentence-
final noun, -ka summarizes not only the word it occurs
on but all else that went before it in the sentence.

Although this hypothesis needs further testing,
it appears that -ka is probably best analyzed at present
as a reduced (but already frozen) form of uka or aka.

More study of its occurrences is needed to determine
488

whether it should be considered a noun suffix, albeit one
with a special summarizing function when it occurs word-
finally, or whether it belongs in the final suffix class,
in which case occurrences of -ka followed by -na must be
considered morphophonemic reductions of aka or uka rather

than occurrences of the final suffix -ka.
7-2.22.31.1 Distribution of -ka in Morocomarca

-ka was rejected on certain nouns. It occurred
on the first noun in a sentence if the stem ended in
-naka plural, a personal possessive suffix, or zero
complement vowel drop, but it did not occur on plain noun
roots that occurred first in a sentence, unless they were
zero complements. However, Yapita (La Paz/Compi) reported
hearing -ka on the plain demonstrative aka occurring
first in a sentence, in an utterance by a speaker in the
town of Morocomarca.

-ka did occur on plain nouns occurring at the end
of a sentence. Where -ka was not permitted (namely,
on plain roots occurring first in a sentence), plain
vowel or vowel length (probably an allomorph of -xa
topic/attenuator; see 7-2.22.12) occurred. Vowel length
did not occur on the last vowel of a sentence-final noun,
where either -ka or plain vowel occurred. Examples of
occurrences and non-occurrences of -ka in Morocomarca are

the following:
489

Tiyula.naka.ka suma jagqi.:.tawi.wa.
uncle good person 333

RIK

‘The uncles are good people. '

Mis.na.ka jach'a.wa. ‘My table is big.'
table Ip” —ibig

Ch'unf.ka kuna.mpi.rak maqg'a.si.: ?
chufio ~ what with eat 133
F

‘What am I going to eat the chufio with?’

Kuna.mpi.rak mag'a.s.i ch'unu.ka ?
1>3 ~~
S

‘What is chuno eaten with?'

Aka.ka uta. ‘This is a house.' (reported by Yapita)
this house

 

*Uta.ka jach'a.wa. ‘The house is big.' (rejected)

sut.ma

Kuna.s ? ‘What is your name?‘
sut.ma.ka

what name 2p

Naya.n sut.na Usiwyu Sa.ta.wa.
Ip name Ip

'My name is Eusebio.' (‘My name Eusebio is called.')
490

7-2.22.11.2 Distribution of -ka in Calacala

In Calacala -ka occurred primarily in stories,
on the first noun in a sentence (or the head of a noun
phrase) ending in the diminutive -ita or -ta nominalizer.
It also occurred on the last noun in a sentence or phrase,
a position where -xa (and in one case -qa) also occurred.
-xa, vowel length, or plain vowel occurred on a sentence-
initial plain root. When -ka occurred after a vowel or
a voiced continuant such as /r/, the /k/ usually reduced
to the voiced fricative [g]. (In Calacala stops
frequently voice before vowels, regardless of the preceding
environment; see 4-3.21.32.) In the following examples
voiced stops are shown in square brackets, unless they

occur in Spanish loans in Spanish phonology.

Achol.it.ka ma:.m[bli.x burru way.xaru.:.tawi.?
~~ another bring 333
RIK

‘He had another Acholita, a burro, brought. '

Uka.t padre kiri.k.i.xa.y uka <chiga.xa.y cholita
then think 343 that true

S

palach: irpa.:.n.k.i > sa.sa.ki.y kriy.i.s padre.[g]a.:.
young woman bring 333 say think 33
S

S

‘Then the priest thought it was true that he had had the
young woman brought. '
491

[ga] in the above example would be replaced by -xa by
Yapita (La Paz/Compi).

<K"ita.n jani.y jagqi.k> awisa.taw.
send no person tell 33
RIK

‘Don't send anyone", he told him.'

<Qull.ita> sa.s sa.tawi abuelo.ka.
treat say 3-3 old man
RIK

‘Treat me (for: illness)", said the old man.'

La Paz/Compi version of the above:

<Qull.ita> sa.sa.w sSa.tayn awuylu.xa.
333 ~

RIK

Uka_ arun[dla.ta way.xaru.:° uka achach bur.[gla.
that night bring 333 old man burro ~—
S

'That night he had the old man's burro brought. '

La Paz/Compi version of the above:

bur.xa.
Uka aruma.w

way.xaru.y.i uka achach
33 bur uka.
492

The following examples show the distribution of
-ka compared to /-xa/ and /-:/ and plain vowel, all in

Calacala:
Kuna.s uka.k ? ‘What is that?'
Kuna.s aka. xa ? ‘What is this?'
Aka. misa.wa. 'This is a table.'
Naya chura.fi ch'ugi. ‘I will give him potatoes. '

Ip give 13 potato
F

An example which appears to have a reduced form of uka.n

‘in (someone's) place' (i. e. in someone's house) is the

following:

Uka k'us uma.p.xa.taw padre.[g]la.n am[bli ?
that chicha drink 333 no?
RIK

 

 

'They drank that chicha at the priest's nouse
(padre uka.n) didn't they?'

As mentioned earlier, uka summarizer does occur
in Morocomarca and Calacala, as in the following example
from Morocomarca which incidentally has vowel length on

uka.

dan chur.ita:t uka.: k'asa.:.wa. ‘If you don't give it
no give 2+] cry 133 to me, I'11 cry.'
F F

 
493

7-2.22.12 -xa ~ -: topic/attenuator

/-xa/ occurs in data obtained for all dialects
except Morocomarca but may possibly occur there in free
texts, none of which were obtained for that dialect.

On the other hand, the /-:/ which occurs in Morocomarca
may be the sole allomorph of this suffix occurring there.
The allomorph of vowel length does not occur in Socca,
Jopoqueri or La Paz dialects encountered so far;

however, it was attested for Irpa Chico, Ingavi province,
by H. Martin (1969). Vowel length occasionally occurred
instead of /-xa/ in Sitajara and Juli in material trans-
lated from Spanish, but only on the first person pronoun.
In Jopoqueri /-xa/ was occasionally absent where it

might be expected in La Paz. In Calacoa and Salinas /-xa/
was often absent or replaced by /-:/ on personal pronouns
in translations from Spanish, but /-xa/ occurred more
often in free texts. In Calacala /-xa/ was found in

all types of data, elicited and free; again, when /-:/

or plain vowel occurred, it was usually on personal pro-
nouns.

The suffix -xa ~ -: occurs most often on nouns,
but also on verbs and particles. The number of /-xa/s
occurring in a given sentence varies according to the
degree of attenuation expressed and appears also to vary

dialectically or idiolectically, but this needs further
study.

494

Some dialects have plain vowel where other dia-

lects would have /-xa/ or /-:/. Such absences of /-xa/

and /-:/ must be distinguished from their syntactically-

conditioned absence on subjects of subordinated verbs;

see 4-3.31.1. Examples of /-xa/, /-:/, and their absence

follow:

Ch"armanti.x juma.x iskuyla.x jut.ta.xa.
this morning 2p ~ school ~ come 2-3
S

'This morning you came to school (I do believe, right?).'
(Hardman et al. 1975:3.413; La Paz)

Naya.x sara.:.wa. ‘I will go.'

Ip ~™ go
(Hardman et al. 1975:
3.412) (La Paz)

Naya.x sara.:.xa. "I will go, okay?'
]-3
F

Kuna.s suti.ma.xa ? ‘What's your name?' (La Paz, Socca,
what name 2p Jopoqueri, Calacoa, Juli, Salinas)

 

Naya.xa aka Lima marka.n ut.j.ta pir jani.w
Ip town live 1+3 but not
S

naya.: aka.:.k.t.ti.
~ here 133
S

'I live in Lima but I'm not (from) here.' (Huancané)
Na.:
chura.nh. 'I will give to him.' (Sitajara)
give 133

Na.x F

Na.: aka waynu.wa taqi chuyma tirik.t'a.w.sma.
huayfio al heart dedicate 1+2

Ss

'I dedicate this huayfio (song) to you with all my
heart.' (Juli)

(In the last two examples na.: could be /na:/ allomorph

of first person pronoun. )

. . Maya aru.nt.t'a.ni.p.x.ma. . . .'I greet you'
~~ (Jopoqueri )

Juma un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x na.naka.ru.
2p look at 172. ~ Ip
S

‘You are looking at us.' (Calacoa)

Jupa mang'a.ya.w.i wawa.pa.naka.r.x.
3p ~=—s feed 373 child ~
S

'He fed his children.' (Calacala)

Na uta.ja.n.ka.s.ka.t.wa. ‘I was in my house.’ (Calacoa)
J+3

a
p house
S

ed
496

Kuna.mp.s jit.siia.x ch'ugi ?
what dig 453 ~ ~
D-1

‘With what can we dig potatoes?' (Calacoa)

Uta. pa.:
jach'a.wa. ‘Her house is big.' (Salinas)
big

Uta.pa.x

house —

Jupa.: mag'a.fia chura.tayna wawa.naka.pa.ru.
3p —-—s food give 3+3 children

RIK

'He fed his children.' (Salinas)

Jan puri.nt uka jiwa.ya.si.:.wa.
no arrive that die cause 133

F

‘If you don't come I'l] kill myself.' (Salinas)

Cha.sti juma aka.t ni.w mistu.n[{dJa.ti.

now and 2p” here no get out 233
F

‘And now you won't get out of here.' (Salinas; story)

The following are all from Calacala:

Kam sa.ta.s sut.ma.x ? ‘What's your name?'
how called name 2p
497

Naya sa.ta.t.wa Antufiu. ‘I'm called Antonio.'
Ip 133
S

Naya jagi.xa Qalagala.t.wa. ‘I'm a person (man) from

Ip man Calacala.'

Naya.xa <auxilio> sa.:.w. ‘I'll say (yell) Help!'
Ip help say 13
F

 

Uka misk'i.ti.x uka naranja.: ? ‘Is that orange sweet?'
sweet ~ orange

(See also the first example given in 7-2.22.11.2.)

Kuna.s aka.xa ? ‘What is this?’

Aka. : misa.wa. 'This is a table.'

The following are from Morocomarca:

Uka misa.: jani.w naya.n.k.i.ti.
table” no Ip 343

S

'That table isn't mine. '

Uta.: jach'a.wa. 'The house is big.'
house big

 
498

7-2.22.2 ylla ~ -ya politive/vocative/attenuator

The allomorph /-1lla/ occurs everywhere except in
parts of La Paz (including Compi and Tiahuanaco) and
Morocomarca, which have only /-ya/. Both /-lla/ and
/-ya/ occur in Sitajara and Huancané. Calacoa has /-ya/
in songs, but /-lla/ elsewhere. In Juli, Socca, Jopo-
queri, Salinas, and Calacala the usual allomorph is
/-lla/.

This suffix occurs often as a softener of the
imperative, occurring on the verb itself or on some other

word in the sentence. Examples:

Amus.t'a.qg-i.1la. ‘He made him shut up.' (Calacala)
337
S

Uka.t tani.n.i.11 mama.pa.ru. ‘Then he ran to his mother. '

run =. 33 (Salinas)
S
Sar.xa.ma.11. ‘Go away.' (Salinas)
273
I

Awis.t'a.k.ita.lla. ‘Tell me.' (Jopoqueri)
a>]
I

Mayt.ita.11. ‘Lend it to me.' (Juli)
2+)
I
499

Sara.w.x.ma.]la. ‘Go away.' (Socca)
27300CO

I

Sar.xa.ma.lla. 'Go away.’ (Sitajara)
273 7

I

11
uk" ama. ‘thus' (Sitajara)
v

Uk"am.pacha.:.xa.rak.ki.spa.y. ‘They can be like that.'
3+3 (Huancané)
D-1

Irpa.n.ma.y. ‘Take her.' (Huancané)
273
I

Uk"ama.x Juwanti.ru.y wayu.ya.m.
™~ carry 253
I

‘Then have Johnny carry it.' (Hardman et al. 1975:3.305;
La Paz)

Chur. xa.tma.ya. ‘Let him give it to you.' (Morocomarca)

3>2

I

Jisa.y. 'Yes.' (Morocomarca, Calacala)
500

/-lla/ and /-ya/ may follow the final suffixes -xa and

-pi (7-2.22.4); only /-ya/ follows -wa.
7-2.22.3 -m ~ -ma ~ -mna ~ -mnam disclaimer

In La Paz (as reported in Hardman et al. 1975:
3.420) this suffix occurs in the form /-m/ preceded by
the limited final suffix -chi- (which occurs only before

/-m/ or -xa), as in

K"ari.k"ari.chi.m k'ar.su.s.k.ch.i.
fat-cutter —~ cut NI 333
S

'No doubt the k"arik"ari? cut out (his fat).'

Another dialect found to have a similar construc-

tion was Huancané.

Ktari.s.iri.k.chi.ma uka uka.na k"ar.s.ch.i.
_ NI 343
S

‘The k"arisiri must have cut out (his fat).'

The sentence as given for La Paz was also acceptable in
Juli, but not volunteered. Elsewhere expressions of this
type were rejected, but this may have been due to cul-
tural, rather than grammatical, factors.

-mna is a productive final suffix in Jaqaru

(Hardman 1966), and Bertonio cited a number of examples
501

(1603b:141-142, 250) of an apparently cognate suffix

+
“-mhna.

Some contemporary examples offered by Vasquez

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco) are the following:

Another

Kama.cha.ki.ni.m.(s) uf.ja.ni.m.

how 333 see 2>3
F I

'Go and see what he's doing (what he will do).'

K"iti.mna(m). ‘Let's find out who (is coming).'

who
K"iti.ki.m juta.ni. 'Let's see who's coming. '
who ™~ come 3+3
F
mnam
Kamisa. jan yati.ni.x ? 'How could he not know?
how Q no know 3+3 (of course he does)'
= F
example is the following from La Paz/Compi:

Naya.m sara.:.xa. ‘I will go?!?' (said musingly to
Ip ~ go 133 oneself, e. g., ‘Who could think I'd
F go (of course I won't).')

The above examples occurred too late in the research

to check their possible occurrence in other dialects.
502

7-2.22.4 -pi ~ -pi:

: : reiterator of known
information

   

The allomorph /-pu/ occurs only in Salinas, Jopo-
queri, Corque (which also has /-pu:/) and Sitajara (which
also has /-pi:/). Elsewhere /-pi/ occurred, except in
Calacoa where this suffix did not occur. Jopoqueri
and Salinas have both /-pi/ and /-pu/. /-pi/ usually
occurs in combination with /-lla/ or /-ya/, but /-pu/

does not. /-pu:/ occurred once before -xa. Examples:

S.tam.pu. ‘He said to you.' (Salinas)
332 0
S

kinsa.pu ‘three, then' (Salinas)

Jiw.x.i.pu. ‘He died.’ (Salinas)
333
S

S.istu.pu. ‘He told us.' (Jopoqueri)
3>4
S

sa.ta.pu:.xa. ‘it's called' (repeating name of place)
say (Corque)

Saw Jan p"ista.pu , sa.fia.w. ‘It's called the fiesta
— of San Juan.' (Sitajara)
503

Jall s.i.pi. ‘So they say.' (Sitajara)
337”

S

Intint.i.pi:.xa. ‘She understands!?' (Sitajara)

333

S

Nina.n.pi.ch. ‘Or in the fire.’ (Tarata)

-cha alternative question suffix

7-2.22.5 Combinations of final suffixes

7-2.22.51 -pi.jla ~ -pi.ya

These occur more often than plain /-pi/. As
/-pi.ya/ frequently reduces to /-pi.y/, indistinguish-
able from /-pi:/, it is not possible to tell which is
occurring unless /-pi:/ is followed by -xa. The distri-
bution of /-pi.lla/ and /-pi.ya/ does not exactly corre-
spond to that of /-lla/ and /-ya/. Socca and Jopoqueri,
which have only /-1la/ occurring without a previous
final suffix, both have /-pi.ya/. Juli has both /-pi.ya/
and /-pi.Jla/, although it too has only plain /-Jla/.
Both /-pi.ya/ and /-pi.l¥la/ occur in Huancané and Sita-
jara. Neither occurred in Calacoa, Morocomarca, or
Calacala. La Paz has only /-pi.ya/. Examples:

sa.Ssa.pi.y ‘saying’! (Socca)
504

Sajama.xa uka Mururat qullu.n p'igi.pa.pi.y.
mountain head 3p

 

'Sajama is the head (top) of that Mururata Mountain. '
(Jopoqueri)

Naya.t.pi.y. ‘It was me!' (Juli)

amiku.ja.pi.ll , jilata.ja.pi.1]

‘my friend, my brother' (Juli)

‘ana.pi.y. ‘It is clear.' (Huancané)

pu:ri.pi.1] ‘the poor’ (Huancané)

< Spanish pobre

Inp"irmu.:.s.ka.t.pi.y. ‘I've been sick.' (Sitajara)
133
S

<dani kastillanu.t.s> s.ta.pi.1l.
no Spanish 2>3
S

'"Not in Spanish," you said.’ (Sitajara)

Yati.cha.ta.m yati.cha.:.pi.y.
teach 2p 133
F

‘What you taught me, I'll teach him.' (La Paz/Compi)
505

Jani.pi.y jala.qa.y.i.ti.xa.
no fall 333

S

'He didn't make it fall down.' (Vitocota)

Kamisa.raki.x uka.x S.i.s.t.pi.y.
how say |237
S

‘Whatever will be will be, I said.' (Vitocota)
Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) would replace /-pi.ya/ in
the last two examples with /-puni.wa/ or -wa but would

use /-pi.ya/ in the following:

dan pani.:.k.irist.x sar.irist.pi.y.

 

no two qo 13
D-1
'If I weren't married I'd go.’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
7-2.22.52 -sa.ya ~ -sa.: exclamatory, emphatic

/-sa.ya/ was found in Calacoa and in Tarata.
/-sa.:/ occurred only rarely. Forms elicited for Remote
Indirect Knowledge tense in Morocomarca usually had
/-sa.:/, as did certain Simple tense forms with sa.fia
‘to say'. It also occurred in La Paz, Huancané, and

Sitajara. Examples:

Puri.n.x.irij.chi.t.sa.y. "Perhaps I would arrive. '
NI —— (Tarata)

133 D-1
506

Chur.xa.ta:tsma.sa.:. ‘I gave it to you.' (Morocomarca)
1>2 ~~

RIK

Sa.wiy.sma.sa.:. ‘I told you!' (Morocomarca)

 

122
S
Sa.rak.sma.sa.:. ‘I told you!' (La Paz)
1+2
S
Uka.sa.:. ‘There it is, that's it.' (Sitajara)

7-2.22.53 -xa.lla ~ -xa.ya

/-xa.lla/ has occurred only in Sitajara and Juli,
both of which also have /-xa.ya/. /-xa.ya/ has also
occurred in La Paz, Huancané, Jopoqueri, Corque, and
Calacala. It occurs most often on a verb with -chi

Non-Involver in the stem. Examples:

Uk.s yati.rak.chi.:ta.xa.lla.
that know NI 223

F

 

 

"You would know that.' (Juli)

 

Usu.t.w wal Jupi.t.xa.y japu t"aya.t.xa.y.
sick 1+3 very sunlight cold
S

'I'm very sick from the sun, from the cold.' (Juli)
507

Ayri.chi.xa.11 ! Ayri.xa.y chur.s.tam.x.
air NI give 32
S

‘It must have been bad air! Bad air gave it to you.'
(Sitajara)

Jaya.n.k.chi.xa.y. ‘He's far away.' (La Paz)
NI

Kuna wak'a.chi.:n.xa.y uka.xa.y...

 

what devil NI 393 ~~ that
RDK
'What strange devil was that . . .' (Huancané)

Uk"ama.ki.:.s.ka.k.chi.xa.y.
NI

‘That's the way it always is.' (Huancané)

. wawa.nak.pa.sti laka.xa.y chixchi.pacha.naka.ki ...

children 3p mouth open

. . . and her children had their mouths open. . .'
(Jopoqueri )

Tinta.n.ka.rak.s.t.xa.y. ‘I'm in the store.' (Corque)
NI

}>3 < Spanish tienda
S

Uka.t padre kiri.k.i.xa.y uka  chiga.xa.y...
then priest think 3-3 that true
S

'Then the priest thought it was true . ..' (Calacala)
508

7-3 Basic Sentence Types

Basic sentence types in Aymara have been analyzed
and described by Hardman et al. (1975:3.425-458). De-
fined by occurrences of the four basic sentence suffixes,
they are as follows. (The order of the suffixes in each

pair is not significant; the opposite order occurs also.)
Questions Answer/Statement
(-xa)/-ti (yes/no) (-xa)/-wa
-sa/(-xa) (information)
The present research has turned up sentences with
the suffix -ka (possibly a reduced form of aka or uka)
in place of -xa in the information question and in the

answer/statement. A plain -ka statement also occurred.

Schematically, the -ka sentence types may be written as

Question Answer/Statements
~sa/(-ka) (-ka)/-wa
~ka/p

(No example of a *(-ka)/-ti yes/no question occurred in

the data, but it may be presumed to exist.) Examples:
509

Kuna.s sut.ma.ka ? ‘What is your name?' (Morocomarca)

Kuna.s uka.k ? ‘What is that?! (Calacala)

Mis.fia.ka jach'a.wa. 'My table is big.' (Morocomarca)

Instances of vowel length where /-xa/ is found in other
dialects, as indicated above, may be considered allo-

morphs of -xa, as in

Aka.: misa.wa. 'This is a table.'

7-4 Morphosyntactic Processes

7-4.1 Reduplication

This is a fairly productive process in Aymara.
Certain noun roots are reduplicative, never occurring
except in doubled form. These roots are to be dis-
tinguished from other noun, particle, and verb roots
that may occur alone or reduplicated; when reduplicated,
they form stems that act as new semantic units with
meanings derived from their base roots. Noun and verb
roots and certain suffixes may also reduplicate inter-
mittently for emphasis (a process here referred to as
‘nonce reduplication'). There are certain roots of the
canonical shape C,V,C,C,V, in which the initial CV is
reduplicated (L. Martin-Barber, in Hardman et al. 1975:

3.105-106).
510

7-4.11 Reduplicative noun roots

These are noun roots that never occur except in
doubled form. They refer primarily to animals, plants,
or other natural phenomena. Some of them may be onomato-
poeic, referring to the sound made by an animal or bird.
Below are those that have occurred in this research,
in alphabetical order.

5

ch'umi ch'umi 'woods' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

 

 

kusi kusi ‘spider’ (Juli)

jillu jillu ‘selfish person' (egoista) (Huancané)

lari lari ‘evil little animal (an owl?) that turns
into a cat' (La Paz/San Andrés de
Machaca)

ligi ligi ‘quail’ (codorniz) (Juli)

puku puku 'lightning' (Pomata, Chucuito)

suku suku ‘a dance’ (Huancané)

suxu SUXU ‘sound of rattle; rattlesnake'

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

t'uxu t'uxu yellow or orange flower, reportedly used
in Puno for medicine (Calacoa)

upu upu aquatic plant with small round light green
Jeaves that float on the water's surface,
covering it like algae (Tiahuanaco)
wara wara 'star' (all dialects)

wira wira ‘plant for making cough medicine’ (Salinas)

Some reduplicative noun roots found in pre-Hardman pub-
lished sources are the following:

*chligi ch'igi '‘beetles' (Tschopik 1948:112)

*pulla pulla ‘spines ' (Tschopik 1948:109)

‘tami tami tat nightfall' (Bertonio 1603b:185)

7-4.12 Reduplicative stems occurring as nouns

These consist of roots that may also occur singly.
They sometimes lose the last vowel of the base root.

The meaning may be an emphatic or plural, but not always.

Examples:
Particle:

mak.maki '‘fast' maki ‘fast, quickly’ (Calacala)
Nouns:

may.maya '‘different' maya ‘another' (Jopoqueri)

gala.qala ‘place of many stones' gala ‘stone’ (all dialects;

also Bertonio
1603b:260)
512

quqa.quga ‘forest’ guga ‘tree’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also
Bertonio 1603b:260)

g"ip.q"ipa ‘late/early' gq'ipa ‘behind’

g"ip.g"ip aruma 'late at night, early in the
morning' (Juli)

‘'awa.g'awa 'quily, dry riverbed' (Jopoqueri)
q'awa (this meaning in other dialects)

sama.sama 'lung' sama 'breath' (Jopoqueri)

sillu.sillu pinkish-purple flower with five little petals
in form of a star
sillu ‘fingernail, toenail' (Calacoa)

sip'u.sip'u ‘wrinkle! sip'u ‘wrinkle’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

sullk.sullka ‘youngest child' sullka '‘younger' (La Paz/

Tiahuanaco)
Nouns from verb roots or stems:
k"ari.k"ari 'fat-taker' k'ari.fia ‘to cut, butcher’
(La Paz)
muni .muni ‘a seed with a sharp point that catches on
clothing'
mun.i ‘he wants' muna.fia ‘to want' (La Paz/

Tiahuan-
aco)

‘ip.q'ipi 'piggy-back' gq'ipi.fa 'to carry on the back'
(q'ipi also a noun root, 'bundle') (Calacoa)
513

7-4.13 Nonce reduplication

7-4.13.1 Nouns

Reduplication that repeats for emphasis is quite

common.
P"irsa, p'irsa, na.x k'ata.mp chich ama:.t"a.
strength Ip more want

‘Strength, strength, I want more chicha (for strength)!'
(Sitajara)

Calacoa has a verse to introduce riddles that
contains two reduplications of this type frozen into a

jingle.

May may sa.mama. ‘One, one I'll say to you.'
12

F

Kun kun s.ita:ta ? ‘What, what will you say to me?'
oT 2+]

F

The following is an example of a reduplicative number

phrase.

tunka tunka juspajara.mpi ‘ten (times) ten thank you'
(e. g., ‘thank you very, very
much') (Juli)
514

Another common kind of reduplication is that in
which the reduplicated noun root is suffixed with a
complement/relational suffix or -ki nonfinal suffix.
This kind of reduplication is common in all dialects,
and phrases formed thereby are a subclass of head-head
noun phrases that are not necessarily reduplicative
(see my treatment of this in Hardman et al. 1975:3.375-
376). Examples:

Interrogative:

gawg"a.t gawg"a.t.s ‘how many by how many?' (La Paz)
Number:

may.ni.t may.ni.t ‘one by one' (La Paz, Calacoa)

may.ni.r may.ni.r may.ni.r ‘one by one by one' (Sitajara)

Other nouns:

jaya.t jaya.tak ‘after a long time, over a long distance’
(Compi )

k"uska.t k"uska.r ‘from everywhere' (de un canto) (Juli)
k'ata.mpi k'ata.mpi ‘little by little' (Juli)
pachpa.t pachpa.t ‘after a while' (Jopoqueri)

ratu.t ratu.r ‘from time to time' (Compi)
515

7-4.13.2 Verbs

A verb stem before inflection or nominalization

may be reduplicated for emphasis.

ar.ch'uk ar.ch'uk.iritan ‘he yelled and yelled' (Calacoa)

ell 333
y RIK

jacha jacha.fia ‘to have one's eyes brimming with tears,
tear >N to be about to cry' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

 

 

Kat.j kat.ja.puni.ya:.wa. ‘I'll catch you somehow!' (Socca)
catch 1s

 

 

katu katu.ja.x wallat.x ‘I'll catch the lake bird’
catch 13 (Calacoa)

F

t"aqa.si t'aga.s.iritan ‘she searched and searched'
search 333 (Calacoa)
RIK

uma.nt.t' uma.nt.t'a.ma ‘drink, drink' (Sitajara)
drink 28

ufia ufia.fia ‘to look many times’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Took >N

A whole inflected verb may be reduplicated, as follows:
516

amiku.ni.x.chi , amiku.ni.x.chi ‘they became good friends’
friend NI (Huancané)

jala.nta.n , jala.nta.n ‘they will fly, they will fly’
fly 3+3 (Jopoqueri)
F

A whole sentence may be reduplicated.

Um Jaq.su.tay s.i, um laq.su.tay s.i.
water drink 323 say 3 3

RIK S

'She drank the water, they say, she drank the water,
they say.’

7-4.13.3 Suffixes

Reduplication of suffixes differs from that of
roots in not usually resulting in emphasis or plurality.
Verbalization or nominalization may recur on a stem, as
in the case of the verbalizer -ka- below. The suffix
-na possessive/locational also reduplicates. In order
to reduplicate, these suffixes must be separated by

nominalization, in this case with -iri.

Juma.n.k.iri.n.k.i.wa. ‘It's your spouse's (property). '
2p tN 333 (La Paz/Compi)
S

The following occurred in Socca but was not ac-

ceptable in La Paz:
517

Uta. ja.n.ka.n.ka.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 'I was in my house.'
— 133
RDK

 

The La Paz equivalent has no reduplication.

Uta.xa.n.ka.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 'I was in my house.'
133
RDK

 

The Socca example recalls the verb *kanka-
'to be' alleged by Bertonio and his imitators (see 8-2.23).
Verbal derivational suffixes which may redupli-
cate are -si- reciprocal/reflexive, -ya- causative, the
incompletive -ja- ~ -ka-, and the completive -xa-. (The
incompletive and completive suffixes reduplicate only
when separated by -p- plural). In all dialects the
nonfinal independent suffix -ki may reduplicate for empha-
Sis, as may -pi nonfinal independent in Calacoa. The
noun/independent -jama reduplicates also. The only
other noun suffix that has reduplicated in this research

is -lla diminutive.

7-4.2 Subordination

Subordination is an important area of Aymara
grammar. One kind of subordination occurs in the noun
phrase (see my treatment of noun phrase formation in

Hardman et al. 1975:3.363-379). Nouns may be subordinated
518

as modifiers in noun phrases, which allow recursive
embeddings of up to five nouns or nominalized forms,
the head of the phrase constituting a sixth. Nouns

within a noun phrase must be ordered. Example:

k"a: jach'a wila  punku.n tinta taypi.n
that big red door store middle

 

 

 

 

‘in the middle of that store with the big red door'

Such extensive noun embedding occurs rather infrequently.
The longest noun phrase to occur in a free text in this

research is the following from La Paz/Compi:

uka Jlatinu.t anu.mp parl.ir tata.x

that Latin dog | talk man

   
 

   

‘that man who talked in Latin with a doq'
519

The basic Aymara verb phrase consists of a verb
with one or more complements or relationals. In the above
example, latinu.t anu.mp parl.ir is a nominalized verb
phrase, consisting of the verb parla- "speak' with
-ta and -mpi relationals, nominalized with -iri ‘actor'
(see 7-4.21.1).

The following examples are of verb phrases nomi-

nalized with the suffix -fia (also see 7-4.21.2):

ch'ug® apa.iia ‘to bring potatoes' (zero complement)
jum@ irpa.fia ‘to bring you' (zero complement)
juma.r chura.fia ‘to give to you' (-ru complement )
Lapasa.r sara.fa ‘to go to La Paz’ (-ru relational )
naya.t may.t'a.fia ‘to borrow from me' (-ta complement)
awtu.t apa.fia ‘to take by car' (-ta relational)
uma.mp wayu.ni.waya.fia ‘to bring water' (-mpi relational)
juma.taki chura.rapi.fia ‘to give on your (-taki complement)
, — behalf’

Lapasa.n ut.ja.fia ‘to live in La Paz' (-na relational)

Nominalization is one kind of subordination in Aymara. An
inflected verb may not be nominalized, but a nominalized

verb may be reverbalized and then inflected. Nominalized
520

verbs may take subjects, complements, or relationals.
As we have seen, they may be embedded in noun phrases.
Embedding in verb phrases involves nominalized forms
serving as zero complements and is more limited than is
embedding in noun phrases.

Two kinds of nominalization may be distinguished
in Aymara: regular and restricted. Regular nominaliza-
tion creates nominals which within certain syntactic
and semantic limits may take any noun suffixes. Restricted
nominalization creates nominals which have been found to
take only the final noun suffixes -jama and -kama (the
former a borderline independent), but they function

syntactically like regular nominalized forms.
7-4.21 Regular nominalization

I previously analyzed this process in detail
(Hardman et al. 3:270-279). Some changes in analysis

are contained in the present treatment.
7-4.21.1 -iri

This suffix has two functions. In the first
it changes a verb to a (habitual) doer of the action of

the verb. In the second it is a purposive.°©

7-4.21.11 -iri actor, usual doer of action

In this function verbs nominalized with -iri

take noun suffixes freely, enter freely into noun
521

phrases, and may be complements of verbs. They may fill

the paradigm slot for 3+3 Simple tense without verbaliza-

tion, as in

Uma.nt.iri.w. 'They usually drink.' (Sitajara)
— ‘They are drinkers.'

Other examples:

muru.s.iri  ‘'‘hair-cutting godfather’ (Socca)

muru.fia ‘to cut hair'

lik'i.ch.iri 'fat-maker' (Salinas) (cf. k"ari.s.iri)

lik'i.cha.fia 'to make fat'

ach.ja.s.ir anu.x ‘biting dog, dog that bites'
bite ~~ dog (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

7-4.21.12 -iri purposive

In this syntactic function a verb nominalized
with -iri does not usually take any noun suffixes except
the borderline noun/independent suffix -jama. As pur-
posive -iri occurs on a verb subordinated syntactically
to another verb. It translates as ‘in order to, for the

purpose of' and answers questions like the following:

Kuna.ru.s
jut.ta 7! ‘Why did you come?'
Kuna. taki.s -

why
522

Aymar yati.g.iri.w jut.ta. 'I came to learn Aymara.'
learn ~~ 133 (La Paz/Compi, Morocomarca;

S similar answers elsewhere)

Other examples:

Luriya mis is.t'.ir Sara.w.sna.y.
heaven mass hear ~ go 4+3

D-1

'We should go to hear mass in Heaven. '

(luriya < Spanish gloria 'heaven') (Juli; story of fox and
condor)

Ma: imilla.s uwij awat.ir sar.iritan.
a gir] sheep herd ~~ go 333
RIK

‘A gir] went out to pasture her sheep.' (Calacoa)

Um way.t.iri.w sara.nh. ‘I'm going to bring water. '
bring — 133 (Sitajara)
F

Sara.tayn jisk.t'.iri. 'He went to ask.' (Socca)
go 3+3 ask ~~
RIK

Iwij ala.s.ir.jama.w naya.x jala.ni.way.t.wa.
sheep buy ~~ like Ip run over = 133
S

‘I ran over to buy sheep, sort of.' (La Paz/Compi)
523

In Salinas the following were given with the
final suffix /-ru/, an allomorph of -iri on verbs ending

in stem vowel /u/.

ch'axch'u.ru ‘in order to water, person who waters'

t"uqu.ru "in order to dance, dancer'

In all Aymara dialects a final verb root vowel /u/ over-
rides a following /i/ by regular morphophonemic rule,
but it does not usually affect any subsequent /i/ as

in this case; the word for 'dancer' in La Paz is
t"ugu.ri. The rule in Salinas may reflect an earlier

stage of vowel harmony in the language.

7-4.21.2 - fa

All verb roots may take -fia to form an infini-
tive (abstract noun of the action) which may or may not
imply obligation. Most verb stems may also take -fia.
Examples of verb roots and stems nominalized with -fia
were given in 7-4.2.

Some verb stems do not take -fia if the stem
does not take a human subject. The following examples

show some semantic constraints operating in La Paz:

apa.fia ‘to take’ (human subject)
524

*ap.s.ta.fia ‘for a human being to cloud over'

Qinaya.x ap.s.t.i.w. ‘It clouded over.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
cloud 333

S

Although *ap.s.ta.na is not grammatical, ap.s.t.i.w ‘it

clouded over' is, with an inanimate nonhuman subject.
This recalls the behavior of verb themes created with
the verbalizer -pta- (see 5-3.42.1). Some verb themes
with -:- verbalizer are similarly restricted in La Paz,
e. g. lupi.:- (from lupi ‘sunlight'), because the
nominalized form *lupi.:.ha means 'for a person to become
sunlight'. Whether these semantic constraints operate
similarly in other dialects is not known at this time.

Certain verb infinitives with -fia may imply a
nonhuman subject in one dialect but may permit a human
subject in other dialects. An example is wawa.cha.fa,
which in La Paz means 'for animals to have offspring'
while elsewhere it is not restricted to animals but may
be used also for people. (See 8-2.25 for a fuller
discussion of verb subject semantics.)

Certain nominalizations with -fa have derived

meanings as concrete objects. Examples:

iki.fia ‘to sleep; bed, blanket, bedding' (general)

iya.fia ‘stone for grinding flour, etc.' (Juli)
‘to grind' (Jopoqueri, Calacoa; possibly also Juli)

iy.ta.fia ‘to grind’ (Comp)
jaka.fa

jiwa. fia

jist'a.fia

panta. fia

picha.fia

sawu. fa

uma. ina

525

'to live; life' (general)
'to die; death' (general)

'to close' (La Paz); ‘door’ (Calacoa)

jist'a.ra.fia ‘to open a door' (La Paz)

jist'a.nta.fia ‘to close' (Calacoa)

sit'a.fia ‘door' (Salinas) (for other variants,
see 3-4. 23.1)

‘to err, make a mistake; error' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

‘to sweep; broom' (La Paz)

‘to weave; weaving, loom'

(sawu noun/verb root 'to weave, weaving') (general)

‘to drink' (general)
‘drinking cup used at festivals' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Nouns ending in -fia but having no corresponding

verb are the following, which must therefore be analyzed

as unitary roots:

jaxt'afia

kankafia

kirkinia

‘ugly' (Sitajara; other variants, 3-5.24)

‘essence, nature, being, power' (La Paz)
(See 8-2.23; not to be confused with homopho-
nous nominalized verb kanka.fia ‘to fry')

‘plant for salad' (La Paz)
526

liwk ‘aiia ‘hoe’ (Salinas)
s impaiia ‘spider web' (all dialects) a

7-4.21.21 -fia abstraction of action

Verb infinitives in citation form do not neces-
sarily imply an obligation. Many cases of -na nominaliza-
tions are nonobligatory when serving as zero complements
of other verbs, especially if the verb nominalized with
-fia occurs without a personal possessive suffix and the
final suffix -wa does not occur in the sentence.

Verbs that frequently take -na zero complements

are the following:

ama:.na ‘to want' (Sitajara)

muna.fia ‘to want' (elsewhere)

galita.fia 'to begin' (general)
tuku.fia ‘to finish' (general)
yanapa.fia 'to help’ (general)

yati.fia ‘to know' (general)
yati.nta.fia ‘to learn by oneself' (Calacoa)

yati.qa.fia ‘to learn from someone else' (Calacoa)
‘to learn' (elsewhere)
527

ati.fia 'to be able' (Jopoqueri, Corque, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala)

puyri.fia ‘to be able' (elsewhere; < Spanish poder)

Examples of nonobligatory zero complements with

“na:

Kun.s lura.ng mun.ta ? ‘What do you want to do?'
what do — want 233 (all dialects except Sitajara)
S

Aymar parla.fAg ama:.t"a. 'I want to speak Aymara. '
speak ~ want 133 (Sitajara)
S

Uk"ama.1] g"ana.k sara.naga.si.f@ yat.chi.
sO clear go around ~ know NI

‘So it's clear she must know how to live.' (Sitajara)

Surki.ya.n@ yanap.t'.ita. ‘Help me make furrows.’ (Calacoa)
furrow ~ help 2>]

I surki < Spanish surco

7-4.21.22 -na obligatory

Most sentences with a main verb nominalized
with -fia are translated as obligatory, especially when
suffixed with -wa absolute (final suffix). Such sen-
tences, which contain no inflection, translate as ‘it is

necessary to', 'we/one must', or a passive construction.
528

Examples:

Yanap.xa.fa.w. ‘It is necessary to help.’ (Huancané)

Jira.fia.wa. ‘It is necessary to fertilize.' (Corque)

With uma ‘water' as zero complement:

Um way.ta.fia.wa. ‘To bring up water is necessary.'
(Sitajara, La Paz/Compi)

With uma ‘water' as topic (or goal) of the action:

Uma.x way.ta.fla.wa. ‘Water has to be brought up.'
— (La Paz/Compi)(e. g. ‘Water is to
bring up.')

Uma.w way.ta.fa.x. 'What has to be brought up is water.'
—_ (La Paz/Compi)

Sentences like the last three above are to be
distinguished from sentences consisting of a noun phrase
made up of a modifier with its final vowel retained
(unless the three-vowel rule applies) and a nominalized

verb as head, e. g.

Uma way.ta.fa.wa. ‘It's a place to bring up water from.'
— (i. e. a place to get water) (La Paz/
Comp)
529

A human third person topic may occur in a sen-

tence with a -na nominalized verb.

Usu.ri.x ufi.ja.fia.wa. ‘The sick person cis } to be
sick see 7 has
3p cared for.' (La Paz/Compi)

Apart from the above types of occurrences, which
are believed to be general, several paradigms of -jia
obligatory may be cited. Some are more common in
certain dialects than in others.

A -fia nominalized verb may be reverbalized and
then inflected for all persons except 3+3. This para-
digm has occurred in La Paz and Jopoqueri. The follow-
ing are examples with 1+3 and 2+3 Simple tense inflec-

tions, from La Paz/Compi:

(Naya.x) chura.fia.:.t.wa. 'I have to give to X.'
Ip give ~———— ‘133
S

(Juma.x) chura.fia.:.ta.wa. ‘You have to give to X.'
2p _ 223

A -fia nominalized verb plus the possessor suffix
-ni may also be verbalized and inflected, usually to
express obligation, as in the following examples from

La Paz (Compi and Tiahuanaco). The paradigm is restricted
530

to 173, 223, and 4+3, with an uninflected unmarked form
occurring instead of 3+3; the 4+3 form is uncommon and
the paradigm as a whole is less common than the pre-
ceding one. Examples of 173 S and the uninflected 3p

form in this paradigm are

Apa.fa.ni.:.t.wa. ‘I have to carry.'
carry ——‘(133

Ss

Apa.fia.ni.wa. '‘He/she/they has/have to carry.'

A more common paradigm occurring in La Paz, Juli,
Jopoqueri, and Calacoa has -fia followed by one of the
four personal possessive suffixes without verbalization
or inflection. These forms act like inflected verbs but
with a paradigm of only four persons. The third person
complement is unmarked. The complete paradigm for La

Paz is

1o3 (Naya.x) chura.fia.xa.w. 'I have to give to X.'

Ip give ~ Tp
2>3  (Juma.x) chura.fia.ma.w. ‘You have to give to X.'
2p ~ 2p

3+3  (Jupa.x) chura.fia.pa.w. 'He/she/they has/have to
3p 3p give to X.'
531

4+3 (Jiwasa.x) chura.fia.sa.w.

4p Ap

‘We have to give to X.'

When used in the above paradigm, the pronouns redundantly

express subjects already expressed by the possessive suf-

fixes. However, a verb nominalized with -fia plus a per-

sonal possessive suffix may also function as the head of

a noun phrase modified by a noun plus the complement/

relational suffix -na possessive, as in the following

examples from La Paz and Salinas:

133 (N Hava. n) chura.fia.xa.w.
give Tp

1-3 (Naya. n) Sara. fia.fla.w.
Ip go ss Ip

2+3 (Juma.n) sara.fia.ma.w.
2p ~~ 2p

3+3 (Jupa.n) sara.fia.pa.w.
3p 3p

4+3 (Jiwasa.n) sara.fia.sa.w.
4p ~ 4p

'I have to give to X.' (La Paz)
(My giving is obligatory.')

'I had to go.' (Salinas)
('My going was obligatory. ')

'You had to go.' (Salinas)

'He (etc.) had to go.'
(Salinas)

'We had to go.' (Salinas)

An example of a possessive phrase of this type

without a personal possessive suffix on the -fia nomina-

lized verb is the following, which has an unusual
532

reversed word order:

1-3 Sar.xa.fia.w nma.n.xa. ‘I have/had to go.' (Sitajara)
go Ip

In Jopoqueri and Morocomarca and to some extent
in La Paz, a -fia nominalized verb plus personal possessive
suffix may be reverbalized (with vowel length) and then
inflected. Most often, 3+3 inflections occur, the subject
then being the obligation that is possessed. In Moroco-
marca 1+3 and 2+3 inflections also occurred. Examples,

all with the Remote Direct Knowledge tense, are as follows:

Sar.xa.fi.nha.:.:n.wa. 'I had to go.' (Jopoqueri)
go Tp oV 333 ('My going was necessary.')
RDK

<Jani.rara.w jut.xa.fi.ma.:.in.ti> s.itu.wa.
not yet come ~ 2p 33 say 3>1
RDK S

‘"You shouldn't have come yet," he said to me.’ (Jopoqueri)

  

Jani.ra.raki.s juta.fia.ma.:.ka.:n.ti.xa.
not yet come 2p 333
RDK

"You shouldn't have come yet.' (La Paz/Compi)

Jani.ra.w juma.x Sara.fia.ma.:.ka.:n.ti.
not yet 2p aa 333
RDK

 

"You shouldn't have gone yet.' (La Paz/Compi)
533

Sara.fia.ja.:.s.ka.:n.wa. ‘I had to go.' (Calacoa)

D 333 ('My going was necessary. ')
RDK

Sara.fi.fia.:.yatia. 'I had to go.' (Morocomarca)
Ip = 1+3
RDK

Juma sSara.fi.ma.:.yata. ‘You had to go.' (Morocomarca)
2p 2p 273
RDK

 

Note that in the second example given above for
La Paz/Compi the subject 2p pronoun juma does not corre-
spond to the 3p subject of the verbal inflection, 3-3
RDK -:na. In the second example given for Morocomarca,
on the other hand, the 2p pronoun juma does correspond
to the 2p subject of the verb inflection, 2+3 RDK -yata.

Another paradigm built on a possessive phrase
acting as subject occurred in Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
and Calacala. It was objected to by a speaker from
La Paz/Compi as sounding translated from Spanish. It
uses the verb ut.ja.na 'to exist’ with 3-3 inflection,
here the Simple tense -i. In Jopoqueri the pronoun is
suffixed with -na; in Morocomarca and Calacala it is
not, as in the case of La Paz/Compi mentioned above.

Examples:

Juma.n sar.xa.fi.ma.w ut.j.i. ‘You have to go.' (Jopoqueri)
2p go ~ 2p 3+3
S
534

(Naya) sara.fi.fia ut.j.i. 'I have to go.' (Morocomarca)
Tp go 1p

(Juma) sara.fi.ma ut.j.i. ‘You have to go.’ (Morocomarca)

mle

(Jupa) sara.fi.pa ut.j.i. 'He/she/they has/have to go.'
3p ~ 3p (Morocomarca )

 

(Jiwasa) *sara..sa ut.j.i. 'We have to go.' (not elicited)
4p

An example that occurred in a sentence was

Juma kumpli.fi.ma ut.j.i. ‘You must comply.' (Calacala)
2p comply 2p

7-4.21.23 -fha.taki subordination

The combination -fa plus -taki complement/
relational 'for' may be used as a purposive subordinate
with a less narrow focus than -iri. However, verbs
nominalized with -fia often take -taki as any other noun

might, without subordination to another verb.

Liwru.x kuna.taki.sa ? ‘What is the book for?'
book what

Liwru.x liyi.fia.taki.w. ‘The book is for reading.' (La Paz)
read

 
535

Such sentences are parallel to the following:

Aka.x k"iti.taki.sa ? ‘Who is this for?'
this who

 

 

Uka.x juma.taki.w. ‘That is for you.' (La Paz)
that 2p

 

 

-fRa.taki occurs in all dialects. -fi.taki
occurred in Huancané by the three-vowel morphophonemic
rule (4-3.22.16). In Jopoqueri -fi.taki occurred in
free texts and in one sentence translated from Spanish.
Data are insufficient at present to determine the sig-
nificance of the vowel drop in Jopoqueri. A distinction
of subordinating (purposive) and nonsubordinating func-

tions may be involved. Examples:

K'iti ut.j.i.t sara.fi.taki ? ‘Is there someone to go?'
who 3+3. go ~ (Jopoqueri)
S

 

Yati.ga.fia.taki.w jut.ta. ‘I've come in order to learn.'
Tearn 133 (Jopoquer i)
S

 

 

The second example above is clearly a purposive subordi-
nated to the verb jut.ta 'I've come'. Other examples

from other dialects:
536

Aka yapu.t trawaji.fia.tay , yapu.nak trawaji.fa.tay ,
field work = | ~—

uka.x . . . chicha.xa lura.fa.w , chicha.x piwuna.tay.
make

‘Chicha has to be made, chicha for the workers, to work
this field, to work the fields.' (Sitajara)

Uka.pacha.ki.w p"alt.tma aymar yati.ga.fi.ma.taki.
that lack 342 learn

S

‘Only a little is lacking to you, for learning Aymara.'
(Morocomarca)

7-4.21.3 ~yta realized action, resultant

This suffix requires a preceding vowel and keeps
its own vowel except before consonant-requiring suf-
fixes or when zero complement vowel drop occurs. Unlike -ta
complement/relational suffix ‘from, of', it does not
have an aspirated allomorph in any dialect so far
encountered. It is distinguished from all other homopho-
nous suffixes by morphophonemics as well as by distribu-
tion and function.

Like all nouns, -ta nominalized forms may occur

in the 3+3 Simple tense slot.

Uwija.x wali sisa.ra.ta.w. ‘The sheep were well sated
sheep sate ~~ (had eaten their fill).'
(Sitajara)
537

Ima.nta.ta.w. 'He/she/it/they is/are hidden.' (Juli)

The two examples above translate in English with past

participles or passives. Not all -ta nominalizations

necessarily do.

 

Qamagi.w sar.k.xa.t s.i.w. ‘The fox was gone for good,
fox go ~ 343 they say.' (Huancané)
S

y
Wawa. naka.na.x mag'a.ta.wa.° 'My children have (been Fed.
children eat (Salinas) “

Q"ana t'ant'a.x mang'a.ta.w. ‘Clearly, the bread has been
clear bread eat eaten.' (La Paz/Compi)

As indicated in 6-3.35.2, synchronically unitary allo-
morphs of 3+3 RIK, all of which contain the partial
/-ta-/, may be analyzed as derived from -ta nominalizer
plus verbalization and either 343 S or 3+3 RDK inflec-

tion. Synchronically -ta nominalizations may be rever-

balized with -:- as in the following examples from
Huancané:
kumpa.fia.ta.:.p.x.i ‘they went around together’
a 373

S  < Spanish acompafiar ‘to accompany’

Yati.ta.:.p.xa.tayna.w. ‘They really came to know each other.’
know 343

RIK
538

Other examples of reverbalizations:

ampara.t kat.t"api.ta.:.fia ‘to be grabbed by the hand’
hand/arm grab | (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

mang'a.ga.ta.:.fia ‘to have one's food taken away'

eat (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Tuk'a.pta.ta.raki.:.:n.wa. ‘He was thin.' (Salinas)
thin >VY — 393

RDK

Jayp'u.:.ta.x.t.wa. ‘I'm getting old.' (Socca)
evening 133
S

As in the case of -fia nominalizations, personal

possessive suffixes often occur after -ta.

Jupa.x

sar.xa.ta.pa.w.- ‘It looks like he left.'
Jupa.n ~ 3p (La Paz/Compi)
3p

Qawg"a.ti gqawg".ch'a.ti yati.ta.j...
how much know Ip

aka  kwint.t'a.p.xa.mama.
this tell 132

F

"However much I know, this I will tell you.' (Huancané)
539

Muna.t.nha.x ch'ag".i.w. ‘What I loved got lost.'
love ~ Ip Tose 333 (Jopoqueri)
S

A paradigm on the verb jagqu.rpa:.fia 'to throw away' was
elicited in Jopoqueri on the basis of a form that occurred
in conversation in Sitajara: jaqu.rpa:.t.pa.t ‘after

his throwing away, after he threw it away', which has

the personal possessive 3p -pa followed by -ta comple-
ment/relational, here meaning ‘after'. This was the only
instance for Sitajara of a personal possessive preceded
by a consonant instead of a vowel and probably is a
vestige of an earlier morphophonemic rule like that

now operating regularly in Morocomarca and sporadically
in Jopoqueri (see 5-3.24). The Jopoqueri paradigm based

on the Sitajara form is the following:

jaqu.rpa:.t.nha ‘what I threw out' (e. g. a former girl-
—Tp friend)

jagu.rpa:.t.ma ‘what you threw out’
2p

jaqu.rpa:.t.pa ‘what he/she/they threw out'
~ 3p

jaqu.rpa:.t.sa ‘what we threw out'
p
540

The following examples are of -ta nominalizations
without possessives. They translate as subordinate verb

clauses.

<Iyaw> sa.ta.w sara.tayn S.i.w.
yes say go 343 33
RIK S

"Yas," said, she went on her way, they say.' (Juli)
('Agreeing, she went on her way.')

Mang'a.t awt.ja.ta.w mang'a.si.tayn.
food hunger eat 33

RIK

'Of food hungered, he ate.' (La Paz/Compi)
('As he was hungry, he ate.')

Aka jallu gall.ta.ta , jich"a primir ti akustu.t
this rain begin ~~ now first of August

Sata.si.p.x.t. aka yapu.nak.s ...
plant 1+3 fields

S

'The rain (having) started, now on the first of August
we planted these fields.’ (Corque)

It is difficult for a person who is not a native
speaker of Aymara to distinguish Calacala forms such as
ma.n[d]a.ta.w 'entered', with -ta nominalizer, from the

almost homophonous 3+3 RIK ma.n[dJa.taw(i) '(he) entered'
if the final /i/ of the latter is dropped or devoiced.
The following example as it stands is ambiguous, although
a native speaker would probably hear a devoiced /a/ or

/i/ and therefore would know which is occurring.

ta.w(a)
Liawi.n.[dJa.t ma.n[d Ja. > S.i.W.
. say
uns hs
RIK s

he was gone in,

'(The door) iocked f t they say.' (Calacala)

he went in,

('(The sexton) having locked him in, (the priest) went in
(to the bedroom). ')

The following sentence from a folk tale told by
a Jopoqueri source has subordinated verbs nominalized

with -iri purposive, -tia.taki purposive, and -ta resultant:

Tatala.p irp.t'.ir sara.ta.:.ni.fi.pa.taki.x
father 3p get ~~ go ~ 3p

wawa.nak.x yapi.n[dja.ta.w

children tie up

wawa.lla.naka.x <Pugi.1] wax.t'.ita> sa.tayn.
children treat give 2+] say 353
I RIK

‘While she went to get their father, (leaving) the
children tied up, the children said (to the ostrich),
"Give us a treat".'
542

(Through a slip of the tongue, the storyteller said
‘leaving the children tied up', when actually it was

the ostrich that had been left tied.)
7-4.21.4 wi ~ -:wi ~ -awi ‘place or occasion of action'

No examples of this suffix occurred in free texts
in this research, showing it is not very productive today.
A check with Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) of forms with
this suffix given by Bertonio (1603b) resulted in sub-
stitution of Twi by -ta nominalizer in most instances.

In contemporary La Paz/Tiahuanaco Aymara some forms
occur with -wi, others with -:wi. Only one instance
of -awi was found. The following are all from La Paz/

Tiahuanaco:

yura.wi ‘place of birth' yuri.fia ‘to be born'

yati.wi ‘news' yati.fia ‘to know'

yati.ga.wi ‘place where one learns' yati.ga.fia ‘to learn’
iki.:wi ‘bedroom' jiki.fia ‘to sleep, bed’

jay.cha.si.wi ‘past quarrel’ jay.cha.si.fia ‘to quarrel'
sata.wi ‘time to plant’ sata.fia ‘to plant’

tanta.cha.wi "meeting, gathering’ tanta.cha.fia 'to gather'

jiwa.wi ‘'death' jiwa.fia 'to die, death'
543

Llaki.s.ka.wi.w Sar.naq.i. ‘He's always going around

worry go 323 worried.'
S

The following from La Paz/Compi show the closeness of

meaning of. -ta and -wi nominalizers.

Yati.cha.ta.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. ‘What you taught me I
teach 1+3 wil] teach him.'
F

Yati.cha.wi.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. ‘Your teaching I will teach
— to him.'

7-4.22 Restricted nominalization

The restricted nominalizing suffixes are -sa,

~Sina ~ -Sina:n ~ -sana ~ -sna, and -ipana.
7-4.22.1  - sa and -)sina (and variants)

Distribution of these suffixes will be discussed
first, and afterwards their functions and semantics.

In Juli and Socca -sa is rarely used except with
sa.fia 'to say' in embedding (see 7-4.4). In all dialects
-sa is more used than -sina (and variants) in sa.fia
embedding. The allomorph /-sina:n/ occurred only once,
in a text from Achocalla, just outside the city of La Paz;
it is recognized by Yapita (La Paz/Compi) as a variant

used in some areas. The allomorph /-sina/ also occurs
544

in Achocalla and in all other dialects investigated except
Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala, which have /-sana/.
Both /-sina/ and /-sna/ are used in Juli, Socca, and parts
of La Paz, apparently interchangeably.

Of the older sources, Bertonio (1603b) reported
both tsa and * sina. LaBarre (1950) cited both also,
but the former more often than the latter. Tschopik
(1948) sources evidently used * sa rarely, with greater
use of *7=sna/ and *y-sina/, especially the former.

Two texts obtained in most dialects illustrate
variation in occurrences of -sa and -sina (and variants
of the latter). The first is a saying about reporting
on the basis of personal knowledge (seeing with one's
own eyes), which was obtained in all Aymara dialects
except Calacoa and Sitajara. The version obtained in
Socca, which has /-sna/, is given below. (Other ver-

sions may be found in Appendix D.)

Ufi.ja.sn.wa <Uf.j.t.w>  Sa.fia.xa.
see see 133 say
S

Jan ufi.ja.sn.xa jani.w <Ufi.j.t.w> sa.fia.ti.
no see —_ no see say

"Having seen, one must say "I have seen".
Not having seen, one must not say "I have seen".'

The following is a breakdown of incidence of -sa and
545

-sina (and variants) in this saying by the dialect areas

where it was obtained:

-sa_ (La Paz, Salinas)
/-sina/ (Juli, Huancané)
/-sna/ —_ (Socca)

/-sana/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca)

In all versions the main verb is sa.fia, usually in the
obligatory form sa.fia.wa, and the subordinate verb is
uf.ja.na ~ if.ja.fia 'to see’.

The second text is a riddle about a spindle,
which was obtained everywhere except in Sitajara, Socca,
and Huancané. Most dialects have -sa in this riddle,
as in the following version from Salinas. (Other ver-

sions may be found in Appendix D.)

Ma: tawaqu.xa muy.ka.s muy.ka.s wal  gq'it.x.i.
a young woman turn — well expand 3+3

S

Uka kuna.sa ? Uka.pi.y qapu.w.
that what that spindle

‘A young woman turning, turning gets pregnant. '
What is that? That is a spindle.’
546

Juli and La Paz use the same subordinate verb as that

used here, muy.ka.fia; others are t"ugu.fia or t"uq.ta.na

~

‘to dance, leap' (La Paz) and tan.ja.fia ‘to run' (Jopo-
queri). The following is the breakdown of incidence

of the suffixes in this riddle, by dialect:
-sa_ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
/-sina/ (Juli, Calacoa)

Juli and Calacoa have the main verb usu.ri.:.fa ‘to
be ill' (euphemism for 'to be pregnant’) with different
subordinate verbs. The versions with -sa have one of
the following variants of ‘to get pregnant, expand':
q'ita.nma (Salinas and Jopoqueri), g'inta.fia (Salinas),
q'ipta.fia (Juli), and q"ipta.fia (La Paz).

It seems that where La Paz dialects would use
-sa or /-sSina/, Juli and Socca would use either /-sina/
or /-sna/, except that those dialects do use -sa with
sa.fna, as noted above. Use of both /-sna/ and /-sina/
in one sentence in a folk tale is the following from

Juli.

May t"uqu.ka.ni.sn kasara.s.ir.n punku.pa.ru

once jump marry door 3p

may Say.ta.sin kasara.s.iri.r , ara padrinu.r ,
once stand up marry godfather

(continued)
547

taqi iw.x.iri.nak pug.pach ch"uxa.ni.wa.sin
all advise full urinate ~~

t'ug.s.ta.ni.w.x. iritayn.
escape 333
RIK

‘All at once giving a jump, standing up at the door
of the married couple, urinating all over them,
the godparents, and the advisors (other wedding
guests), he escaped.'

This heavily subordinated sentence closes the story of
a skunk-turned-man who attends and ultimately disrupts
a wedding.

As for function and semantics, ~sina is some-
times used when the subjects of the main and subordinate
verb are different, in parts of La Paz (for example
Achocalla) where the use of -ipana (7-4.22.2) is rare.
Dialects having -ipana use -ipana when the subjects are
different, and use -sa and -sina (or variants of the
latter) when the subjects are the same.

Some writers have claimed that -sa indicates
an action simultaneous with the action of the main verb,
while -sina indicates an action occurring before the
action of the main verb. This claim is not supported
by evidence obtained in this study. Numerous examples
obtained in free texts undermine any argument for a simul-
taneous/nonsimultaneous distinction (or any other con-
sistent distinction) between -sa and -sina,as will be

seen below.
548

A speaker from Morocomarca accepted the first
of tne following pair, with /-sana/, but rejected the

second, with -sa.

Jamach'i ap.ta.si.sana , sar.x.i.wa.
bird pick up go 133
S

 

‘Picking up the birds, he left.' (Morocomarca)

*Jamach'i ap.ta.si.sa , sar.x.i.wa.

The reason for rejection of /-sa/ in this context is
probably semantic, but is yet to be determined with
certainty. The role of the final suffix -wa must be
taken into account in determining the factors condi-
tioning acceptability.

In Compi and Tiahuanaco it appears that -sa
implies more personal knowledge of the subordinated
topic than does -sina (Hardman et al. 1975:3.234-235).
On the basis of present evidence this distinction cannot
be confirmed for Aymara as a whole. Both -sa and -sina
(and variants) may take -wa absolute sentence suffix,
and like ~sina, -Sa may occur with the Remote Indirect

Knowledge tense in stories. Examples:

Uka.t tiwula.xa wayna.ru tuk.t'a.sa.w jik.xata.tayna.
then fox youth turn —_ meet 333

RIK

‘Then a fox who had turned into a young man met her.'
(La Paz/Compi)
549

Qamaqgi.xa wali contento , kusi.:.si.sa , t"uq.t'a.si.sa ,
fox very contented feel happy §_ dance —

muyu.si.sa ispiritu.x galla.si.sin.x sar.x.i
turn —™ spirits carry — go 33

ma: jach'a taki.ru katu.n[d]a.sina.
a big road take _—

‘The fox, very content, feeling happy, dancing, turning,
went away carrying the spirits (birds), taking a main
road.’ (Salinas)

The suffix -sina does occur in personal knowledge
accounts. An example of /-sina/ in discussion of one's
childhood (a context where personal knowledge forms would
be expected) is the following, in which it is used with

two subjects:

Uka.n jila.wa:.sin.xa propietario na.ru.x

there grow owner Tp

intirisi.way.x.itu.x.
interest

‘There, where I had grown up, the owner began to take an
interest in me.' (Achocalla)

An example of /-sina/ with the sentence suffix -wa is

the following from Huancané:
550

Iklisa.t jich"a.x mistu.w.sina.w <Kawki.s awkchi.x

church now come out where father

puri.ni.ni.x , papa.ch.tu.ma.x puri.ni.w>

arrive 323 father 2p
F
sa.raki.tayna.sa...
say 343
RIK

'Now coming out of the church, "Where will the father
arrive, your father will arrive," they said.'

(‘Coming out of the church, they asked him when his
father would arrive. ')

An example of /-sna/ with -wa sentence suffix occurred

in the Socca version of the saying about seeing with one's
own eyes. The same Socca source used /-Sna/ in an account
of his younger days.

On the basis of the inconclusive evidence here
adduced, it appears that the distinction, if any, between
-sa and -sina is now becoming blurred. Either suffix may
serve to indicate simultaneous or previous action,
subject to certain semantic restrictions inherent in
verb roots and stems. Either may indicate personal or
nonpersonal knowledge. Semantic restrictions governing
the use of the suffixes may be shared by several dia-
lects or may be dialect-specific. Further study is

needed to establish the facts about the two suffixes.
551

7-4.22.2 -ipana and variants

As noted above, this suffix is used when the sub-
jects of the main verb and of the subordinate verb are
different. Time is not the significant factor, as the
-ipana subordinated action may take place before, during,
or after the action of the main verb.

This suffix is used only infrequently in certain
dialects, especially those of La Paz. In Jaqaru there
exists a cognate subordinating paradigm of 11 persons,
with two separate suffixes for 3+3, one used when the
subjects of the main and subordinate verb are the same
and one when they are different. In the Jaqaru paradigm
-ipana occupies the 3+3 slot for different subjects
(Hardman 1966). Only one Aymara dialect, Morocomarca,
has been found to have a productive use of more than
-ipana, and that dialect has a paradigm of only four
persons: 13, 2+3, 3+3, and 4+3. Although no attempt
was made to elicit the paradigm in Calacala, it probably
occurs there also; the -ipana form occurred more often
in Calacala texts than in any others.

In Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Huancané only 3+3
-ipana occurred spontaneously in translations of Spanish
elicitation sentences and in free texts, but forms for

1+3, 23, and 4+3 were acceptable there.
552

The paradigm was also reported by Bertonio, but
he noted that only the first person + _ijana, second
person *_imana, and third person * pana were in general
use, the form * isana (which we call fourth person)
being very rare in the province of Chucuito and *_ipana
being used more often for all persons (Bertonio 1603b:37).

Attempts to elicit the paradigm in dialects lack-
ing it, using sentences translated from or similar to
Jaqaru sentences cited by Hardman (1966) or based on
examples given by Bertonio (1603b), resulted in Aymara
sentences with a variety of tenses or nominalized forms.
The following sentence was inspired by an example cited
by Bertonio (1603b:234) which had * _ijana on the subor-

dinated verb:

Mang'a.fa.x.kama.x Pedru.r awisa.ni.rap.ita.
eat Ip notify 2>3
I

‘While I'm eating, (you) notify Pedro for me.'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Examples of forms elicited for each of the four
persons in the paradigm are given below. In dialects
having the forms, variations follow those found in per-
sonal possessive suffixes. -ipana is treated last as
more can be said about it in view of its greater general-

ity and more frequent occurrence.
553

13 /-ijana/ (accepted in Huancané; also cited in Bertonio
1603b

/-ifiana/ (Morocomarca; accepted in Salinas, but
Future, D-1, or D-2 tenses preferred there)

/-inhana/ (Jopoqueri)

Examples:

Naya jan jut"a.n.iflana jup"a jiwa.ya.si.spana.
Ip no come 3p kil 333

D-1

 

‘If I don't come he may kill himself.' (Morocomarca)

Nay!9 jayt.ifian jiw.xa.spa.wa.
Tp leave die 3>3
D-1

‘If I leave him he may die.’ (Salinas)

Nay jayt.inhan.xa jiw.x.iriji.w.
Tp leave 33

D-1

'If I leave him he may die.' (Jopoqueri)

2>3  -imana (Morocomarca, Jopoqueri, Salinas; acceptable
in Huancané; also Bertonio 1603b)

Examples:

Juma jan jut"a.n.imana jiwa.ya.si.:.wa.
2p no come kill 1+3

F

 

‘If you don't come I'l] kill myself.' (Morocomarca)
554

jiw.xa.spa.wa. (Salinas)
die 373
D-1
Jum jayt.iman.xa

jiw.x.iriji.w. (Jopoqueri)
die 3+3
D-1

‘If you leave him he may die.'

4>3  -isana (Morocomarca, Jopoqueri; accepted in Salinas
and Huancané; also cited in Bertonio 1603b)

Examples:

 

Jiwasa jan jut'a.n.isana jup"a jiwa.ya.si.spana.
4p no come 3p kill 333
D-1

'If we don't come he may kill himself.' (Morocomarca)

jiw.xa.spa.wa. (Salinas)
die 333
D-1
Jiwas jayt.isan.xa
jiw.x.iriji.w. | (Jopoqueri)
die 3+3
D-1

‘If we leave him he may die.'

3+3 /-i:pana/ (Salinas; some speakers have -ipana)
/-ipuna/ (Calacala) [-ibuna]

/-ipana/ (elsewhere, including Calacala; also cited
in Bertonio 1603b and Ebbing 1965)

/-ipna/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; occurred only frozen
to sa.fia 'to say' as s.ipna)
555

The following examples are all from free texts:

Sar.i:pan.kama.t . . . chikutillu.x jaqu.x.ta.n.i.x.
a whip whip 33
S
‘When they had left . . . the whip flailed (the others)'
(Salinas)

Q'urawa.ru ucha.nta.sana g'uraw.t'a.tayna uka
slingshot set sling 333

RIK

jach'a quilu.ru k"un.j. ipan.xa.

bit mountain snow

 

‘Having set the slingshot, he hurled it at that big
mountain where it had snowed heavily.' (Jopoqueri)

Uka.t pur.ifblun k"ita.n[dJa.:t.
then arrive send 2>3
F

‘Then when (the day) arrives, you will send her.' (Calacala)
dan mam.it ut.j.ipan ufi.s.ta.n.s.ta.

no mother be appear NI 2+3
S

 

‘Since there was no mother (no one to treat us like a
mother) you appeared.' (Juli)

dan sar.x.ipan jani.w sar.k.t.ti.
no go no go 1+3
Ss

 

‘Since he didn't go, I didn't go.’ (La Paz/Compi)
556

Kims  t'uq.t.ipana.w ap.su.wja.tan
three burst take out 453

F

 

 

‘When they burst three times, we'll take them out.'
(Calacoa )

Qamaqi.x tluqu.ritayn sap  p'ut.j.t.ipan ,
Fox dance 343 each pop

RIK

 

Sap p"all.ipan.
each explode

 

‘The fox danced around each time one popped, each time
one exploded.' (Socca)

(Examples on the verb sa.fia 'to say' are given in 7-4.4.)
/-ipana/ occurs relatively infrequently on ver-
balized nouns. In La Paz, verbalization with -:- fol-
lowed by /-ipana/ means ‘thanks to', unless -layku ‘on
account of' is also on the stem, in which case verbaliza-
tion plus /-ipana/ means ‘due to', sometimes with a
connotation of blame. The vowel length goes on the /i/
of /-ipana/. The following examples are from La Paz/
Tiahuanaco, inspired by some similar ones by Ebbing

(1965).

 

K"it.i:pan.s jiwasa.x aymar gqillga.fi yati.q.tan ?
who 4p write learn 433
S

‘Thanks to whom have we learned to write Aymara?'
557

Tuktura Hardman.i:pan(w) jiwasa.x aymar qillqa.ii
doctor OO

ati.q.tan.

‘Thanks to Dr. Hardman we have learned to write Aymara. '
The following is from La Paz/Compi:

K"iti.layku.:pan.s jut.ta. 'On whose account did you come?!
come 2+3
S

7-4.23 Subordination with final suffixes

7-4.23.1 -sall

This suffix may be used to link sentences as
well as parts of sentences. It also occurs on inter-
rogatives (see 5-2.1) and on jani negative (7-4.52).
In the following examples -sa usually translates as

‘Gf':

karta.ni.:.ta:t.sa ‘if I had received a letter'
13 (Tarata, near Sitajara)
RIK

Jut.ka.sapan.s jani.pini.w gatug.k.iriska:t.ti.

come 343 no receive 1-3
D-2 D-2

"If he had come I wouldn't have received him.'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
558

7-4.23.2 -xa topic/attenuator

This suffix often acts like a subordinator of
verbs in La Paz (Hardman et al. 1975:3.453). Other
dialects, such as Sitajara, Salinas, Calacala, and Jopo-
queri, more frequently use other types of subordination.
The following examples all occurred with different sub-
jects for the main and subordinate verbs. In most
cases the tense of the main and the subordinate verb
is the same. (No examples of /-:/ allomorph of -xa
topic/attenuator or of -ka final suffix occurred as

subordinators. )

Pug.u.xa al.ja.si.p.k.t"a naya.x.
produce sell 1-3 Ip

S

‘If it produces, we sell.' (Calacala)

Sap p'alla.ni.xa juma.xa wali t"uqu.wa.:ta.x.
each burst 3+3 — 2p well dance 2+3
F

F

 

‘Each time one bursts, you will dance a lot.' (Socca)

Juma.x tij.itasma.x gq'awa.ru jala.nta.s.k.irista.
2p leave 2+] ~ ravine throw into 1+3
D-1 D-1

‘If you were to leave me, I'd throw myself into a
ravine.’ (San Andrés de Machaca)
559

Sapa.:.s.k.irist.x wiyaja.s.k.irist.w.
alone 133 ~ travel 133

D-1 D-1

“yo (
vce

‘If I were single, I'd travel.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Q"antati.tayi.x g"ipa.n tul.tayi.x wal
dawn 3+3 — after ~ very
RIK

ufia.nuga.Si.wa.x.t"a.
Took 12

S

‘At dawn, from then on, I tried hard to see.' (Sitajara)

7-4.23.3 -ti.xa and -ti.ya

These combinations occur on interrogatives (see
7-4.24), demonstratives, and verbs. -ti.xa is more
frequent than -ti.ya; in fact, no examples of -ti.ya
occurred in the data for this study, although it
did occur in data from La Paz used by Hardman et al.
(1975). -ti.xa has occasionally occurred as subordinator
without a following uka summarizer in the sentence (see
7-4.24 and 7-4.3), but only in the speech of persons

associated with missionary groups. Examples:

<Wali gam.iri.mpi.raki.w wawa.x kasara.ya.si.ja.x ,
very rich child marry ]+3

F

jani.w aliga.x jani.y puri.mpi.x , na.x t"ant"a
no anyone no poor Ip ragged

(continued)
560

masi.ja.mpi.x kasara.ya.k.s.t.ti.x> Sa.sa.w sa. tayna.x.
marry los say 3>3
S

RIK

‘"To a really rich man I'11 marry my child, not to just
anyone, not to a poor man, (not) to a poor person from
my own town like (the one) I married" saying, he said.'
(Huancané; said by a Seventh Day Adventist)

Kat. ja.:.ti.xa wal uk.x tuku.si.ya.:.x war.ir.pun
catch 1-3 ~~ finish 1-3 socry
F F

 

tuku.Si.ya.:.x.

‘When I catch her I'll kill her, (she) crying I'11 finish
her.' (Socca)

7-4.24 Interrogative as indefinite (translating as
relative)

Interrogatives serving as indefinites usually
occur with -ti.xa, but may instead occur with -sa indefi-
nite or -xa attenuator, and it is the final suffixes
rather than the interrogatives that perform the subordi-
nation. Interrogatives translating as relatives are

often followed by uka resumator. Examples:

Kun.s kuynt.t'a.wa.rak.sma.xa nayra timpu.x s.i.wa.
what. tell 2>3—té‘«sd. time 333

S S

‘What I am telling you was told in olden times.’ (dui)
561

Kuna p"utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s uka.nak

what photos come out those

 

apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y.
send an

‘Whatever photos come out, those please send to me.'
(Corque)

Qawg.ch'a.kama.ti.x sar.ka.:ta uk sara.s.ka.k.ma.
how go s “go

‘However far you will go, keep on going there.' (Juli)
(advice to keep on working hard toward a goal)

Na.naka.xa ... gillqa.ni.p.xa.mama.w Istarus Uniru.ru
Ip write 1>2 United States

kawki.n.k.ka.:ta.ti.x , uka.ru.

where 273 there
F

‘We will write to you in the United States, wherever you
may be, there.’ (Juli)

K"iti.ti.x lura.wi chur.k.tam.xa uka.raki.x
who work give 342 that
S

 

pallja.tpa.
pay 32
D-1

‘Whoever gives you work, he should also pay you.'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco, inspired by sentence in Bertonio
1603b: 158)
562

Persons educated or influenced by missionaries use more
interrogatives as relatives than do other Aymara speakers.
In missionary usage uka is often left out. Examples are

given in 9-5.
7-4.3 uka Tinker and summarizer

The demonstratives uka 'that' and (to a lesser
extent) aka 'this' are used as sentence linkers and
summarizers throughout the Aymara-speaking world. uka
is by far the most frequent linker and summarizer in

V2 A folk tale about a lake

all types of discourse.
bird (wallata) and a fox, told in Socca, contains a

total of 36 instances of uka and derived forms built

on it and two instances of ak"ama 'like this'. A folk
tale told in Huancané about a fox-turned-man who marries
a rich girl contains 56 instances of uka and derived
forms. While a controlled statistical study has yet to
be made, it appears that the most common forms are uka.ta
‘then’ as linker and uk"ama 'like that, so, thus' as

bath Tinker and summarizer. Examples of uka as sentence

linker:

Uka.t ma: gqamaqi.xa sara.tayn jisk.t'.iri.
then a fox go 343 ask

RIK

‘Then a fox went to ask.' (Socca)
563

Uka.n wawa.pa.r nutifika.sitayn s.i.w.
then child order 3-3 Say

RIK

‘Then he gave his child an order, they say.' (Huancané)

Uka.r jani.y jig"a.ta.:.n muna.tayna.t s.i.w.
no meet want 33 say

RIK

 

‘At that he didn't want to meet him, they say.' (Huancané)
Examples of uka as linker and summarizer:

Uka.ru.sti kun ma: urnu.ru  uka.x p"ich.kata.:t

then a oven that stoke fire 233
F

wawa.naka.m.x uka.ru  suma ana.nta.:t.x uk"ama.k.x
children in that well put 2>3 Tike that
F

gallu.nak sa.s.
children = say

 

'"Then in an oven, (in) there, you will build up a fire,
your children in that you will carefully put, just like
that, your little ones," saying.' (Socca)

 

Many of the other examples in this chapter con-
tain instances of uka summarizer and its derived forms.
Examples as subject, zero complement, and -ru relational
are found in 7-4.24. Hardman et al. (1975:3.454-455)

gave other examples showing greater depth of embedding.
564

7-4.4 Sa.fia embedding

The verb sa.fia 'to say' (see 6-4) is used in all

dialects as a reportive, to embed direct quotes.
7-4.41  sa.fia with Simple tense

The simplest use of sa.fia as embedder is the
verb with 3+3 Simple tense, s.i, often suffixed with

-wa absolute, as in the following:

Jaya timpu.xa inka.xa taqi.ru.wa mant.iri.:n

 

far time Inca all order 353
RDK
S.i.w.
333 —
S

‘Long ago, the Inca ruled over everything, they say.’
(Jopoqueri)

What occurs before s.i.w in the above example is a
complete sentence, with -wa absolute on taqi.ru and
with the Remote Direct Knowledge tense on the verb.
Without the addition of s.i.wa the sentence would imply
that the speaker had personal experience on which to
base his statement. Adding s.i.wa indicates that the
speaker is reporting information received at second

hand.
565

7-4.42 sa.ita with Imperative tense

The 2>3 Imperative on sa.fla, sa.m(a) ‘tell
him/her/them', is considered rude when said alone but

it may occur to embed another Imperative verb. Examples:

<Chur.itm> sa.ma. ‘Tell him "Give me".'
give 2i ~ ('Tell him to give you . . .') (Huancané)
I

A more complex embedding of sa.fia with the Imperative is

the following:

Tiyu duwana.x ak"am s.i.w <<dut.pan> sa.m > s.i.w.
uncle Juan thus 3 come 3+3 2>3 3>3
S I I S

 

 

‘Uncle Juan thus said, "'Let him/her come', say," he said.'
(‘Uncle Juan wants you to come.') (La Paz/Compi)

This last example is a reduced form of a longer sentence

with four embeddings of sa.fa.

Tiyu Juwana.x ak"am s.i.w
333
S

 

KK jut.pan > siti > sa.m S.i.wa.
S 3>3 3 =. 7 1 33

I
566

Such extensive embedding of quotes is quite impossible

in English. The sentence may be intelligibly rendered

as 'Uncle Juan told me to tell you that he would like

you to come', or more briefly, as in the reduced version

given first above, 'Uncle Juan wants you to come’.

7-4.43

sa.fia with subordinators -sa and -sina (or
variants)

 

As we have just seen, when an actual quote is

embedded in Aymara a translation that does not use a

direct quote may best convey the meaning of the sentence.

This is also true of the following, in which sa.fia

occurs once inflected and once with -sa subordinator.

Na.x Sa.rak.sma.sa.y <apa.ni.w.ja.m> sa.sa.y.
Ip i bring -

‘I already said to you, "Bring it", saying.'
('I already told you to bring it.') (Calacoa)

In the following example the 3p subject of the

embedded quote is identical with the addressee.

Naya.x x Juwana.w naya.r t'ant' chur.itani >
Ip 3p Ip bread give 3+]
F

sa.Sa.w s.ist Ana Mariya.ru.
133

Ss

‘I “Juana will give me bread" saying said to Ana Marfa. '
('I told Ana Marfa that you (Juana) would give me bread. ')
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
567

The above type of embedding is very common, but when the
addressee is also the subject of the embedded quote a
different structure may be used, according to Yapita
(La Paz/Compi). In this structure the 2p pronoun re-
places the 3p subject of the quote, but remains outside

the quote.

Naya.x juma.w <naya.r t'ant' chur.itani> sa.sa.w
Tp 2p Ip bread give 351
F

s.ista Ana Mariya.ru.

 

1l-

¢°

'I (speaking of) you "She will give me bread" saying said
to Ana Marfa.' "I told Ana Maria that you would give
me bread. ')

The example above is evidence of what Hardman calls
overmarking of the second person in Aymara, a phenomenon
tied to the operation of the four-person system (see
8-2.1).

Examples of sa.fia embedding in longer sentences
are the following, with -sa or -sina subordination and
with the use of sa.iia as obligatory. The first example
comes from a comment on why fiestas often degenerate
into fights, from a source in Juli. The second is from
a description of the end of the fiesta of San Juan in

Sitajara.
568

Uragi.nak.xa.t ch'axwa.p.x.t.x uragi.naka.mp uka.n
Tand argue 1-3 sland that

jala.nta.ya.si.p.x.t , ma.x <duma.x uragi.ni.:.ta.ti ?>
get into 173 Ip 2p Tand-owner 233

S Ss

<Jani.w.> <Na.x uragi.ni.raki.t.w> sa.s...

 

no Ip land-owner 13
S
‘We argue over land (ownership), with land we get into
(arguments), I "Do you own land?" "No." “But I do!"
saying .

('We argue over land ownership, each belittling the
other's holdings and bragging about his own.')

Ya: <Sar.xar.xa.nh ya:sta.w na:.ru.xa rispach.xa.p.x.it>
SO go 143 ready Ip dismiss 2+]

F I

yasta sa.sin uka.t uka.x <An.ta.ni.ma.lla ,
so then that drive up 233
I

 

 

ana.ga.ni.m> Sa.fla.ray.
drive down 233

I

‘So, "We're getting ready to leave, ready now, dismiss us,"
so saying then that "Drive (the animals) up, drive them
down," has to be said also.

('So, they announce their departure and ask permission to
leave, and then the order must be given to drive the
animals back up or down (wherever they came from).')

These translations are tentative, in view of my unfamili-
arity with the events described and the somewhat tele-

graphic nature of the description, at least to someone
569

unfamiliar with their cultural setting. (Translation
of grammatical structures without a knowledge of the
cultural meaning of the events described is hazardous
at best.)

The following example has /-sina:n/ allomorph

of -sina:

 

Asint uta.pa.n.s jani.raki.w jayta.ji.s
hacienda house no leave

mun.ka.rak.itu.ti , <Juma.x uka.nka.si.s.ka.m 7

want 3+] 2p stay there 273
S I

uf.ja.rap.it> sa.sinain...
23
I

'The hacienda house he did not want to leave to me,
"You will stay there, caretake it for me", saying
(‘He did not want to give the hacienda house to me,

but instead asked me to stay there and caretake it
for him.') (Achocalla)

In certain contexts, especially when the subject
of the main verb (sa.jfia) and the embedded verb are the
same person, the sentence indicates that the subject
is thinking of doing or wanting to do something. The
Future or Desiderative tense is used on the embedded

verb. Examples:
570

<Ala.si.s.k.sna.xa.11> s.t"a.x.

‘"We can be buying," I said.'
buy 4+3

133 (‘I think we can buy it.')
S (Sitajara)

<Naya.x sSini.r sara.:> sa.S.ka.ya:t.wa.
Ip movie go Ile3 ~~ y33.

F RDK

'"T will go to the movies," I was saying.'

(La Paz/Compi)
("I was thinking of going to the movies. ')

<Sini.ru.w sara.fi> sa.ja.:ta.
movie go 133 T33
F RDK

'"T will go to the movies," I said.'
('I was thinking of going to the movies.')
(Carangas; reported by Yapita)

Sometimes a verb other than sa.fia may be the
main verb of the sentence, with sa.fia occurring in a

subordinated form only, as in the following from a

story told by Vasquez:

<I] ap.su.si.: ap.su.si.:> sa.s

. yana. tayna.
thread put }+3 133 try 33
F F RIK

'"I will put the thread through, I will put it through,"
saying, she tried.'

("She tried to thread the needle.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco;
Hardman et al. 1975:1.402)
57]

<Isturya.:> sa.sa.w aka marka.naka.n sar.naga.s.k.t"a.
study 1-3) city go around 133

F S

‘"I will study," saying, I am living in these cities. '
(Socca)

(‘Wanting to study, I've continued to live in these
cities.')

7-4.44 sa.fia with -ipana ~ -i

This occurs infrequently. It is sometimes used
as a comparative (Hardman et al. 1975:3.235), especially
by missionary-instructed persons; such use has occurred
only once in this research, in a reworking by Vasquez

of a Bertonio (1603b) example (which had neither sa.fia

nor -ipana).

Cristobal Colona.x tagi.t s.ipan aka uraqi.ru
all this land

 

jut.i.
come 353
S

‘Christopher Columbus was the first to arrive in this
land.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

A variant s.ipna also occurs in La Paz, but s.ipana is

more common. Examples:

- - yag'a aru.x aru.wa - Chinu.t — s.ipna,
other languages —

(continued )
7-4.45

572

Kuriyanu.t s.ipna , Turkisa.t s.ipna.. .

. . Other languages are (al1) languages - (whether)
speaking of Chinese, speaking of Korean, speaking of
Turkish . . . ' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, in Hardman et al.
1975:3.xxi)

K"'it s.ipan.s waw  chur.tama.
who baby give 23
bs)

‘Who could have given you the baby?' (a rude question
asked of a young mother in Calacoa)

Srta. Lucy s.ipan.xa <Aymar aru yati.g.t'a.ii
Tearn

mun.t"a> s.ipan.xa , na:.xa allux kusi.s.t"a.

want 13 Ip very happy 133
S

S

‘When Miss Lucy said "I want to learn Aymara", I
was very happy.' (Salinas)

- kawk'"a.t.s t'ij.tata.n.tam u jan s.ipan.xa
where hurt 2>3 no
)

kawk"a.t.s sint us.tam...

3>2

S

- . . where did it hurt you, or else where does it
hurt the most . . . (Compi)

The particle iyaw plus sa.fia

The particle iyaw 'yes' may be embedded with sa.fia

to mean 'agree'. In the usage of persons active in
573

institutionalized religion it means ‘to believe in, have

faith', and the phrase iyaw sa.fia may be used to translate

"faith'

7-4.46

or 'belief'.
[yaw Sa.ta.w Sara.tayn S.i.w.
~~ go 333

RIK

‘Agreeing, she went on her way, they say.' (Juli)

Jesucristo tat.itu.ru iyaw Sa.m.
father 2>3
I

‘Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ.' (La Paz, Baptist church)

Jiwasa.x iyaw s.tan uka jiyaw sa.fia.

 

 

 

4p +3
S

‘We accept that belief.' (La Paz, Baptist church)

Sa.fia 'to make a noise'

Some sa.fia embedding may mean 'to make a noise. '/9

Pa:rinu.ki.w juta.s.k.i.x s.i.w <q'un g"un> sa.s.

godfather come 33 say boom boom = say
S

‘The godfather returned, they say, "Boom boom!" saying. '
('The godfather returned, they say, exploding firecrackers. ')
(Huancané)
574

On the other hand, sa.na embedding may be used
to convey a visual rather than an auditory image, as

in the following:

Wich'inka.s <tistisi tistisi> sSa.sa.w anu.x
tail rigid rigid say dog

g'ipa.p nayra.p jal.i.
back forth run 33
S

"His tail "stiffly stiffly" saying, the dog ran back

and forth. '
(‘Jauntily wagging his tail, the dog ran back and forth.')
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

7-4.47 sa.fia in storytelling

The first example given for sa.na embedding
(7-4.41) was from a story, and the other types of
embedding mentioned above occur in tales as well as
in conversation. Complex embeddings especially charac-
teristic of storytelling style involve frequent use of
=sa subordinator (less often -sina and variants or
-ipana), sa.fla with 3+3 Remote tenses or 3+3 Non-

Involver, and the plain s.i.w, all together.

Asiru.raki.:n s.i.w tawaqu.mp parl.iritayna.x ,
snake 3-3 = 353”~—Ctsé*=g ir | talk 3+3

Ss S RIK

uka.x Sara.w.x.iritayna.w s.i.w <Sifial.t'a.w.ita.11>
go 323 333 mark a>]

RIK s (continued)
575

Sa.Sa.w S.iritayna.x S.i.way.
353
RIK

‘There was a snake, they say, who talked with a young
woman; (before) he went out, they say, "Mark me" saying
he said, they say.'

('There was a snake who talked with a young woman; before
going out, he asked her to mark him.') (Juli)

<Jich"a urn junt'u.ch.ta.m> sa.sa.w sawj.iritayn
now oven heat up 23 7 333
I RIK

S.i.w gamaqi.ru.
3>3  ~«= fox
S

'"Now heat up the oven," saying she said, they say, to
the fox.' (Calacoa)

Niyasta: awis.ta.:ma.1] Ssa.san sSa.tayn pisaqa.x.
ready tell 133 323 partridge
F RIK

‘Well then, I'l] tell you," saying said the partridge.’
(Jopoqueri )

 

Uk"ama pa:rin jut.ipan.x <tun tun> s.ipan.x
then godfather come ;

<g'un g"un> s.ipan.x <dich'a.x kuna.rak uka.st
now what that

<q'un g"un> s.i.sti - jani.w na uka.yr.xa - jani.w
“337 no Ip that
S

uka.yr.xa - isu si taw taw isu si taw taw>

(continued )
576

sa.Sa.w Sa.tayn S.i.w.
333 343
RIK S

 

‘Then the godfather having arrived, "Boom boom" saying,
"Boom boom" saying, "Now what is that ‘boom boom' said--
I don't (like) that, not that--(nonsense syllables)

saying he said, they say.' (Huancané)
('When the godfather arrived, he exploded firecrackers,
and the groom became very much alarmed.') (Huancané)

Uk"ama.x wali.raki.sa.: , awir g'ana.pi.y sa.rak.(i)
thus well clear 343

<Kamisa.ki.:.chi.n> sa.sa.xa.y jis.ch.i.x.
how NI 343 NI 3>3
F S

'So then "Fine, let's see, it's clear," they said,
"How will they get along?" saying, they said.' (Huancané)

7-4.5 Negation

Negation may affect most of the syntactic processes
already described. It usually requires the presence of
the negative particle jani or the reduced form ni. The
latter is more prevalent in Salinas and Calacoa but also
occurs elsewhere, especially in ni.kuna ‘nothing’ and
ni.k"iti 'no one', acting like a prefix (the only one
in the language, if one discounts /si-/ and /ji-/ on sa.fia).
ni may also occur on the interrogative verb kama.cha.fia,

as in the following sentence from Jopoqueri:
577

Pisaga.sti yasta ni.kama.cha.fi.s yati.tayna.ti.
partridge ~ how know 333

RIK

"And then the partridge didn't know what to do.'

jani occurs in several derived forms: jan.ja~
jan.jama 'I don't think so' (literally ‘like no'), with
the noun/independent suffix -jama; jani.ra ~ jani.ray
(the second from Sitajara) ‘not yet'; jani.kucha ‘better
not' and jan. kucha!4 ‘or if not'; and jani.ch ‘isn't
that so?' (with -cha alternate question suffix). One
form that occurred only in Calacala was jana: ‘isn't

that so?'.
7-4.51 Negation of basic sentences

Basic sentences were discussed in 7-3. The
basic negative statement (Hardman et al. 1975:3.432)
consists of jani plus -wa absolute; -ti sentence suffix
where -wa would be in an affirmative sentence; and

-xa optionally on other words in the sentence. Example:

T'ant'a.x jani.w ut.j.k.i.ti. 'There is no bread.'
bread exist 3+3 (La Paz/Compi)
S

A basic negative statement may be changed to a negative
yes/no question by removing the -wa on jani and replacing

it by the -ti from the verb, as follows:
578

T'ant'a.x jani.t ut.j.k.i ? ‘Isn't there any bread?’
bread ~ 333 (La Paz/Compi)
S

A negative answer to a -sa/(-xa) information
question without any verbal inflection retains the
interrogative as an indefinite, verbalized and suffixed
with -sa, and adds jani plus -wa, resulting in a -sa/-wa

sentence:

Kuna.s uka.xa ? (Uka.x) jani.w kuna.:.k.i.sa.
what that 343
S

 

'What is that? (That) isn't anything.' (La Paz/Compi)

A negative answer to a -sa/(-xa) information question
containing an inflected verb consists of jani plus -wa;
the interrogative with -sa; and if the verb is repeated,

it takes -ti.

Kuna.s ut.j.i ? Jani.w kuna.s (ut.j.k.i.ti).
what 3+3 “353

S S

 

 

‘What is there? There isn't anything.' (La Paz/Compi)

Kun.s  mun.ta ? Jani.w kun.s mun.k.t.ti.
what want 2>3 “|+37
S S

 

 

 

 

'What do you want? I don't want anything.' (La Paz/Compi)
579

All other negative sentences or phrases may be

derived from these basic sentences. !°

(Negative forms
of the inflected verb sa.fia 'to say' were given in
6-4).
7-4.52 Incompletive and completive verbal derivational

suffixes with the negative

In the examples above, the verbs contain the
incompletive verbal derivational -ka- in the stem. In
La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Socca, Sitajara, and Calacoa
the verb or verbalized noun in a negative statement
usually has the incompletive -ka-. The completive -xa-
sometimes occurs instead (or in addition), but less
often. In Salinas, Jopoqueri, Calacala, and Morocomarca
the incompletive or completive suffixes are more often
absent with the negative.

The following all occurred in Salinas.

=
_ts
=

mun.k.irijt.ti. ‘I wouldn't like to.'
=a33 =
D-1

=
ats
=

:

mun.t.ti. "I don't want to.'
|>3°

=
ade
=

 

mun.j.t.ti. "I wouldn't like to.'
~|s3 ~~
S

 
580

at. k.irijt.ti.
=T33 0=
D-1

Ni.w at.j.t.ti. 'I can't.'
pletely ca
S

at.t.ti.
|o3_

The dialects where the incompletive occurs less
often, have it on nouns verbalized with -ka- or -:- with
the Simple tense, but not if verbalization is followed

by a Remote tense. Examples:

 

Jani.w aka.n.k.j.i.ti. ‘It's not here.' (Jopoqueri)
~ here “343
S
Jani.w  juma.taki.:.k.i.ti. ‘It's not for you.' (Salinas)
2p “HRS
S

But (with -ra instead of -wa on jani),

Jani.r juta.ni.fi.ma.:.:n.ti. ‘You should not have come
come 2p 393°” — yet.' (Morocomarca)
RDK

The meaning differences between forms with and without
581

the incompletive are often lost in translation, but the

following pair shows one contrast:

dJani.w yat.t.ti. ‘I don't know.' (Jopoqueri)

]=3_

S

 

Jani.w yat.k.t.ti. ‘I don't know yet.' (Jopoqueri) !6

137
S

Dialects that usually have -ka- on the negative
do not have it with the Future tense used as a polite

command.

Jani.w parla.nta.ti. ‘You are not going to talk.' (Juli)
233
F

 

7-4.53 Permutations of basic negative sentences

The basic negative sentences may be changed by
replacing -wa by another sentence suffix, replacing -ti

by -xa.ya, or dropping the final vowel on jani.
7-4.53.1 Replacing -wa by another sentence suffix

7-4.53.11 -wa --> -lla ~ -ya

Ni.11 kun.s s.ka.fiani.ti. ‘We won't tel] them anything. '
~ what say 453 (Salinas)
F

 

 
582

7-4.53.12 -wa --> -sa linker 'but, however'

Jani.s jut.k.i.ti.xa ... "But he hasn't come... .'
- 343 (Huancané)
S

Jani jank'a.s pur.k.i.t.
fast — 333

S

‘But they weren't arriving fast.' (Sitajara)

Kuna.t.s jani.s uwij.sti puri.ya.n.ta.xa ?
why ™~ sheep arrive 2+3

S

‘But why didn't you bring the sheep?’ (Juli)

Jani.ra.raki.s juta.fi.ma.:n.ti.xa.
come 2p 33
RDK

‘But you shouldn't have come yet!' (Salinas)

7-4.53.2 Replacing -ti by -xa.ya

Jani sar.chi.:.xa.ya q"aru.ru.x.
go NI 143 tomorrow
F

 

 

‘Won't I leave tomorrow?’ (rhetorical question) (La Paz/Compi)

(Because of -chi NI on the verb, there is no -wa
in the sentence.)

 
583

7-4.53.3 Morphophonemics of jani

The final vowel of jani drops in noun phrases and
when modifying nominalized verbs; in negative information
questions and answers thereto; with the Imperative; and
with verbs subordinated with a sentence suffix, uka,

or sa.nma embedding.
7-4.53.31 Negative noun phrases or nominalized verbs

These are derived from the basic negative state-
ment. When modifying the head noun in a noun phrase,
jani loses its final vowel, except that when modifying
an interrogative, jani loses its initial /ja/. The

following occur generally unless otherwise noted.

jan jayu.ni ‘without salt’ (‘no salt-haver') -ni possessor

ni. kuna ‘nothing' kuna '‘what'
jan uka.x ‘not that’
jan ufi.j.iri ‘someone who hasn't taken good care of some-
— thing (a place) left in their charge‘
('nonwatcher' )
un. ka.fia
jan ‘not to look' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
ufia. Fla
jan ufi.ja.fia.taki ‘so as not to see, for not seeing’
584

dan ufi.ja.sa.x ‘not having seen' (La Paz/Compi)

jan ufi.ja.san.xa ‘not having seen' (Jopoqueri)

jan pur.iman ‘your not having come' (Salinas)

jan wal.t'a.w.xa.tayna ‘he felt i11' (‘not-good') (Juli)

343
RIK

ni may also be used before a noun that is not an inter-
rogative, in reduplicative phrases meaning ‘neither
nor', as in the following:

Ni juma.s ni naya.s sar.ka.fiani.ti.
— 2p Ip go 4+3
F

 

nN

‘Neither you nor I will go.' (-sa lister on the pronouns)

This ni is homophonous and apparently identical in func-
tion with Spanish ni ‘neither, nor'; it may be a Spanish
borrowing or merely a point at which the two languages
converge, or both.

7-4.53.32 Negative information questions and negative
answers thereto

Examples (from La Paz/Compi):

Kuna.s jan ut.j.k.i ? ‘What isn't there?’
what “~~ exist 33
S
585

Ni kuna.s (jan ut.j.k.i.ti). ‘Nothing isn't there.’
— 333 (i. e., ‘nothing is
S missing')

Kun.s jan mun.k.ta ? ‘What don't you want?'

 

want 23
S
Ni kun.s (jan mun.k.t.ti). ‘There's nothing I don't want.’
—_ 133
S

Kuna.t.s jan jut.ta ? ‘Why didn't you come?'
— 2+3

Ss

Kuna.t.s jan jut.k.ta ? ‘Why didn't you come? (you had
—— 2>3 promised to)'
S

The Morocomarca source insisted that the vowel
of jani must be retained in negative information ques-

tions, e. g.

Kuna.t.raji jani awis.ista.sti ? ‘Why didn't you let
notify 2>1 me know?'
S

7-4.53.53 Negative with Imperative

Jan lura.m.ti. 'Don't do that.' (Jopoqueri, Salinas,
~~ 2>3 Sitajara, Calacoa, La Paz)
I
7-4.53.

586

Jan lur.m.ti. ‘Don't do that.' (Juli)
~— 273
I

Juma.x jan sar.ka.m.ti , jupa.w sara.ni.
2p ~~ go 2>3 3p go 333
I F

‘Don't you go, he's going to go.' (Juli)

34 Negative verb subordinated with sentence
suffix, uka, or sa.fia embedding

Jum jan mun.k.s.ta.xa , Maya.w Sara.:.
2p _-want 273 Ip go 133
S F

'If you don't want to (go), I'll go.‘ (Juli)

Jan pa.ni.:.k.irist.x Sar.irist.pi.y.

couple 1+3 ~ go
D-1
'If I weren't married, I'd go.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Jan juma.s sara.nm muna.s.ta.ti uka.x na: sara.:.

————— — _— LOC eee

2p go want 233 Ip go 1-3
F

‘But if you don't want to go, I'l] go.' (Jopoqueri)

< Ina.mpi.s jan jiki.s.x.sna.ti > sa.sa.

 

perhaps —~ meet 453
D-1

'"Perhaps we'll never meet again," saying.' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)
587

7-5 Summary and Conclusion

Syntactic and morphosyntactic variation in Aymara
is slight. Morphemes showing some variation in phono-
logical shape are the particles, the independent nonfinal
and final suffixes, and some of the nominalizing (subordi-
nating) suffixes: the little-used -wi ~ -:wi ~ -awi and
the more common -sina (and variants) and -ipana (and
variants).

The final suffix inventory varies a little from
One dialect to another. The suffix -ka has been found
only in Calacala and Morocomarca. The vowel lenath
allomorph of -xa ~ -: topic/attenuator does not occur
in La Paz, Socca, or Jopoqueri. The disclaimer -m (and
variants) has occurred only in Huancané and parts of
La Paz.

Morphosyntactic processes are essentially the
same in all dialects. The southern group of dialects
(Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Morocomarca) plus Huancané
in the north have a four-member subordinating paradigm
of which the 3+3 -ipana (or variants) is the sole member
in other dialects; in some parts of La Paz even -ipana
is falling into disuse. The use of -xa topic/attenuator
as a subordinator of verbs appears to be more common in
La Paz dialects than in dialects that make greater use

of -sina or -ipana subordination.
588

There is some variation in the semantics of the
subordinators -sa, -sina (and variants) and -ipana
(and variants), and in use of the final suffix combina-
tion -ti.xa as a subordinator, but regional patterning
(if any) of this semantic variation is yet to be deter-

mined.
589

Notes

"this may be a Spanish loan. According to Bello
(1847:36), there was an archaic interjection guay ~ gua
that persisted in certain countries of Latin America,
as in the expressions

uay la mujer! ‘Wow! Look at that woman.'

E

 

 

Guay lo que dice! ‘Wow! Did you hear what she
said!'

 

Bertonio (1603b:51) also reported this interjection and
a number of others identical or similar to contemporary
Aymara ones.

a suffix phonemically /-qa/ did occur once in

a text from Calacala, instead of the -ka which usually
occurred.

Ma: suma (ma)cha.ta.t.ga .. . ‘very drunk'
very drunk —

It may be that this was an instance of Quechua -qga, but
if not, it needs further analysis.

Sway. xaru.:.tawi and way.xaru.: have /:/ allo-
morph of the verbal derivational suffix -ya- ~ -:- causa-

tive. In way.xaru.:, the causative on the final /u/

of -xaru- merges with /u/ realization of -i 3+3 S tense
by a morphophonemic rule whereby a verb stem /u/ over-
rides a following /i/ (see 4-3.22.11).

41 k"ari.k"ari or k"ari.s.iri is an evil spirit
in human form (usually that of a Catholic priest) who
is believed to cut out the fat of his victims.

"These are written as two words to show their
structure. One of them, upu upu, occurs with juncture
(phonetically a glottal stop) before the repetition of
the root.

6 _ipi sometimes occurs on nouns after vowel-
length verbalization, which may reduce to plain vowel
(see 4-3.22.13). An -iri also occurs frozen in certain
verb tenses (see 6-3.34.22 and 6-3.37).

 
590

7 Questions with kuna.taki.s were originally thought
to require an answer with -fa.taki, rather than -iri,
but -iri is usually preferred in my data. See 7-4.21.23
for -fha.taki subordination.

 

8the verb ma(n)g'a.fia may mean 'to eat' or ‘to
feed' depending on context and verbal derivational suf-
fixes occurring in the stem.

"The two paradigms with and without -na on the
(optional) pronoun occur for all grammatical persons
in La Paz/Compi.

MOcubjects of verbs subordinated with -ipana,
etc., lose their final vowels except in Morocomarca.

Veiga linker and -sa interrogative/indefinite
are treated as two suffixes by Hardman et al. (1975).
They are here treated as one because it is not always
possible to separate the functions.

les panish syntactic linkers and emphatics enter
Aymara freely, like other loanwords. The greatest number
occurs in the speech of persons (especially men) who are
bilingual in Aymara and Spanish, but some also occur
in the speech of monolinguals.

Ve or sounds made by inanimate objects the verb
ta- is used instead of sa.fia, according to the following

example from Yapita (La Paz/Compi):

Punk"u.x tulx t.i.w.
door 333

'The door slammed.' ('The door went "thud".')

According to Yapita there is no general term for ‘sound'
in Aymara; a number of onomatopoeic words are used (see
Appendix B).

Min present-day Aymara -kucha occurs only on
jani. Evidence from Bertonio (1603b:277) suggests it
may have been an independent nonfinal suffix in his time,
as he showed it in a verb stem between the root and the
inflection, but it may instead have been a noun root,
verbalized and then inflected.
591

15) ike -ti, -wa (or another sentence suffix re-
placing it) may occur on a form other than jani in a
negative sentence; see the examples under 7-4.53.

or or another example of the contrast of presence
and absence of -ka- with the negative, see 7-4.53.32.
CHAPTER 8
VARIATION IN SEMANTICS

8-] Introduction

A discussion of variation in Aymara semantics must
be based on an examination of what Hardman (in press a)
calls the linguistic postulates of the language: categori-
zations recurring at different levels of grammar and re-
flected in cultural norms. An understanding of their nature
and pervasiveness is needed in order to describe certain
differences in their manifestations in different dialects
(for example, in selectional restrictions on verb subjects
and complements) especially to show differences between
Missionary, Patr6én, and Radio Aymara on the one hand, and
other Aymara dialects on the other (see Chapter 9).

Regional semantic variation in the noun and verb
systems includes instances of one form with different mean-
ings cross-dialectically, and conversely, cases of different
Aymara forms occurring in different dialects with apparently
the same meanings. At the present state of research, which

relies heavily on translation, decisions as to what constitute

592
593

‘same' and ‘different’ meanings within and across dialects
are at best tentative and at worst may be wrong, lacking
sufficient input from native speakers. The evidence in this
chapter concerning such meanings is therefore to be viewed
with some skepticism.

Aymara metaphor has not as yet been investigated
cross-dialectally, but certain characteristics based on

the evidence of a few dialects may be noted.

8-2 Linguistic Postulates

All regional dialects of Aymara share certain lin-
guistic postulates common to the Jaqi languages. As identi-
fied by Hardman (1972a) the most important of these are (1)
four grammatical persons (the fourth includes speaker and
addressee), (2) distinction of human/nonhuman, and (3) speci-
fication of data source (distinction of directly and indi-
rectly acquired knowledge). These three postulates are
marked throughout Aymara language structure, in morphology,
Syntax, and semantics, and reflected in cultural norms.

During four hundred years of contact with Spanish, an
Indo-European language, it might be expected that Spanish
postulates would make inroads into Aymara. In Chapter 9
evidence of such inroads is given with respect to Missionary,
Patrén, and Radio Aymara, translation dialects spoken by cer-
tain native speakers of Aymara who are bilingual in Spanish.

The Aymara of other bilingual and monolingual speakers shows
594

relatively little influence of Spanish postulates, however.
A few exceptions are noted below. A section on optional
marking of plural in Aymara is included after a discussion

of the postulates.
8-2.1 Four-person system

The four-person system is manifested in personal
pronouns and possessive suffixes (5-2.3 and 5-3.24) and in
verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3). It is intimately bound
up with the distinction of human/nonhuman (8-2.2) and with
the expression of courtesy in Aymara. The fourth person
is often used in the context of eating or drinking. For
example, polite ways to tell someone that dinner is ready

would be

Mang'a.si.fiani. ‘Let's eat, you and I.' (La Paz)
eat 4+3
F/I
Almus.t'a.wa.tana. ‘Let's eat lunch.' (Calacoa)
junch 4+3
F/I

Similarly, if one wishes to ask for a drink of water one
must use the fourth person, including the addressee even

if he or she is being asked to provide the water.
595

Uma.ma.y wax.t'a.si.fian, mam, uma.t par.j.itu.w.
water 2p invite 4-3 water Tack 3>1
F/I S

'Please let's you and I invite (someone to have some of)
your water, ma'am, I'm thirsty.' (La Paz)

(‘Please let me have some water.')

An example of the fourth person used in the context of drink-
ing even when the addressee is not or was not involved in

the action, is the following, describing the serving of

chicha:

May.ni.r may.ni.r may.n.ir sSiwr.tan...
another another another serve 4-3
S

'One by one by one we (you and I) serve them. . . ' (Sitajara)

Another example involving eating was given by Tschopik (1948:

110). A condor says to a fox who has challenged him to a
duel

+, . . rr
Jiwa.ta.chapi.ru.sti manqg'a.nta.si.nani.wa.
one who is dead and eat 4-+3

F/I

‘And the one who is dead you and I will eat.'

What is meant is that the winner of the duel will eat the

_ loser.
596

Bertonio (1603b:194, 195) said, concerning the 4p
possessive suffix,

. the particle sa, although . . . it means

inclusion . . . for politeness or friendship

may be used even when the item belongs only to

one of the two persons who are talking

Bertonio gave these examples.

*Ut.sa.ru ma. tana. ‘Let's go to my/our/your house.'
house 4p go 4+3
F/I

aka yapu)  awki.sa.n.k.i. 'This field is our/my/your
this field father father's.'

Bertonio's translations of these two examples are rejected
by La Paz speakers, even when the examples are rendered into
contemporary Aymara. If Bertonio's translations were cor-
rect, they imply that the fourth person was used even more
in the expression of courtesy in Tate 16th century Juli than
in contemporary dialects so far encountered.

Hardman has pointed to a related phenomenon in
Aymara, the overmarking of the second person (Hardman et al.
1975:3.32-33). (For an example of this overmarking in sa.fia
embedding see 7-4.4.)

In spite of the importance of the four-person system
in Aymara, there is evidence of its incipient erosion in
some dialects. In Sitajara, Ip and 4p possessive suffixes
fall together, and the 4p suffix falls out, in the speech

of certain persons (see 5-3.24). The first and fourth
597

persons also fall together in certain verbal inflectional
suffixes in Sitajara.

Ip and 4p falling together as subject:

1+3 and 4+3 F for sa.fia: /sa.ni.wa.nh(a)/ (1>+3)
Tp and 4p falling together as complement:
3>1 and 354 I: /-itpan/ (3+1)
3>1 and 3+4 D-2: /-irijsta:na/ (324)
3+1 and 354 S for sa.fia: /s.itu/ (3-1)
As may be seen above, in most cases the form with 4p falls
out, leaving the form with Ip to do duty for both.

In Huancané, Ip and 4p have fallen together as com-
plement in 3+1 and 3+4 I /-itp(a)/, the 3+1 form now being
used for both. The same seems to be happening in Morocomarca
with 3>1 and 3+4 D-2, as at first the 3+1 form, /-itasp"ana/,

was given for both 3+1 and 3+4.
8-2.2 Human/Nonhuman

This distinction is manifested in interrogatives,
demonstratives, and personal pronouns; in noun reference, in
certain noun suffixes, and in the subjects and complements of

verb roots, stems, and themes.
8-2.21 Interrogatives, demonstratives, personal pronouns

Of the five Aymara interrogative pronouns k"iti ‘who'
is human, and the rest, nonhuman. gawg"a ‘how much/many'

plus the suffix -ni possessor/enumerator refers to human
598

beings (8-2.24).! Derived forms of kawki ‘where’ that are
unmarked for human/nonhuman and gloss ‘which’ are
kawki.ch"api and kawk.i:ri.-

Demonstratives may be used to modify human nouns,
e. g. uka chacha.x 'that man’. As a syntactic summarizer,

a demonstrative may refer to a human noun, as in

Ma: sifturit irpa.ni.tayn uka.mpi jagi.cha.si.way.x.i.
one young lady bring 3-3 That marry 373
RIK

S
'He married the young lady that he had brought.' (Compi)

Some speakers would prefer to use the third person pronoun
jupa instead of uka in the above sentence. Otherwise, demon-
stratives are generally used as pronouns only to refer to

nonhuman nouns.

Uka.x misa.wa. ‘That is a table.'

Uka.x waka.pa.wa. ‘That is his cow.'
When the reference is human, a personal pronoun is used.

Jupa.x wawa.Xa.w. ‘He/she is my child.’
3p child ip

Using a demonstrative instead of a personal pronoun in the
above context is perceived as rude. When derision or insult

is intended, a demonstrative may be used.
599

Uka.xa.y yat.chi aliq..
that know NI other

'That one may know, anyone (might) . . .' (Sitajara)

Personal pronouns are used only for human beings or
anthropomorphized animals, or very occasionally, for domes-
ticated animals, as in the case of an old lady talking to

her only companion, a cat.

Juma.s jagi.:.sma... ‘If only you were human (could
2p people 2>+3 talk) . . .' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
D-1

8-2.22 Noun reference

Certain nouns in La Paz Aymara (and presumably
elsewhere) are basically nonhuman; others, basically human.
Examples of nouns or noun phrases that are always nonhuman

in reference are muxsa 'Sweet-tasting'; nayra.p g"ipa.p

 

‘back and forth' (e. g. a dog running back and forth); and
jach'a ‘'big' and jisk'a 'small' except when they occur in
the noun phrases jach'a tansa 'tall' and jisk'a tansa
‘short'.

A noun which sometimes has human, and sometimes
nonhuman reference, is suma, which has a range of meanings
including ‘good, nice, tasty, delicious, very, nicely'.

In Calacoa and Jopoqueri it means ‘beautiful, pretty’; in
Socca it is used in these meanings as well as the others.

The following examples are all from La Paz:
600
Nonhuman reference:
Wali suma.w. "It's very good/delicious. '

Suma chayru.wa. ‘It's delicious soup.'
soup

 

Aka.x suma ch'iyar laq'a.sa.:.
This black earth

 

'This is good black earth.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.266)

suma aru ‘good language, proper speech'

 

sum kanka.fia ‘to fry well’ (8-2.23)

Human reference:

 

 

Suma Awki 'God' ('good father’, an archaic
expression)
suma aru.ni ‘well-spoken person'
suma jaqi ‘good person, of good character, nice'
Suma jaq mama.wa. ‘She's a nice lady. '2

suma kankana ‘of good character, good-humored’ (8-2.23)

The following examples occurred in the Peruvian

dialects indicated.

suma ufi.naqa.s.iri ‘good-looking, having a good
appearance’ (Huancané)

suma_ k'aj.k.iri ‘very bright' (Socca)

 
601

suma.ki.y is.ch'uk.t'a.p.x.ita:ta ‘you will listen to
Tisten 2>1 me nicely’ (Socca)

F

In La Paz the verbalized noun suma.cha.fia ‘to pacify,
to make amends, to decorate (e. g. a house)' takes a human
subject. The noun suma verbalized with -pta- takes an ani-
mal subject, and probably also a human subject; see the
example given for jagi, below.

Use of suma alone (that is, not in one of the noun
phrases given above) to modify a noun having human reference
is usually perceived as obscene and/or derisive in Bolivia,
as in the popular song Suma Tawagu 'Nice (?) Girl' (i. e.
‘tasty dish'). There is some evidence that such an expres-
sion is not necessarily obscene in other dialects, suma
kullaka ‘good sister' being acceptable to a speaker from
Socca; however, he may have been influenced by Missionary
usages (se 9-6.12).

Certain nouns in Aymara always have human reference.
One is jayra ‘lazy person.' Another, of much greater im-
portance in the language, is the noun chosen by Hardman to
designate Aymara and its sister languages: jaqi. This
means ‘human being, person, people’ in all the Jaqi languages.
In Aymara the noun jaqi used alone usually refers to the
Aymara people specifically. One speaker from La Paz rejected
*Quechua jaqgi. However, some speakers extend the term jaqi

to other races or ethnic groups in such noun phrases as
602

jang'u jaqi ‘white people', and the phrase suma jagi ‘of
good character' may be applied to non-Aymara persons who
are judged to merit the designation.

Another meaning of jaqgi is ‘adult, married person',
as is shown in the derived verb jagi.cha.fia ‘to marry’,
'to make or cause person(s)'. Personhood in Aymara society
is fully attained only upon marriage.

Probably through a process of semantic identifica-
tion with the Spanish noun hombre, which means both
'man(kind)' and ‘human male', the noun jaqi is sometimes

used by bilinguals to mean ‘male human being, man’.

Naya jagqi.xa Qalaqala.t.wa. ‘I'ma man from Calacala.'
Ip

(Yo soy hombre de Calacala.) (Calacala)

Ma: jaqi.w juta.tayna. 'A man (not known to me)
a come 343 came. '

RIK
(Habia venido un hombre. ) (La Paz/Compi)

These examples show how the Spanish gender distinction (one
of the Spanish linguistic postulates) may affect the Aymara
of bilinguals. Nevertheless, the native Aymara meaning of
jaqi also persists in the speech of bilinguals and mono-
linguals alike. In this meaning the noun jagi is the epitome
of humanness. Its semantic opposite, the nadir of nonhuman-

ness, is anu 'dog'. If one does not behave like jaqi, one
603

is behaving like a dog. The dichotomy is illustrated in the

following, a La Paz retort to an insult.

K"iti.ta.sa - anu.ta.t jagi.ta.cha?
who 233 dog 2-3 person
S S

Jag.jam parla.m jan an.jam  parla.m.ti.
person like speak not dog like speak 2>+3
I

‘Who are you - a dog or a person? Talk like a
person, not like a dog.’ (La Paz/Compi)

The above is rude, using the unadorned Imperative. So is

the following:

Anu.r jagu.ni.m. 'Throw it to a dog.’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
dog throw 23

I

The above sentence is a retort to someone who is throwing
stones or otherwise being deliberately annoying; it means
'Go do it to a dog instead of to me.'

The following is commonly said by wedding godparents

to the couple for the stability of whose marriage they are

responsible:

Jaq ufi.ta.sa.w sar.naga.:ta. ‘Live (by) watching real
people looking at go around 2+3 people.’ (La Paz/Compi)
F (Yapita 1975:1-2)

(‘Behave the way you see real people behaving.')
604

When one partner in a marriage does not want to be

reconciled with the other, someone may comment as follows:

Anu.s nuwa.si.sin suma.pt.i.sa. (La Paz/Compi
dog fighting make up 333 (Yapita 1975:3)
S

‘Even dogs make up after fighting. (Why not people?) '

The above is a strong rebuke. If the errant spouse still

refuses to attempt a reconciliation, he or'she will hear

the ultimate condemnation.

Kuna.r uf.ta.t sar.naq.ta.xa,
anything look at go around 273

S

jaqi.tak p'inga, anu.tak unra.
people same dog honor

 

‘How stupid you are.

You are a shame to the human race,
an honor to dogs."

(La Paz/Compi) (Yapita 1975:3)

Bertonio (1603b:94) cited a sentence using a ver-

balized form of * anugara ‘dog’ meaning ‘insult, make fun of'

+
Uma.ta.na anugara.ch. tama.
drunk dog 32

S

‘As you were drunk he made fun of you (treated you
like a dog).'
605

In spite of the jaqi/anu distinction, the Aymara
generally treat their dogs humanely, as they do all useful
domestic animals; one might say they behave like jaqi toward

them. One calls one's dog by name to go herd sheep.

Tumaykaris, juta.m! Iwis anaki.iani.
come 2>3 sheep herd 493
I F/I

‘Come, Tumaykarisa! Let's you and me herd the sheep.'
(Hardman et al. 1975:1.205)

The addressee is the dog, Tumaykarisa, and the fourth person
inflection includes the dog as well as the human speaker.

One may also say to a dog

Aka.x mang'a.ma.w. "Here's your food.'
this food 2p

However, one does not use the same forms in speaking to a
dog as to a human being. The first of the above two sen-
tences would be rude if addressed to a person; the second
would be insulting. In the first case the unadorned Impera-
tive juta.m 'Come!' would be avoided by using politive
independent and final suffixes and/or by substituting

the Future for the Imperative.

Juta.ki.:ta.pi.y. ‘Please (you will) come.‘
come 2+3

F
606

And as indicated in the discussion of uses of the fourth
person (8-2.1), a polite way to tell someone that dinner is

ready is to say

Mang'a.si.fani. "Let's eat, you and I.'
eat 4+3

F/I

The jaqi/anu distinction affects the semantics of
other nouns. One of these is awki, an archaic term for
‘father'. As noted above, it occurs in the noun phrase
suma awki as a respectful term of address or reference for
God. In other contexts, awki has acquired canine connota-
tions. For example, to use it in inquiring about the health
of someone's father is rejected as implying the father is a

dog. That is,

Awki.ma.sti? ‘And (how is) your father?'
2p and

implies the rude expression

Anu awki.ma.sti? ‘And (how is) your (SOB of a) father?'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Another context, in which awki refers to a real dog's father,
is a jingle said while holding up a puppy's front legs to

make it dance on its back legs.
607

Tunka paya.n awki.ni, ma: sap tayki.ni...
10 2 owner 1 only mother owner

'It has 12 fathers, only one mother . . . ' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

(The jingle refers to the fact that a dog has any number of

possible fathers.)
8-2.23 The noun kankafia

The noun kankafia ‘essence, nature, being, power'
does not occur by itself, but only as the head of a noun
phrase and only when modified by another noun referring to

3

the Deity or a human being. It is to be distinguished from

the homophonous kanka.fia 'to fry’. Examples of kankafia are

Dios kankata ‘divine essence, Being of God' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

jaqi kankafia ‘human nature’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also
Bertonio 1612:2:120)

 

jayra kankafia.pa ‘their being lazy' jayra ‘human lazi-
ness' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

quilgi.n kankafia.pa.mpi.x ‘their being wealthy’
uerto Acosta)4 quilgi.ni ‘rich person’

uta.n  kankatia ‘the power of being a landlord’
uta.ni 'house-owner'’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

When modified by warmi ‘woman' the meaning is somewhat

disparaging.
608

Warmi kankafia.x jani.w wali.k.i.ti.
woman being no good 33
S

 

'To be a woman alone is not good.' (La Paz/Compi)

Warmi kankafia.pa.mpi.x Jura.p.x.i.w.
woman being do 373
S

‘In spite of their being women they did it.'
(La Paz/Compi)

Noun phrases in which kankafia is modified by nonhuman nouns

are usuaily rejected.

*jang'u  kankafia ‘to be white’

This meaning is instead expressed by verbalizing the noun

jang'u ‘white’.

jang'u.:.fia ‘to be white'

If jang'u modifies a human noun, such as jaqi, the noun

phrase is acceptable to some speakers.

janq'u jaq kankafia ‘to be white people, White Power'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
609

As indicated previously, suma 'good' occurs with

human reference when modifying kankana.

suma kankafia.mpi ‘with good humor’ (La Paz/Compi)

This is to be distinguished from the phrase

sum kanka.fia ‘to fry well' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

In this, suma is the zero complement of the nominalized verb
kanka- ‘fry'.
8-2.24 Noun suffixes

The noun suffix -ni possessor/enumerator is unmarked
for human/nonhuman when it occurs as possessor.

Uta.x punku.ni.w. ‘The house has a door.'

Jupa.x uta.ni.w. ‘She's a house-owner. '

r

However, when it occurs as enumerator, -ni is always human. >

On the interrogative gqawg"a ‘how much/many':

Qawg"a.ni.sa? ‘How many people are there?’
610

On numbers 1 to 10 and multiples of 10:

Pusi.ni.wa. ‘There are four people. '

Tunka pusi.ni.wa. ‘There are forty people.'

On the nonhuman quantity nouns tagi ‘all', wal.ja
‘much, many’, and juk'a 'few':

taqi.ni ‘all (the) people'

wal.ja.ni ‘many people’

juk'a.ni 'few people'

The personal possessive suffixes for Ip, 2p, and 4p

all refer to human possessors. The third person is unmarked

for human/nonhuman.

uta.n punku.pa ‘the door of the house’
Sp

jupa.n uta.pa "his house'

(The -n in the above examples is the possessive suffix -na.)
611

8-2.25 Subjects and complements of verb roots, stems,

and themes

As indicated in 6-3, verbs in Aymara are inflected
for tense, subject person, and complement person, in nine
unitary suffixes for each tense. (Defective verbs created
by verbalization with -ka- or -:- take only four inflectional
suffixes, all with 3p complements.) In these tense/person
suffixes (as in the case of personal possessive suffixes) 3p
subjects and complements are unmarked for human/nonhuman,
while 1p, 2p, and 4p subjects and complements are human or
anthropomorphized. A complement expressed in a tense/person
suffix may be further specified in a sentence by a noun
marked by one of the Aymara complement/relational (case)
suffixes (5-3.31). These nouns are referred to by these
suffixes as -ru, -ta, -mpi, -na, or -taki complements. Some
verbs also select other nouns which are marked with case
suffixes but do not reflect complements expressed in the
tense/person suffixes; these case-marked nouns are called
relationals. In addition to selecting subjects, complements,
and relationals, most verb roots and stems select zero
complements (5-3.33).

Aymara verb roots and stems (roots plus derivational
suffixes) belong to covert classes according to the semantic
features of the subjects, complements, relationals, and zero

complements they may take. The human/nonhuman distinction
612

is reflected in these semantic features, as is to be ex-
pected of such an important linguistic postulate in the
language. Investigation of other semantic features of

Aymara has only just begun. Among those tentatively identi-
fied so far, in addition to human/nonhuman, are distinctions
of animate/inanimate (or moving/nonmoving), animal/nonanimal,
plant/nonplant, and humanly processed/unprocessed.

There is apparently no set hierarchy of features;
rather, they cut across each other. Nonhuman may subsume
animate and inanimate, but animate may subsume human, animal,
and moving natural phenomena such as fire, sunlight, hail,
and clouds. Inanimate may subsume plant, humanly processed
agricultural products or manufactures, or nonprocessed non-
moving matter such as rock, earth, or places. Human may
subsume a distinction of human persons vs. human body parts
or secretions (e. g. blood, urine) and conditions affecting
them (e. g. cold, sunlight). Illustrations of these dis-
tinctions are given below. They remain working categories
pending further refinement as Aymara semantic studies pro-
ceed.

One instance in which the human/nonhuman distinction
is overriding with respect to verb stems and themes concerns
the behavior of the nominalizing suffix -fia (7-4.21.2). This
suffix is unmarked for human/nonhuman on verb roots. All

roots may take it, regardless of the semantics of their
613

subjects or complements. However, certain verb stems and
verb themes that require a nonhuman subject reject nominali-
zation with -fia because on them -fia implies a human subject.
Examples of stems and themes that reject -fia are given below.

The selectional rules for the semantic features
of verb subjects and complements are very complex, changing
according to the verb root and the verbal derivational suf-
fixes occurring in a verb stem. Although investigation of
these rules was not formally undertaken for this study,
examples are given to illustrate the interplay of semantic
features and to suggest directions for future research.

Verbs which usually require a human subject include
verbs of carrying or moving specific shapes and consistencies
of objects (zero complements) by various means (Tate 1970)
and the general carrying verb apa.fia 'to take, carry’ (shape
and consistency of object and manner of carrying not speci-
fied). In its basic form this verb takes a human subject
but not a human complement. It may take a human complement
when a nonhuman noun with the complement/relational suffix

-ta occurs as a relational (instrumental) in the sentence.

*(Naya.x) (juma.r) apa.:ma. (Not possible)
Ip 2p ae

(Naya.x) (juma.r) awtu.t apa.:ma.
Ip 2p -ru. car -ta  Il-2
F

 
614

'I will take you by car.'

The verb apa.fia plus the Class 1 verbal derivational
suffix -rpaya- implies a human subject and complement:
apa.rpaya.fia 'to leave someone’. However, when the Class 1
suffixes -su- and -ta- are added to the root apa-, the new
stem takes the moving natural phenomenon qinaya ‘cloud’ as
subject; it will not take a human subject nor the suffix
-fla.

Qinaya.x ap.s.t.i.w. ‘Clouds gathered. ' (La Paz)
3>3
S

Another carrying verb, irpa.fia 'to take a person’,
requires both a human subject and a human zero complement
in La Paz.

(Naya.x) (jum) irpa.:ma. ‘I will take you.'
1s2
F

 

In Salinas irpa.fia may also take a domesticated animal as
zero complement. In La Paz the derived verb irp.xata.fa,
with the Class 1 verbal derivational suffix -xata-, still
requires a human subject but may take a human or nonhuman

zero complement. Examples:
615

um irp.xata.fia ‘to direct water through a canal (if it
water — is going the wrong way)' (La Paz/Compi)

jum awtu.ru.w irp.xata.fa ‘to put you in a car (if

ap car OO you're sick and can't move)
and take you somewhere’
(La Paz/Compi)

(An animal may be substituted for the person in the last
example.)

In classifying noun features it is necessary to
recognize metaphoric usages whereby an apparently nonhuman
noun is used where a human noun would be expected. The
derived verb irpa.ra.fia ‘to take away, remove physically,
as punishment', with the Class 1 verbal derivational suffix
-ra-, may take a human subject and a human or animal zero
complement. For example, a customs agent (human subject)
may take away someone's dog (animal zero complement). Meta-
phorically human, the law may take children (human zero
complement) from one parent and give them to the other
parent. (These examples are all from La Paz/Tiahuanaco. )

The verbs achu.fia (La Paz) and puqu.fia (La Paz and

elsewhere) take a plant subject and no zero complement.

ach.u.
a "Potatoes grow/are produced. '
pug.u. ( (La Paz) (Calacala)
~~ 343

S

Ch'ugi.w
616

When the Class 2 verbal derivational suffix -ya- is added to
achu- or puqu-, the verb takes a human subject, the original

plant subject then turning into a zero complement.

Ch'uq achu.y.t.wa. ‘I grow potatoes.' (La Paz)
133
S

There is a homophonous verb achu.ita ‘to carry in the
mouth' that requires an animal subject. The derived stem
ach.ja.tata- ‘to bite', with the Class 1 derivational suf-
fixes -ja- and -tata-, also requires an animal subject and
therefore does not take the nominalizer -fia. It can take a

human -ru complement.

Anu.w (naya.r) ach.ja.tat.itu. ‘The dog bit me.’
dog Ip 3>1 = (La Paz)
S

The base verb mang'a.fa 'to eat' permits a human or
animal subject and an edible zero complement, but no human
-ru complement. The derived verb stem mang'a.tata- with the
Class 1 verbal derivational suffix -tata-, permits only an
animal subject and does not take -fia, but like ach.ja.tata-

it also can take a human -ru complement.
617

ch'uq mang'a.fia ‘to eat potatoes' (La Paz)
chug mang a.na

Anu.w (naya.r) mang'a.tat.itu. ‘The dog bit me.'
dog Tp ——=— 3+ (La pazi
S

Two other verbs glossing ‘to bite', both also with
-tata- in the stem, may be substituted for ach.ja.tata- or

mang'a.tata-.

Anu.w fiaxfia.tat.itu. 'The dog bit me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Anu.w ttat"a.tat.itu. ‘The dog bit me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
3+]
S

The verb t"at"a.tata.fia may take a human subject when used
metaphorically, meaning ‘to snap at someone, to bite some-
one's head off'.

Certain verb themes built on nouns verbalized with
=pta- require a nonhuman subject and do not take the nomi-
nalizer -fia. Examples are ch'iyara.pta- ‘turn black’,
muxsa.pta- ‘turn sweet', and uma.pta- ‘melt, turn to liquid’.
When the Class 2 verbal derivational suffix -ya- is added,
the new stems permit human and nonhuman subjects and zero

complements, and will take the nominalizer -fia.
618

ch' iyara.pta.ya.fia ‘to cause to turn black, to

blacken'
muxsa.pta. ya. fia ‘to sweeten’
Nina.x ch"ullunk"ay una pta. uma. pia Ya. tayna.
fire ice 3+3

RIK

'The fire melted the ice.’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

The natural phenomena nouns lupi ‘sunlight' or inti ‘sun’

 

may be substituted for nina in the foregoing sentence.

The verb jiwa.fia 'to die' may take an animal or human
subject without the addition of any Class 1 suffixes to the
root, but not a plant subject; and it has no complements.

The following examples from La Paz/Compi have the Class 2

suffixes -si- and -ka- with the Non-Involver -chi and the

final suffixes -chi- plus -m:

Iwisa.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. ‘Maybe the sheep died.’
sheep die NI

Jupa.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. ‘Maybe he/she died.'
3p

*Ch'ugi.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe the potatoes died.'
potato

Another noun accepted as subject in the above pattern is
‘Nina. x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. ‘Maybe the fire died out.'
Nina.chi.m jiwa.s.k.chi. ‘Maybe the fire died down.'

Nina.chi.m jiwa.ra.s.k.chi. ‘Look out, the fire may
die out.'

(The last example has the Class 1 suffix -ra- in the stem.)
The addition of the Class 2 suffix -ya- to the root
jiwa- does not change the semantics of its subjects but

allows it also to take (formerly) living zero complements.

Juyp"i.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. ‘Hail killed the sheep.’
hail sheep 323

RIK
Qamaqi.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. 'The fox killed the sheep.’
fox sheep 343

RIK

Jupa.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. ‘He/she killed the sheep.'
3p sheep 323
RIK

In La Paz/Compi, if the Class 1 suffix -su- is added

to the root jiwa- the new stem may take a plant subject but

not a human or animal subject.

Ch'ugi.x jiw.su.s.k.chi.chi.xa. ‘Maybe the potatoes
— Ni died.’

potato
Ch'ugi.x jiw.s.u.x. ‘The potatoes died.'
323

S
620

 

Jawasa.x jiw.S.u.x. - ‘The beans died.'
beans
Ayru.x jiw.S.u.w. ‘The plants died.'
plant

Addition of the Class 2 suffix -ya- to the stem jiw.su- per-
mits an animate subject, and turns a former plant subject
to a zero complement. In the following example, also from

La Paz/Compi, the new subject is juyp"i ‘hail':

Juyp"i.chi.x pangar jiw.su.ya.s.k.chi.
hail flower NI

"Perhaps the hail killed the flowers."

When a verb already has a human subject and a non-
human zero complement, the addition of -ya- to the root cre-
ates an agent (usually human) expressed in the verb inflection
complement. If the agent is also expressed by a noun in the

sentence, it will be marked by either -ru or -mpi complement/

relational suffix (see 5-3.31).

um wayu.fa ‘to carry water (in container
with handles) '

 

Juwanti.ru.y wayu.ya.m. ‘Have Johnny carry the water.'
2>3
I

Mama.ma.mpi.y wayu.ya.m. ‘Have your mother carry the
water. '
621

(In these contexts, as noted by Hardman, -mpi occurs when it
is desired to show respect for the person who is to be the
agent.)

The Class 2 suffix combination -si- plus -ka-
(-s.ka-) implies a human or anthropomorphized subject when
it occurs on interrogatives and demonstratives that have

been verbalized with -ka-.

Kawki.n.ka.s.k.i.sa? ‘Where is he/she?'
~~ 343
S

Aka.n.ka.s.ka.:n.wa.y. ‘He was here.' (referring to the
373 dog Tumaykarisa; Hardman et al.
RDK 1975:1:205)

Without -s.ka-, the interrogative or demonstrative plus -n.ka-
implies an inanimate, nonmoving subject.

a

Kawki.n.k.i.sa? feet

"Where is it?'
Kawk"a.n.k.i.sa?

Aka.n.k.i.wa. ‘It's here.' (La Paz)
333
S

In asking the location of a domestic animal, or even a per-
son, it is common to use an inflected verb, instead of kawki

plus verbalization, e. g.
622

Asnu.x kawk"a.n.s mang'a.s.k.i?
donkey where eat 3>3

S

 

‘Where is the donkey feeding?'

K"a: pampa.n mang'a.s.k.i.
that

'He's feeding over on that pampa [flat place].'
(La Paz/Compi)

The suffix combination -s.ka- on a verb or verb

theme nominalized with -:- instead of -ka-, does not imply a

human subject.

Aka.:.s.ska.tayna.w. ‘Here it is.' (La Paz/Compi)
33
RIK

The Class 2 suffix -rapi- beneficiary occurs in
stems which take human subjects and human -taki complements,
and may also take a human -ru relational. There is also

usually a zero complement.

(Juma. Jupa) (ype. r) (n aa taki.w) ch'uq chura. rap. ita:ta.
2p potato “Give 2>1
F

"You will give him potatoes on my behalf.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

The Class 2 suffix -raga- victimary occurs in stems

which take human subjects and human -na complements;
623

relationals may also occur, and the zero complement is a

possession of the -na complement.

Juma.n wutilla.m jala.q.ta.ya.raq.tam.
2p bottle 2p knock over ~~ 3-2
S

'Hde knocked over your bottle.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Some derived verbs based on nouns verbalized with
the Class 1 suffix -ja- have unrealized subjects but take
human -ru complements and ingestible -ta relationals. The
verbs may take the nominalizer -fia only when they are stated

with their -ta relationals; -ru complement nouns are usually

not expressed. Examples:
mang'a.t ~ maq'a.t awt.ja.fia (*awt.ja.fia) awti ‘'drought'
Mang'a.t (79a. r) awt.j.itu. ‘I'm hungry.'
food ac 2 (all dialects)

uma.t awt.ja.na

Uma.t awt.j.itu. ‘I'm thirsty.’ (Jopoqueri,
water Morocomarca )

 

uma.t p"ar.ja.fia (*p"ar.ja.fia) p"ara ‘'dry'

Uma.t p"ar.j.itu. ‘I'm thirsty.' (La Paz)

 
624

uma.t wafi.ja.na (*wafi.ja.fia) wafu 'dry'

Uma.t wan.j.itu. ‘I'm thirsty.' (Calacoa, Sitajara,
Bertonio 1603b)

Another verb that takes a human -ru complement and

may have an unrealized subject is jat.ja.fia 'to weigh upon,

 

to sadden'.
Jat.j.itu. ‘It saddens me/weighs me down/weighs on me.'
133
S ‘It's heavy.' (La Paz/Compi)

Certain verbs with subjects that are human body
parts or conditions affecting them, answer the ques-

tion

Kuna.s kama.ch.tam? "What ails you?'
what how 3-2
S

The examples, all of which are believed to take -fia nomi-
nalizer, are from Hardman et al. (1975:1.181-184, 2.119)

unless otherwise noted.

Malig'a.w ch'aja.nt.itu. "My throat is hoarse. '
throat HY
S
625

Tiaya.w k'at"ati.y.itu. ‘The cold makes me shiver. '
cold

 

 

Puraka.w k'ich.itu. ‘My stomach has cramps.'
stomach

Lupi.w lup.j.itu. 'The sunlight makes me hot.'
sunlight

Iki.w pak.itu. 'I'm sleepy.’ ('Sleep overcomes
sleep me.') (Jopoqueri)

T"aya.w tiay.j.itu. ‘The cold chills me.'

cold J

Ampara.w t'uk.utu. 'My arms are stiff.’

arm

P'igi.w us.utu. ‘My head aches."

head —

There are also verbs that may take both human per-
sons and human body parts, or conditions affecting them, as
subjects. With person subjects they may take inanimate zero
or -ru complements but they usually do not take human comple-
ments; with body parts or conditions as subjects they may
take human complements, in which case they answer the ‘What

ails you?’ question. Examples:
626

puri.fia ‘to arrive’

(mark)
Person subject: Jupa.w pur. i.
3p (marka.r) x3

town

‘He/she arrived (in town).' (La Paz)

Condition subject: Iki.w pur.itu.
sleep = =— 31
S

‘I'm sleepy.' (La Paz)

Iki.w puri.w.j.itu.

'I'm sleepy.' (Calacoa)

Iki.w pur.t.itu.
'I'm sleepy.' (Sitajara)

Ch"uxu.w pur. itu.
urine

'I need to urinate.' (La Paz)

gari.fa ‘to tire'

Person subject: Qari.ta.ki.t.wa. .
—— 133

S

'I'm very tired.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
627

Qar.j.t.wa.

'I'm tired.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Body part subject: Kayu.naka.w sar.naga.t gar.j.itu.
feet walk 3-1

S

 

'My feet are tired (tire me) from walking.’
(Hardman et al. 1975:2.119)

Unrealized subject: Qar.ja.s.k.itu.w.
3+]
S

‘I'm tired.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.355)

sara.fia ‘to go’

 

(mark)
Person subject: Naya. x sara.:.
'p (marka.ru.w) _

town

'I'll go to town.' (La Paz)

Body part subject, body part -ta relational:

Wila.w nasa.t sar.itu.
blood nose ~~ 3+]
S

‘I have a nosebleed.' (‘Blood from
nose goes to me.' (La Paz)
628

sar.ta.fia ‘to get up'

Person subject: Jupa.x sar.t.i.w.
3p “~~ 33
S

'He got up.' (La Paz)
Body part condition subject, condition -ta relational:

Jinchu ch"ig"acha.w t'aya.t sar.t.itu.
ear ache cold ——~ 3+]
- §

'My ear aches from the cold.' ('Ear ache

from cold gets up to me.') (Hardman et al.
1975:1.181-182)

A verb that may take a human -ru complement with
either a human person or bodily condition as subject is

katu.fia 'to grab’.
Person subject, human -ru complement:

Jupa.x (naya.r) kat.utu.
ae |
S

'He/she grabbed me.' (La Paz)
Condition subject, human -ru complement:

Rumarisu.w kat.utu.
rheumatism 31

'T have rheumatism.' (Hardman et al.
1975:1.181-182)

A verb that may take a human or animal subject with
or without a human complement is ma.kata.fia 'to go across or

in front of'.

Human subject, human -ru complement:

Naya.x maliku.r ma.kat.t.wa.
Ip chief ~ ~— ]+3
S

'l went before the chief.' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco; inspired by Bertonio 1603b:272)

Human subject, place zero complement:

Jawir ma.kata.m.
river 23
I

‘Cross the river.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco;
inspired by Bertonio 1603b :272)
630

Animal subject, human -ru complement:

Kusi.kusi.x ma.kat.istu.
spider 3-4
S

 

'Spiders crawled over us.' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)

Most of the above examples are from La Paz. Evi-
dence of dialectal variation in the semantic features of
verb subjects and complements is still scanty, but a few
examples may be given. In La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, and
Morocomarca the verb wawa.cha.fia means ‘for animals to bear
offspring'. In Jopoqueri, Sitajara, and Salinas the verb
is also used for human beings, with the general meaning ‘to
bear offspring’. Everywhere, however, derivatives of the
verb usu.fia 'to be i17' (such as usu.ri.:.ta.:.fia,
usu.r.ta.Si.fia, and us.xa.fia) are commonly used for ‘to
be pregnant, to bear a child' (human subject).

In Juli ik.nug.t.xa.si.fia means ‘for a human being
to be born'. The corresponding verb in Jopoqueri is
jiki.nugu.si.fia. Metaphorically they may mean ‘to be
founded' taking as subject an organization, for example.

In La Paz the usual verb meaning 'for a human being to be
born' is nasi.fia, from Spanish nacer. The corresponding

native Aymara verb yuri.fia ~ yawri.fia still persists in Juli
631

and parts of La Paz department but yuri.fia is considered to
be Missionary or Radio Aymara by some speakers (see 9-6.2).
8-2.3 Directly/Indirectly acquired knowledge

(data source)

This postulate is expressed by verbal inflectional
suffixes (6-3), the reporting verb sa.fia (6-4 and 7-4.4) and
certain final suffixes (7-2.22). Its cultural importance is
conveyed in a saying found in almost all Aymara communities
(see 7-4.22.1 and Appendix D), which may be translated as

"Having seen, one must say “I have seen."

Not having seen, one must not say "I have seen."'
Closely bound up with this postulate is the cultural impor-
tance of learning by watching the behavior of respected
people, as reflected in the expressions noted in 8-2.2 with

reference to the human/nonhuman distinction.

Jaq uii.ta.sa.w sar.naqga.:ta. ‘Live (by) watching
people watching go around 2>3 real people. '
F

Kuna.r uf.ta.t sar.naq.ta.xa. ‘You go around looking

anything watching go around at anything.’ (How
2>3 stupid you are.) (La
S Paz/Compi)

In Aymara society, children are expected to learn by observa-
tion and in a very short time; they are expected to dis-

criminate, both qualitatively and in terms of who did and
632

said what and to whom. This expectation is reflected in the
language.

The Simple, Remote Direct Knowledge, and Remonstra-
tor tenses are used when (usually visual) direct experience
on which to base a statement (or question) is available to
the speaker, hearer, or both. The Future, Imperative, and
Desiderative tenses are used for projections vouched for or
desired on the basis of directly acquired personal knowl-
edge. The Remote Indirect Knowledge tense indicates non-
presence of the speaker at the event(s) discussed and second-
hand acquisition of the information, possibly accompanied
by surprise or change of a former opinion. Compound tenses
with the Inferential express conjecture based on evidence
from personal experience, while compound tenses with the
Non-Involver imply inability to vouch for information be-
cause of factors beyond one's control.

The reportive verb sa.fia places the speaker in the
role of reproducing what someone else said. Varying de-
grees of directness or indirectness of acquisition of the
information may be expressed by the verb sa.fia as well as
within the quoted statements themselves.

The final suffixes -wa absolute and -pi reiterator
of known information are the strongest of the direct knowl-
edge markers. They often occur softened with the politive

-ya, but this does not detract from their absoluteness.
633

The interrogatives -sa and -ti elicit answers with -wa or

-pi even if no information is available.

Jani.w yat.k.t.ti. 'T don't know.' (general)
no ~ know 1-3
S

On the other hand, the final suffix -xa or its variant is
nonabsolute, often tentative. The limited final suffix
-chi- and the disclaimer -m are the strongest indirect
knowledge markers, the former very similar in both phonologi-
cal shape and semantics to the Non-involver suffix -chi. In
fact, the final suffix combinations -chi.xa and -chi.m have
occurred only with -chi Non-involver on the verb, although

the latter often occurred without -chi.xa or -chi.m in the
sentence.

Combining direct knowledge tenses with direct knowl-
edge final suffixes reinforces the directness. The final
suffixes -wa and -pi do not co-occur with the Non-involver,
the most indirect of the tense markers.

At this stage of research no regional variation in
this postulate has been noted, but there is variation with

respect to Missionary Aymara (see 9-6.13).
634

8-2.4 A nonpostulate: Singular/Plural

In Aymara the distinction of singular/plural is not
a postulate as it is for the Indo-European languages.
Plural may be optionally indicated by the noun suffix -naka
and/or the verbal derivational suffix -p-, as noted in
5-2.3, 5-3.25, and 6-2.26. The present section focuses on
examples that show the optionality of number marking in
Aymara.

8-2.41 Plural in translation, no
plural marking in Aymara

Juma.raki na.raki, juma.raki  na.raki,
2p and Ip and

 

uka.x kuna.s? Kayu.w.
that what foot

 

"You and I, you and 7,

what is that? Feet.’ (Calacoa riddle)

Wawa.j pirti.si.y.itu.
child Ip lose 3+]
S

'She made me lose my children." ‘(Socca)

Yapu.sa.taki.wa.
field 4p

'Tt's for our fields.' (Salinas)
635

<Uma.nta.ma chicha, aka k'us um.t’a.ma.lla,
drink 253 this chicha drink 2>3
I I

ch'ama.tayi> sa.s uka.t uma.nt.iri.w.
strength that drink

 

''Drink chicha, drink this chicha, for strength,"
so saying they drink.’ (Sitajara)

The following example has a subject consisting of

two nouns conjoined:

Uk"a.ru.x awk tayka.raki.w puri.n.iritayn.
then father mother and arrive 33

RIK

'Then the father and mother arrived.’ (Juli)

The second in the following minimal pair (contrast-

ing the phonemes /ch'/ and /ch/) implies more than one per-

son as subject.

Ch'ara.nt.chi.spa.xa.y. '(The rain) might get your

wet NI 353 clothes wet.' (La Paz)
D-1

Chara.nt.chi.spa.xa.y. 'They may cross thighs. '

thigh (obscene) (La Paz)
636

8-2.42 Conjoined nouns as subject, plural
marked on verb

Tata.j mama.ja.w jark'a.si.p.x.itu.
father Ip mother prevent ~ Sl

S
'My father and mother don't let me.’ (Juli)

+ . g'amagi.mpi k'usillu.mpi jig.xata.si.p.xa.tayna . . .
fox monkey meet ~ 333
RIK
' . . a fox and a monkey met . . . ' (Pacajes; LaBarre
1950:42)

8-2.43 Plural marked only on subject

Alp"irawu.naka.w ut.j.i. "There are alferados.'
alferado ~— 333 (Sitajara)
S

Uka.t uka piwuna.naka.x ya uka chicha.mpi-.x
then that worker

 

tunu.ri.w. 'Then those workers are strengthened
strength with that chicha.' (Sitajara)

Juma.naka ufi.ch'uk.ista.wa. ‘You (pl.) are looking at me.'
- 2>1 (Salinas; translated from
S Spanish)

K"iti.naka.s pur.ta.ni.w.x.i? ‘Who (pi.) arrived?’
who arrive 323 = (Calacoa)
S
637

 

Uk"a.ma.ki.w kuwintu.naka.ja.x .. . inas jan

thus story ~ Ip maybe no

wali.k.ch.i.ti. ‘That's the way my stories (are)...

good 33 perhaps not very good.' (Huancané)
S

Kuna p"utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s .. .
whatever photo come out

 

"Whatever photos may come out... ' (Corque)
8-2.44 Plural marked only on verb

A subject, complement, or relational noun without
-naka but translating as plural may occur with -p- on the
verb.
Subject:

Alp"a sSa.p.x.t na.x. "We say alp"a.' (Sitajara)
alfalfa say  1+3 Ip
S

 

- al.ja.si.p.k.t"a naya.x. ‘We buy .. .' (Calacala)
buy —~ 123 Ip
S

Complement:

. Na.ru.xa rispach.xa.p.x.it. ‘Dismiss us .. .'

Ip dismiss ~ 2+] (Sitajara)
I
Jani.w k"iti.ru.s aru.s.ta.si.p.xa.nta.ti.
no anyone tell ~ 2>3
F

‘Don't [you sg.] tell anyone else.' (Salinas)
638

Wak liw.t'a.ya.ni.p.xa.:ta.
cow feed ~ 2>3

ete F

‘You [sg.] will feed the cows.' (Calacoa)

Relational:

Yapu.pa.t juta.p.x.i.x.
field 3p come ~ 393 -
S

'She's coming from her fields.’ (Juli)

It is common for -p- to occur on the verb when a
subject and/or complement is unexpressed by a noun in the
sentence, but appears in plural form in translation. The
suffix -p- may refer to the persons involved in the action,

the extent or intensity of the action itself, or both.

puqu.ya.si.p.k.t"a ‘we produce’ (Calacala)
~ 433
S
sara.si.p.k.ta ‘you [p].] are going' (Jopoqueri)
~ 43
S

May.ni.t may.ni.t pari.t'a.p.xa.m.
other talk — 2-3

I

‘You talk one by one.’ (Calacoa)
639

am. tu.ni.p.xa.mama ‘we will remember you' (Juli)
~ ]+2
F
amtu.ni.p.x.ita:ta ‘you will remember us' (Juli)
~ 2>1
F

Juma un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x. ‘You are looking at us.'
2p ™~ 2+] (Calacoa; translated from
S

Tu nos estas mirando.'You [sg.] are looking at us.')

Kuwintt'a.p.xa.mama. 'I'1] tell you a story." (Huancané)
_ 1-2
F

Srta. Lusi.xa ak.ja.ta.:ma.ta aka.ru.x

 

Miss Lucy unexpectedly here
wisita.p.x.itu. 'Miss Lucy unexpectedly visited
visit ~ 31 us here.’ (Salinas)

S

Sometimes one verb may have -p- while another with

the same subject does not.

Uka.t uka.x chich.x lur.i.xa - k'usa.si.p.k.i

then that  chicha make 3+3 make chicna 3-3
S S
wali sum. ‘Then they make chicha,they make

very well chicha very well." (Sitajara)
Uka.t.x uma.nta.p.x.i uka.t wulpi chur.i.x

 

then drink ~— 3+3 then hit give 33
S S
wal trawaj.i.x. "Then they drink, then they
well work 373 hit hard, they work hard.'
S (Sitajara)
Wal sara.naga.s.k.i - wali sara.naqa.si.p.k.i.x.
well get along 3-3 well get along ~ 343
S S

'They get along fine - they get along fine.' (Sitajara)

Jani.ray.s wali.:.wa.x.t.ti.x. Wal (lla)k"ichu.si.-

no and improve 133 very be sad
S
ta.p.x.i. ‘I haven't gotten any better...
~ 333 I've had a lot of trouble.’
S (Sitajara)

In the immediately preceding example -p- acts more
as an emphatic or intensifier than a plural. This is also

true in the following sentences:

Puri.t.ma.taki p"uya.p.t.wa. "For your coming I cooked
arrive 2p cook —1+3 (a lot).' (Morocomarca)
S

Tuk.t'a.si.p.x.ch.i uk charang. ‘He was playing the
play ~ 343 charango (a lot).'
S (Juli)

It is possible of course that in the first example above

more than one person was involved in the cooking and that in
641

the second the speaker refers to the audience for which the

charango was played.

8-2.45 Plural marked on complement and verb

In the following examples plural is marked on the
complement and the verb; there are no subject nouns or

pronouns in the sentences.

Na.naka.ru.x sSirwi.p.x.it. "You serve us." (Sitajara)
Ip serve 21
I

 

Uka.ta.raki na.naka.r arma.si.si.p.k.itasma.
then lp forget ~ 2>1

D-1
'Now then, don't you forget us.' (duli)

Kuna p"utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s uka.nak
any photo come out those

 

apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y.
send ~ 2>1

F

"Please send me/us any photos that come out.' (Corque)

8-2.46 Plural marked on subject and verb

When translating from Spanish, bilinguals usually
mark a plural subject with -naka and the verb with -p-, as

in the following examples, all translations from Spanish:
642

Juma.naka uii.ch'uki.s.ka. p. Stes X.
2p ~— look at
S.

‘You [p1.] are looking at me.' (Calacoa)

Na.naka.x chik.t'a.si. p.k
Ip ask
i

‘We are asking.' (Salinas)

yuPa nak sara. p.xa. ta. Bae ta mama.pa.x k"atu.r

3p ~~ + go 3p market
sara.:n.wa. ‘After they had left, their mother went
go 333 to market.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; inspired
RDK by Ebbing 1965:185)

Kuilaka.nak.fa sar.xa.p. Ae i. 38
sister ~ Ip go ~
vs

"My sisters left.' (Morocomarca)

Juma.naka.x na.r un.kata.p.itta.
2p Ip ~~ 2+]
S

 

 

‘You (pi.) are looking at me.' (Sitajara)

This pattern may occur in the speech of monolinguals, as in
the case of the following from Tschopik (1948:113), but it

is not very common.

*Jupa.naka.sti inti.ru.xa kun.sa kama.cha. p. k.iri. payne. ti.

3p sun nothing do
RIK

"And they had done nothing to the sun.' (Chucuito)
643

8-3 Semantic Variation in Roots and Suffixes

Apart from variation in the manifestations of lin-
guistic postulates (although not in the postulates them-
selves), there is some variation inthe meanings of roots,
suffixes, and stems across dialects. The same root, stem,
or suffix may have one meaning in translation in one dialect,
another in another; or the same meaning in translation may
be expressed by different lexical items or suffixes from one
dialect to another. As already noted, relying on transla-
tions to establish 'same' or 'different' meanings is unsafe;
identity or difference of meanings must ultimately be decided

by native speakers working within the language.

8-3.1 Noun system

8-3.11 Closed classes of noun roots

The verbalized interrogative Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? has
Slightly different meanings in different dialects (see 5-
2.12). The syntactic linkers kuna.layku.ti.xa (built on the
interrogative kuna) and uka.mpisa (built on the demonstra-
tive uka) are discussed in 9-5.

The positionals chika and ch'ina have slightly
varying meanings, as do some of the temporals (see 5-2.5,

5-2.6, and 5-4).
644

The word jup"a, which is the 3p pronoun in Moroco-
marca, means quinoa (a grain) in La Paz where the 3p pronoun
is jupa as it is in most dialects.

Some kinship terms vary in meaning across dialects.
Only a few will be mentioned here. The term sullka means
‘younger daughter’ or ‘younger' in most dialects. However,
in Vitocota these meanings are rendered by p'uru. The noun
achachi means ‘grandfather’ or ‘old man’ in Calacala and
Calacoa, but in La Paz it signifies ‘dirty (unwashed) old
man, stupid old man'. The terms tatala (M) and mamala (F)
are used in Vitocota by a mother addressing a son or daughter.
In Sitajara they are used to refer to people from the alti-
plano (the department of Puno), otherwise known as the suni
people. In Tiahuanaco tatala is an insulting term for

‘father’.

8-3.12 Open class of noun roots
8-3.12.1 One form in Aymara, different meanings
in translation
These are listed in alphabetical order. There may
be some phonological variation in the root.
jiwa ‘ugly’ (Chucuito, Socca, Puno)
‘beautiful, pretty, nice' (La Paz)

‘dead’ (Morocomarca)

 

Jiwa uta.naka.ki.sa.: ‘What nice houses!' (La Paz)

"Houses of the dead!'
(Morocomarca )
jirwa ~ jiwra

jirwa

 

k"usa
k"usi
k'acha

k'acha.ta.ki.

pachpa

quli

645

‘quinoa’ (Socca, Puno)

‘quinoa, dried corn, cornstalk'
(Sitajara)

‘quinoa’ (Calacoa)

‘dried corn or dried wheat' (Morocomarca)
‘quinoa’ (Morocomarca)

3p pronoun (elsewhere)

‘quinoa’ (La Paz)

3p pronoun (Morocomarca)

‘tasty’ (Calacoa, Huancané)

"pretty, nice’ (La Paz)

‘beautiful’ (Chucuito, Puno)

‘pretty' (Calacoa)

'pretty' (Sitajara)

‘slowly' (Huancané; similar forms have
this meaning in La Paz, Morocomarca,

and Sitajara. See 8-3.12.2.)

‘all, completely’ (La Paz, Salinas,
Calacala, Calacoa)

‘cloudless sky' (Morocomarca; probably
metaphorical)

‘same’ (La Paz)

‘afterwards’ (Salinas, Corque)
‘right there' (Sitajara)

‘dear’, as in quli mama ‘dear lady'

(Juli, Huancané; not used in La Paz,
Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
646

quta 'lake' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, La Paz, Juli)
'well full of water' (Calacoa)

suma ‘beautiful, pretty’ (Calacoa, Socca,
Jopoqueri)

 

‘tasty, delicious’ (nonhuman), ‘kind,
good' (human) (La Paz)

suma.ta.ji 'slow(ly)' (Salinas)
suma.t'a.ki 'slow(ly)' (Jopoqueri)
thaya ‘cold' (not ‘wind!) (Calacoa, Morocomarca,

San Andrés de Machaca)

"cold wind' (La Paz; wind is by defini-
tion cold)

wayra '‘wind' (Jopoqueri, Salinas; not used in
Calacoa or Compi)

warya ~ wayra 'wind' (in parts of La Paz)

8-3.12.2 One meaning in translation, different forms
in Aymara
‘all, completely’ liju (La Paz, Calacala, Calacoa)
liju ~ lliju (Salinas)
limp"“u (Morocomarca)
tagi (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas,

Calacala, Sitajara; does not occur
in Calacoa)

tagpa ~ tagip (Morocomarca)
‘asthma' k'ap"allja (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

Naya.x k'ap"allja.ni.t.wa. ‘I have
asthma. '

xarsa (Vitocota)

Jupa.x xarsa.ni.w. ‘He has asthma.'
‘belt’

(faja)

'chicha' (fermented

‘cloud'

"comb'

'dog'

‘family'

‘fast,

in a hurry'

647

p"aja (San Andrés de Machaca)

t'isnu (Morocomarca; worn only by women
in San Andrés de Machaca; term not used
in Sitajara)

wak'a (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa, San
Andrés de Machaca)

 

yapisa (Jopoqueri, Salinas; term not
used in Sitajara)

corn drink)

k'usa (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Sitajara)
k'usa (Calacala)

wifiapu (Sitajara)

ch'iwi (Jopoqueri)

qinaya (Compi)

qinayu (Huancané)

chaxrafia (La Paz/Compi; ‘like a broom')
sanu (La Paz, Calacoa)

saxrafia, tika (Huancané)

anu (La Paz, Morocomarca, Juli, Sitajara,

alacoa)

anugara (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara,
Huancané, Vitocota)

p'amilla (La Paz; < Spanish familia)
yump"i (Vitocota)

anchicha (Sitajara)

anchita (La Paz)

apura (Sitajara, Jopoqueri; < Spanish
apurar)
648

jank'a (Sitajara)
jank'a.ki (La Paz)
laga (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, Socca)

lijiru.lla (Ilave, according to Huancané
source; < Spanish ligero)

luku (Calacoa)
ma:ji (Salinas, Morocomarca)
ma:ki (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
mak.maki (Calacala)
mak"i (Calacoa)

'fat' lik'i (La Paz, Juli)

Tank"u (Salinas; in La Paz, means 'thick',
e. g. wool)

lunku (Calacoa)
'fat-taker' k"arik"ari (La Paz)

k"ari.s.iri (Juli, Huancané, Calacala,
Morocomarca)

lik'i.ch.iri (Salinas) ('fat-maker')
'flower' kalawina (Calacoa; < Spanish clavel)

pangqara (La Paz; this and similar forms
unknown in Calacoa)

p"aq"ara (Morocomarca)
p"anqalli (Jopoqueri)

t'ika (Salinas; considered Quechua by
Jopoqueri speaker)

‘fox! atux antunu (Salinas)

 

lari (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)

 
‘girl’ (little)

"grinding stone for

"hail'

"hat'

"hen'

649

gamaqi (La Paz, Huancané, Socca, Sitajara,
Calacoa, Salinas)

tiwla (Morocomarca)

tiwula (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Socca,
Salinas)

lulu (Socca, Jests de Machaca, San Andrés
de Machaca)

mimilla (Sitajara; also Bertonio 1603b)
imilla (elsewhere)

grain'

iyatia (Juli)

iyafia ~ iyawjatia (Jopoqueri; term not
used in Sitajara or Salinas)

kutatia (Morocomarca)

panhara (Sitajara)

q"una (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, Morocomarca)
chijni (Huancané)

ch*ijch"i (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

ch"ixni (Vitocota)

ch"ulluqa (La Paz/Compi)

ch'utgq"u (Juli)
k'ulu (Jopoqueri)
sumiru (Sitajara;

< Spanish sombrero)
surmiru (La Paz;

atallpa (Sitajara)

wallpa (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Morocomarca)

*atawalpa (Bertonio 1603b:23)
‘Tung'

‘much, too much'

‘pretty, beautiful’

‘quinoa’

‘rooster'

650

chuyma (Salinas, Juli)
samasama (Jopoqueri)

ulmuna (La Paz, Sitajara; < Spanish
pulmon

alluxa (Salinas, Jopoqueri; not used by
Some La Paz speakers because of homophony
with allu 'penis' plus -xa final suffix)
ancha (La Paz/Compi, Jopoqueri, Salinas)
ayncha (Corque)

muspa: (Salinas)

wakita (Jopoqueri)

wal.ja (La Paz, Morocomarca)

jiwa (La Paz, Huancané)

kusa (La Paz)

k"usa (Socca)

k"usi (Calacoa)

k'acha (Sitajara)

k'ach"a (Salinas)

suma (Calacoa, Socca, Jopoqueri)

jiwra (Sitajara, Calacoa)

jiwra ~ jirwa (Socca)

jupa (Morocomarca)

jup"a (La Paz/Compi, Huancané)

juyra (Jopoqueri, Salinas) |

pisqi (Sitajara)

chanka (Calacoa)

ch'uru (Sitajara)
651

gallu (Salinas; }
——— < Spanish gallo
k"allu (Morocomarca;
k'ank'a (La Paz, Jopoqueri)
ququrichi (Huancané)
wallpa (Huancané)
‘slow(ly)' aski.ta.ki (Calacoa)
jarita (Achocalla)
k'acha:.ta.ji (Morocomarca)
k'acha:.ta.ki (Sitajara)
k'acha.ta.ki (Huancané)
k'acha.t"a.ki (Morocomarca)
k'ach"ita (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
suma.t"a.ji (Salinas)
suma.t"a.ki  (Jopoqueri)
‘ugly, disgusting’ axtafia (Juli)
jaxtata (Sitajara)
djiru (Salinas; < Spanish feo ?
djiwa (Socca)
Haxtafia (Salinas)
fiaxu (Jopoqueri)

p"iru (Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa,
San Andrés de Machaca; < Spanish feo ?

‘wind' ch'isi (Huancané)
suqi (Calacoa)

t"aya (La Paz; also means ‘cold')
652

wayra (Jopoqueri, Socca, Salinas; term
not used in Compi)

warya ~ wayra (parts of La Paz)

‘young woman' palachu (Calacala, possibly other parts
of Potos7)

tawaqu (elsewhere)
‘worm' sik"a (Morocomarca)
Tag"u (Calacoa)

lag'u (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Sitajara)

8-3.13 Noun suffixes

8-3.13.1 One form in Aymara, different uses (and/or

meanings in translation)

-n.jama ‘like in/on' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
uru.n.jama ‘like in daytime'
p"axsi.n.jama 'like on the moon'

‘'through' (Calacoa, La Paz/Compi)
uta.n.jama ‘through the house'
‘every’ (Bertonio 1603b:231)
+ . ' \
uru.n.jama ‘every day

-pacha ‘self', on Ip naya ~ na (Juli, La Paz,
Calacoa; not used elsewhere)

nay.pacha ‘myself'

‘all, same' (everywhere)
653

8-3.13-2 One meaning in translation, different
forms in Aymara
Diminutives: -cha (Calacoa, Huancané)

-~Ila (Huancané, Sitajara, Corque,
Jopoqueri, Salinas)

-ita, -itu, -situ (everywhere but
Calacoa)

‘through' -:k"a (Morocomarca)
uta.:k"a ‘through the house'
-na.ma (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
uta.na.ma ‘through the house’
-:ma (San Andres de Machaca)
uta.:ma ‘through the house’
-n.jama (Calacoa, Compi)
uta.n.jama ‘through the house'
-ra (Jopoqueri)
uta.ra.n ‘through the house'
‘(the one) which’ -chapi on aka, uka (Huancané)

-ch"api on kawki, may.ni (Jopoqueri,
Sitajara)

-ch"ap.iri (Sitajara)
-i:ri on demonstratives (La Paz, Huancané)

-i:ri on kawki (La Paz, Huancané, Socca,
Jopoqueri )

-iri on kawki (La Paz)
-n.iri ~ -n.i:ri on kawki (La Paz, Juli)
= p.iri on kawki (Socca, Morocomarca)

zyp-iri on kawki (Morocomarca)
654

8-3.2 Verb system

8-3.21 Verb roots and stems

Some variation in the semantics of verb subjects
and complements due to different occurrences of verbal
derivational suffixes on a root has been discussed under
8-2.25.

The following examples from Morocomarca illustrate
the meaning changes that may occur within one dialect when
different verbal derivational suffixes (in this case the
Class 2 suffixes -wiya- and -xa-) are substituted on a

verb root (in this case chura- ‘'give').

Chura.:.wa. ‘I am going to set a quota.’
1+3 (Voy a poner una cuota.)
F

Chura.wiya. :.wa. "I will give to/reach out

143 to him/her.' (Le voy a alcanzar. )
F
Chur. xa. :.wa. 'I will give it to him/her. '
133
F

Across dialects there exist sets or families of
verbs built on the same or related roots. One such set is
built on the noun/verb root aru ‘word, language, speech,
speak' or the derived frozen verb stem arusi-. In many

dialects today aru.fia exists only as a noun, ‘cock's crow'.
655

(In Huancané, however, wallpa ar.ta is 'cock's crow'.) The

Spanish loan verb parla.fa 'to speak' has been adopted al-

most everywhere. Verbs built on aru or arusi- have a variety

of derived meanings.
ar.s.t'a.fia

ar.su.nia

ar.s.xa.fia
ar.t'a.fia
ar.t'a.wiya.fia

arusi.fia

arus.naga.fna

arus.ta.fa ~ arus.t'
arus.tata.fia
arus.t'a.si.fia

ar.xata.na

ar.xaya.fia

‘to speak' (San Andrés de Machaca)
'to say’ (Salinas)
‘to speak' (San Andrés de Machaca)

‘to decide; to babble, be barely able
to speak' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

*tto reveal’ (Bertonio 1603b:301)

‘to babble' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

'to yell' (San Andrés de Machaca)

'to call' (Salinas)

‘to scold, protest, speak against some-
one' (San Andrés de Machaca, Tiahuanaco,
Compi)

*1t0 speak' (Bertonio 1603b:87)

‘to speak i11 of someone' (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco, also Bertonio 1603b:327;
La Paz uses parla.si.fia more often to
convey this meaning)

a.wiya.fia '‘tongue-twister'’ (Salinas)
'to say to someone' (Salinas)

'to agree’ (Huancané)

‘to declare oneself in favor of' (San
Andrés de Machaca)

'to speak to' (San Andrés de Machaca)
656

The following roots and stems, which are phono-
logically and semantically similar to each other, may con-

stitute another related set.

ama:.fa ‘to esteem, appreciate, love, want’
(Sitajara)
* jamawa- ~ amawa- 'want, love’ (Bertonio 1603b:244,
1612:2.227)
am.ta.fia 'to remember' (Huancané, Calacoa,

Jopoqueri)

to think, decide’ (La Barre 1950:43)

am.ta.si.fia 'to long to restore, to wish to bring
TO back' (La Paz/Compi)

am.t.t'a.si.fia ‘to agree’ (Huancané)

amtu.si.fia 'to remember’ (Juli)

am.t'a.jia "to remember’ (Calacoa)

am.t'a.si.fia ‘to remember' (Sitajara)

amu.ki.fia ‘to be quiet' (La Paz)

amus.t'a.fia 'to be quiet' (Calacoa)
* amuta- ‘remember, think' (Bertonio 1603b:77)
amutu.:.fia 'to be mute' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
amuya.vfia ‘to think, be careful' (La Paz, Sitajara)

‘to warn' (Salinas, Jopoqueri)

muna.fia 'to esteem, appreciate, love, want’
(everywhere except Sitajara)

*muna- ‘love, want’ (Bertonio 1612:2.227)
As indicated in 6-2 (and in examples in other chap-
ters) a stem consisting of the same root alone or of the

same root plus derivational suffix(es) may gloss differently
657

from one dialect to another, although meanings are usually
fairly close (see 8-3.21.1). On the other hand, across
dialects the same Spanish example was translated sometimes
by a stem with different derivational suffixes, and some-
times by a different root altogether (see 8-3.21.2). In the
case of verbs for agricultural practices or activities re-
lated to the preparation and preservation of agricultural
products, similarity or identity of Spanish gloss may ob-
scure real differences in meaning which may be uncovered in
Future research. Apart from this, Aymara is rich in
verbs for processing agricultural products which are very
cumbersome to translate because the processes do not exist
outside Aymara culture. The following are examples of two
such verbs from La Paz/Tiahuanaco:
jamu.rpaya.fia ~ mamu.rpaya.fia

‘To select from a pile of ground-up freeze-dried
potatoes large pieces that have failed to be ground into
small enough pieces (to be ground again); to select by
rinsing (enjuagar).'
gawi.fia

"To put oca (apilla) in the sun for three days,
taking it in at night (if not, it will freeze), then to cook
it in the morning, then to put it on the roof to freeze; the

result is "Aymara ice cream."'
658

8-3.21.1 One form in Aymara, different meanings
in translation

ati.fa

chuk.t‘'a.si.fia

jala.na

jara.fia

jik.xata.na

juta.na

kirki.na

k'asa.fna

'to send water through a canal‘ (Sitajara)

‘to be able' (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Moroco-
marca, Calacala)

'to block a door (e. g. of a corral) with
small stones to keep animals from getting
out' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio
1603b:217)

‘to sit down (e. g. in a chair)' (Jopo-
queri, Salinas)

‘to squat' (La Paz)

'to fly' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
‘to run' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:271)
‘to untie' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

‘to throw out' (La Paz/Tarata)

‘to get' (San Andrés de Machaca)

‘to meet, find' (La Paz/Compi, Calacala)
‘to arrive’ (Salinas)

‘to come' (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Calacoa,
Juli, Huancané)

'to sing' (Salinas, Jopoqueri)
‘plant for making plato pacefio’ (La Paz)

‘for adults to cry' (Jopoqueri, Moroco-
marca)

‘to sing very loudly' (Calacoa)

‘to yell' (Sitajara)
k'iya.fia

parla.fia

puqu.fia

puri.na

p"ichu.rpaya.fia

p"icha.rpa:.na

q"ulli.iia

tuki.fa

tunu.ra.na

tulu.ra.fna

659

‘to grind red peppers or salt with a
small round stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

‘to grind corn with a rocking stone
(batén)’ (Salinas)

‘to chat' (Salinas)

'to speak' (elsewhere)

‘to grow, produce’ (plant subject)
(Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala, Sitajara, Calacoa)

‘to ripen’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, La Paz/
Compi)

‘to come’ (Salinas, Sitajara, Calacoa)

'to arrive’ (La Paz, Salinas, Jopoqueri,
Calacala, Huancané, Socca)

'to card wool, removing dirty particles’
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

‘to untie' (Salinas)

‘to dig a field before planting’ (escar-
bar) (Jopoqueri)

‘to plow (with team of oxen)’ (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)

‘to inflate, to faint’ (Socca)

'to stretch out the legs' (La Paz/Compi)
‘to turn numb, hard' (La Paz/Compi)

"to feel strengthened' (Sitajara)

‘to feel strengthened' (Socca)

A set of phonologically similar verb roots with

shifting meanings across dialects is the following:
660

ch"ik"a.fia 'to lead an animal with a rope' (Jopo-
queri)

jik"a.fia ‘to drive one little animal alone' (Jopo-
queri)

'to take (a horse) on a rope, behind or
in front of one' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

sik"a.wa.fia ‘to take (a cow)' (Calacoa)
8-3.21.2 One meaning in translation, different
forms in Aymara

8-3.21.21 One Aymara root, different suffixes

Only a few examples will be cited, as use of differ-
ent suffixes may depend more on stylistic than on semantic
criteria in many cases. In most dialects Spanish aprender
'to learn' was translated as yati.qa.fia, built on yati.fia
‘to know'. In Calacoa yati.qa.fia means ‘to learn from
another', while yati.nta.fia means ‘to learn by oneself’.
Whether this distinction is also made elsewhere but was
simply not mentioned is not known at this time. In Salinas
and Morocomarca aprender was rendered in Aymara as yati.fia.
Another example occurred with Aymara translations of the
Spanish escuchar ‘to listen'. In most places this is rendered
as is.t'a.fia, the base verb isa.fia occurring infrequently
if at all. In Morocomarca ‘to listen' is isapa.iia, which
corresponds to modern Jaqaru and to the Aymara of Bertonio

(1603b:77); the /pa/ is apparently a frozen suffix in Aymara.
661

Two other examples in context may be given:
‘Go throw it to a dog.'

Anugara.r jaqu.ni.m. (Vitocota; non-ironic)
Anu.r jag.xaru.ya.ni.m. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; non-ironic)

Anu.r jagu.ni.m. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; ironic, e. g.

dog i ‘Do it to a dog! (not to me)'
The expression which in Vitocota is a simple request to
throw a dog a bone, to a Tiahuanaco speaker sounds like an
ironic retort (see 8-2.22). To convey a straightforward
request to throw food to a dog, a Tiahuanaco speaker adds
the derivational suffixes shown, among them the causative
-ya- which sets the 2p subject at a greater distance from
the dog complement.

Another example occurred in a folksong in which

a dove is warned to hide from a hawk. As rendered by a
speaker from Jopoqueri, it contained the inflected verb
im.t'a.s.xa.m ‘hide yourself'. A speaker from La Paz/Compi
preferred ima.nta.s.xa.m in the same context. To the
Jopoqueri speaker the first version was more like an order

and more forceful and hence to be preferred.
‘to

‘to

"to

‘to

‘to

"to

.21.22 More

be abte'

arrive'

come'

cry

662

than one Aymara root

ati.na (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
Calacala)

puyri.fa (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa
< Spanish poder

ira.nta.fia (Calacala, Salinas)
mak”"ata.fia (Huancané)

juta.fia (Salinas)

puri.fia (elsewhere)

juta.fia (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Calacoa,
Jul7; also Bertonio 1603b:81; not used
in Sitajara)

jawti.fia (Calacoa)

jawuti.tia (JesGs de Machaca)

puri.fia (Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas)

jacha.fia (adults or children) (La Paz,
Salinas, Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa)

k'asa.fia (adults) (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca,
parts of La Paz)

dig or hoe before planting’ (escarbar)

be thirsty’

junu.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas)

llamayu.fia (La Paz, Juli, Huancané)

q"ulli.fia (Jopoqueri)
uma.t p"ar.ja.fia (La Paz)

uma.t waf.ja.fa (Sitajara, Calacoa;
also Bertonio 1603b:279)

uma.t wafia.fia (Socca, Calacoa)
663

‘to fall' jala.nta.fia (Morocomarca)
jala.q.ta.fia (La Paz, Sitajara)
jaqux.t'a.fia (Jopoqueri, Sitajara)
tinki.fia (Sitajara)
tinku.tia (La Paz, Salinas)
tink"a.fia (Calacoa)

‘to fly' tayu.tia (San Andrés de Machaca)
tuyu.na (La Paz/Compi; also ‘to swim')
jala.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca)
wala.fia (Calacoa)

‘to go' jasta.fia (La Paz/Compi)
maqa.fia (Achocalla)

sara.ftia (La Paz. Jopoqueri, Salinas,
Sitajyara, Calacoa)

t'iju.fia (JesGs de Machaca)

 

T'iju.ma.y yugalla. 'Go away, boy.'
273 (Véte muchacho.)
I

‘to grind' iya.tia (Jopoqueri, Calacoa; not used in
Sitajgara or Salinas; means bataén ‘rock-
ing stone' in Juli)

wayk' iya.t.t'a.si.fia 'to grind red
peppers” (Corque)

iy.ta.fia (La Paz/Compi)

k'iya.fia 'to grind red peppers or salt,
with a round stone’ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco);
‘to grind corn with a batén' (Salinas)

siwar piga.fia 'to grind barley with a
rocking stone’ (Huancané)
‘to grow, produce'

'to

‘to

‘to

‘to

‘to

irrigate'

set out (e. g.

plant’

be quiet’

run'

664

q"una.na ‘to grind corn into flour on a
long stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

t'iki.na (Sitajara)
achu.fia (La Paz)

puqu.fa (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,
Calacala, Sitajara, Calacoa)

ati.fta (Sitajara)

ch'axch'u.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
k'ayu.fa (Sitajara)

k'ayi.fia (Calacoa)

qarpa.fa (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
q"ich'a.fa (La Paz/Compi)

sigi.fia (Sitijara)

poles)'

ch'ak.kata.ta.fia (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
lip'.kata.ta.fia (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
p"at.kata.ta.fia (Calacoa)
llaxi.nta.fia (Corque)

Tlax.xa.fia (Achocalla)

sata.fia (elsewhere)

ampa.cha.fia (Juli, Calacoa)

amuki.fia (Juli, elsewhere; not used in
Calacoa)

jala.fia (La Paz/Compi, La Paz, Tiahuanaco)
jal.t'a.fia (Calacoa, Juli)
al.ta.fia (Sitajara)

tani.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala)
"to sing'

‘to sit'

"to sprout'

4to thank'

665

t'iju.fia ‘to run over the ground’ (San
Andrés de Machaca)

t'ij.ta.fia (Juli)
kanta.fia (La Paz;

< Spanish
cantar)

kant.t'a.si.wa.fia (Sitajara;
kirki.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
k'asa.fia 'to sing very loud' (Sitajara)
q'uchu.fia 'to sing hymns' (La Paz)
wirsu.fia (Calacoa < Spanish verso ‘verse’')

chuk.t'a.jfia (Jopoqueri)

chuk.t'a.si.fia (Morocomarca, Salinas,
Jopoqueri, Calacala, Sitajara)

qunu.si.fia (Juli)
qun.ta.si.fia (La Paz, Juli)

ut.t'a.fia ‘to stay' (La Paz, Huancané,
Vitocota)

ut.t'a.si.fia (Calacoa)

ali.nuqa.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas)
ali.ra.ni.fia (Salinas. Calacoa)
al.su.si.fia (Sitajara)

yapu ch'ilk"i.fia (Salinas)

jil.su.ni.fia (Salinas, Morocomarca)
mist.su.fia 'to come out' (La Paz/Compi)

juspajara.fia (La Paz; < Spanish

 

Dios pagara
"God will
yuspara.si.fia (Huancané; repay')
‘to think’

666

yusulupay (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; < Spanish
Dios se lo pague
'May God repay you.'

amuya.tia (La Paz)

lup'i.ftia (La Paz, Jopoqueri)

‘to wait for someone’

‘to weed'

8-3.22

Verbal

iffas.t.a.fa (Morocomarca, Calacala)
urias.t'a.tia (Calacoa)

ufias.t'a.wa.ftia (Sitajara)

ansiya.fia (Corque)

suya.fia (La Paz, Juli, Huancané, Calacoa)
wanqi.fia (Jopoqueri, Salinas)

wang.t'a.fa (Salinas)

qura.tia (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, San Andrés
de Machaca)

qura.ta.fia (La Paz/Compi)
qur.su.fia (Achocalla, La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
gur.ta.fia (Achocalla)

t"aru.fia, t"aru.ra.fia (La Paz/Compi)

inflectional suffixes

Falling together of certain verbal inflectional suf-

fixes involving the fourth person was noted in 8-2.1.

Structural homophony in verbal inflections (one

form with several meanings) is rather limited in Aymara.

The following examples may be noted:
667

/- sna/ 1+2 S (Huancané)
4+3 S (Morocomarca )

4>3 D-1 (everywhere except Calacoa)

/~ ma/ 12 S (Salinas)

2>3 I (Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacala)

/-tan(a)/, /-:tan/, /-:tna/
4+3 F (Calacoa, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala)

4+3 RDK (elsewhere)

On the other hand, in certain tenses there is con-
siderable variety in phonological shapes that express the
same tense/person meaning. Numerous examples were given in

6-3.

8-4 Metaphor

Investigation of metaphor in Aymara was not really
attempted for this study. The following comments and ex-
amples involve nouns mainly, since metaphorical use of verbs
requires manipulation of verbal derivational suffixes in ways
usually beyond the nonnative's grasp (either receptively or

productively).
668

Hardman et al. (1975:3.34) pointed out that posi-
tionals are often used as metaphors for time. I have chosen
to consider g"ipa ‘after, behind' as both a positional and
a temporal. Other examples of this overlap are layra ~ nayra
‘eye, before, in front of', pacha ‘space, time’, and chika
‘halfway, middle’ (see 5-2.5 and 5-2.6).

Metaphor in Aymara involves moving lexical items
from one semantic category into another, e. g. from human
to nonhuman. The following humanizes an inanimate object,

a chair, here the unspoken subject of the verb jaws.a.fia

‘to call’.

Ak.sa.r mama, wali jaw.s.tam, ut.t'a.si.fani.
'This way, ma'am, (the chair) calls you, let's sit down.'

i. e. ‘Make yourself comfortable, let's sit down.' (Vitocota)

(This same expression may be used in La Paz/Tiahuanaco, sub-
stituting qun.ta.si.fiani_ for ut.t'a.si.fiani.)

Metaphors involving the use of human or animal terms
for inanimate objects or plants are common, e. g. the use
of ch'ina 'ass, human posterior’ to mean ‘base, bottom' (of
a cup or pot) in Compi. The following are names of varie-

ties of potatoes identified by Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco):
669

aja.w.iri imilla ‘ajawiri girl’
ch'iyar imilla "black girl!
djang'u imilla 'white girl’
k"uchi gallu ‘piglet’
ptifu chara ‘p'ifiu leg’
q'illu k'awna "yellow egg'
runtu ‘egg' (Quechua)
sani imilla ‘sani girl'
waka laxra ‘cow tongue'
yugall ch'ugi "boy potato’

Two more potatoes have names of 1) another vegetable, and

2) an inanimate object:

g'illu sapallu ‘yellow squash'
wislla p'aki ‘bent serving spoon' (cucharén
doblado)

In fact, the only potato name cited that is not metaphoric,
apart from the generic term ch'uqi, is quyu.

One of the commonest metaphors in Aymara is chuyma.
It is usually translated 'heart' (coraz6n), but most speakers
will explain that the anatomical organ it represents is
actually the lung (bofe) or diaphragm. The anatomical term
for heart is lluqu. As a metaphor, chuyma always occurs with
human reference. A common phrase is taqi chuyma.t ‘whole-

heartedly, sincerely’ (de todo coraz6n). The noun chuyma
670

also occurs in the following expression from La Paz/

Tiahuanaco:

wal chuym
Juma. xX jar.j.ista.
pol ee ge

2p chuyma.x wal
S

'You untied my heartstrings.' (Me desataste el coraz6n.)

This means ‘You made me forget my troubles.' Another ex-
pression, from La Paz/Compi, is chuym ut.t'a.si.fa, ‘to seat
the heart', which means ‘to resign oneself, to accept circum-

stances one can't change', as inthe following sentence:

Kama.cha.raki.:ta.x - niya  uka.:.chi - chuym
what do 2>3 already that NI
F

ut.t'a.ya.s.xa.k.chi.:ta.x.
seat NI 233
F
'What (else) can you do - it's already happened (and it

was beyond your control) - resign yourself to it.' (La
Paz/Compi)

The derived noun chuyma.ni, with the possessor suffix
-ni, means ‘wise, mature person’ in La Paz, and as such is
usually reserved for older people. In Socca chuyma.ni may
refer to younger persons as well, conveying the ideas of
emotional maturity and good character expressed in La Paz

by suma jaqgi.
671

The following is from Tschopik (1948:113):

‘aka ipi chuyma.ni jagi.naka.xa
this people

‘these ignorant people’

Tschopik's translation is 'these demented people', but since
ipi glosses as ‘stupid’ (sonso) in Sitajara today, the above
gloss seems preferable.

A few other noun metaphors involving the use of a
nonhuman or nonliving noun used to refer to a human or ani-

mal are given below in alphabetical order.

ch‘ uxiia ‘green' Metaphorical: 'rebel' (human)
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

pang'alli ‘flower’ Metaphorical: the llama, ‘flower
of the altiplano'. According to
legend the gods threw flowers on
the pampa and they turned into
llamas. (dJopoqueri)

t"ant"a "rags' Metaphorical: ‘poor, good-for-
nothing person'

t"ant"a masi.ja ‘poor fellow
Tike me'  (Huancané)

A metaphorical use of the noun/verb root t'ullku
is ‘in a hurry'. The verb t'ullku.fia means 'to twist' (La

Paz/Tiahuanaco).
672

The following phrases and sentences illustrate other

metaphors involving nouns and verbs.

Achaku.ma.w jal.ta.ni. ‘Your mouse will run." (La Paz/
mouse 2p run 3+3 Tiahuanaco)
F

(You'11 be hungry. ')

Chamga.mp chayru.mp jir.t"api.ta.:.wa
salad soup mix 333

RDK

‘It mixed salad and soup.’ ('The meeting was very
disorganized and confused.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

 

Iki. t"al.t"ap.i. "He/she shakes the bed.'
bed shake 343 (‘youngest child') (La Paz)
S

Iskuyla.x ampara.naka.ma.n.k.i.w.
school hand 3>3

S

‘The school is in your hands.' (‘The school is your
responsibility.') (La Paz/Compi)

Jayp'u.:.ta.x.t.wa. ‘I'm evening.' (‘I'm done
evening 133 for, finished.') (Socca)
S

k"unu.t t'aya.t isi.ni. ‘dressed in snow and cold'
snow cold dress (‘poverty-stricken’) (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco)

 

8-5 Summary and Conclusion

Regional semantic variation in Aymara is relatively

slight. As might be expected, nearby dialects tend to share
673

lexical items and meanings, some of which do not occur else-
where, but there are instances of widely separated dialects
having lexical items with similar or identical meanings
and usages. No one dialect shows a significant number of
lexical items different from those of other dialects.

Some variation in meaning relates to connotation.
Forms which are innocuous in one dialect may be negatively
loaded in another. Impressionistically it seems that La
Paz dialects may have a greater propensity for irony than
dialects of some other places, but this impression may be
the result of greater familiarity with and easier access
to data from the La Paz area than to that from other areas.

The study of Aymara semantics beckons for the future.
Among the many possibilities for investigation is research
into terms used in agriculture and related practices in
different parts of the Aymara world to determine exactly
what is meant by them. It is also to be hoped that with
the growing attention being given by Aymara linguists to
semantic studies (for example the work of Juan de Dios Yapita),
the semantic distinctions governing selectional rules for
verb subjects and complements will be clarified and appropri-

ate labels assigned them in Aymara.
674

Notes

lin Huancané q"awg"a occurred with human reference
when suffixed with a personal possessive, e. g.

Q"awg"a.ma.sa? | 'How many of your people?’
2p

Elsewhere this would mean ‘How many of yours [nonhuman]?'
2The phrase suma jaqi is not much used in Socca,

Weee may fees uses jaqi alone or the derived noun chuyma.ni
see 8-4).

 

3an alternate analysis of this form would be as a
sequence containing a noun suffix -ka (possibly related to
the -ka that occurs finally on nouns in Morocomarca and
Calacala), followed by -na possessive/locational plus -ka-
verbalizer. Or /kanka/ could be analyzed as a unitary
verbalizing suffix -kanka- which occurs only on human nouns
and is always followed by the nominalizer -fia. Further in-
vestigation will, it is hoped, resolve the matter.

41 small amount of data was collected in Puerto
Acosta (province of Camacho, department of La Paz), near
Lake Titicaca just below the Peruvian border.

 

oni is ambiguous out of context on the numbers 11
to 19, 21 to 29, etc., glossing as human enumerator, non-
human possessor, or unmarked possessor, e. g.

tunka.maya.ni ‘11 people’
10 1 '11 [ten having one] things or

animals'
‘having 11 things or animals'
CHAPTER 9

MISSIONARY, PATRON, AND RADIO AYMARA

9-] Introduction

Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara are trans-
lation dialects not specific to any one region. That is,
they are the result of translation from Spanish (or
English) into Aymara, sharing a tendency to impose Spanish
(or English) categories and patterns, both grammatical and
cultural, upon Aymara. Missionary and Patr6n Aymara have
their roots in the 16th century; Radio Aymara is a later
development. As indicated in 2-4.12, until very recently
all materials published in Aymara were of the Missionary
-or Patrén varieties.

Missionary Aymara, identifiable by its idiosyn-
cratic use of certain syntactic linkers and lexical items,
by weakening of the human/nonhuman and data source postu-
lates, and by a rigorous marking of plural, occurs in
sermons, translations of religious texts, and several
published grammars of the language, as well as in the
everyday speech and storytelling of persons active in
institutionalized religion. |

Patro6n and Radio Aymara overlap Missionary to some

extent. Patrén Aymara, which occurs both in writing and

675
676

in speech, is heavily Spanish-influenced in syntax and

has an impoverished lexicon of suffixes. Radio Aymara is
used by radio announcers translating orally directly from
Spanish scripts. It is characterized by Spanish syntactic
patterning and by a superabundance of Spanish loans, with
the Aymara sometimes reduced to final suffixes. A number
of announcers are now consciously trying to make their
translations less literal, however, seeking to interpret
the sense rather than gloss word for word.

As noted in 3-3.3, the entry of Spanish loanwords
into Aymara, which occurs in all Aymara dialects, is
nothing new. Some early Spanish loans (certain roots and
stems, diminutive suffixes, and expressions of thanks)
have been completely adapted to Aymara phonology (Aymarized)
and are perceived by monolinguals and bilinguals alike as
natively Aymara; others are more or less adapted to Aymara
phonology according to the degree of the speaker's control
of Spanish and attitude toward Aymara. A rather large
number of loans may occur even in the speech of mono-
Tinguals if they wish to show familiarity with the
prestige language, Spanish; in that case loans may alter-
nate with native Aymara doublets, as occurred in the
speech of an elderly monolingual woman in Tarata, Peru.

(A definition of Aymara monolingual may here be attempted:
a person who produces grammatical sentences only in

Aymara, although possibly using a rather extensive Spanish
677

lexical component.) It was also observed in the course
of this research that bilingual Aymara men talking to

each other in Aymara in La Paz used Spanish syntactic
linkers (like entonces '‘then') with great frequency but
did so only rarely when talking with monolinguals in rural
communities. The whole matter of Spanish loans in Aymara
deserves more study, taking into account situational
factors like the presence or absence of listeners who have
a greater command of Spanish (or English) than of Aymara.
The point I wish to make here is that a large number of
Spanish loans in a dialect does not in and of itself
necessarily imply a corresponding weakening of Aymara
grammatical processes or linguistic postulates or an im-
poverishment of the native Aymara lexicon.

Nevertheless, it is true that Missionary, Patré6n,
and Radio Aymara are generally characterized by a high
proportion of Spanish loanwords in Spanish phonology,
tending toward inclusion of whole Spanish phrases or even
sentences, or full-fledged code-switching. The tendency
to keep or try to approximate the Spanish phonology of
loanwords (when these are recognized as such) evidently
reflects, in some persons, the view that Spanish is
inherently superior to Aymara--a view fostered consciously
or unconsciously by most writers of Missionary and Patré6én
grammars (see 2-3 and 2-4.11) and accepted by adherents

of certain religious sects (see 10-2.7). In contrast,
678

bilinguals literate in Aymara and Spanish, who consciously
promote the development of Aymara literature, deliberately
Aymarize Spanish loans, both in speech and in writing,
as for example Istarusunirusa (from Estados Unidos ‘United
States') and winus tiyas (from buenos dias ‘good morning').¢
In the following sections the three dialects will
be discussed with respect to phonology, morphophonemics,
morphology, morphosyntax and syntax, and semantics. It
should be kept in mind in reading this chapter that it is
primarily an analysis of Missionary, Patr6én, and Radio
Aymara as spoken in the city of La Paz and (for Missionary
Aymara only) in Compi, department of La Paz; and of
published sources of Missionary and Patrén Aymara (see 2-4.11),
most of which probably also reflect La Paz usages. For
Radio Aymara, only recorded (spoken) texts were used;
for Missionary, both recorded and published written texts;
and for Patrén, published written texts only. The analysis
is based on interpretations and revisions of the texts
and on additional examples provided by Vasquez (La Paz/
Tiahuanaco) and Yapita (La Paz/Compi). Vasquez furnished
most of the initial interpretations and revisions of
published texts (for example, Ebbing 1965, Paredes Candia
1963, Wexler 1967, and the Aymara catalogues). Yapita
reviewed some of these as well as the recorded texts. The
chapter is thus a contrastive study of the three trans-

lation dialects and the two La Paz dialects, from the
679

point of view of the latter. A more definitive study
would require further analysis of the three translation
dialects by Aymara speakers from other dialect areas,

with additional data from different areas.

9-2 Phonology

From the point of view of speakers of other Aymara
dialects (especially, those who are monolingual in Aymara),
Missionary, Patrén, and Radio Aymara tend to be spoken
with a Spanish accent (albeit the Spanish is itself Andean,
reflecting to an as-yet-undetermined extent a substratum
of languages native to the area). The components of this
accent include a tendency to produce the five cardinal
Spanish vowels and intonation patterns associated with
that language. Pronunciation is often perceived as overly
precise and slow, except in the case of radio delivery
which may be considered overly clipped and staccato. (To
what extent these perceptions are due to phonological
factors, and how much they are influenced by morphology
and syntax, are questions needing further investigation. )

As noted in 2-4.11, all published Missionary and
Patr6n texts use the five Spanish vowels. Most confuse
the velar and postvelar occlusives and fricatives and the
plain, aspirated, and glottalized occlusives. Even if

these phonemes are distinguished, the writing systems
680

often fail to keep them apart or use cumbersome means to
do so, as in the case of the velar fricative written j and
the postvelar fricative written jj. When these cluster,
as frequently happens, unwieldy and ambiguous sequences
like jjj or jjjj can result whose disambiguation requires
the use of hyphens, as in the following example from
Herrero et al. (1971: 1969): paj-jjeta ‘pay me'. In the
Yapita phonemic alphabet this word would be unambiguously

rendered as pajxita.

9-3 Morphophonemics

Missionary, Patrén, and Radio Aymara observe
regular vowel-dropping and -retaining rules as do other
dialects, except that stylistically-conditioned final
vowel dropping occurs less often in Missionary and Patron
Aymara than in other dialects. Stem-final vowel restora-
tion with stress thereby occurring on the antepenultimate
vowel (see 4-3.33) occurs frequently on verbs, usually
with the Imperative 2+3 suffix, in radio advertisements
or announcements urging listeners to buy something or be

present at an event, as in the following examples:

al.t'a.si.pini.ma 'be sure to buy'
buy 2>3
I

yati.ya.si.p.ka.rak.tama ‘they are notifying you'
notify 32
S
681

An example of the pattern with 4+3 Simple tense occurred

in a Baptist sermon in La Paz.

. . kun.jam.s sdr.s.tana... '. . . how we are getting along'
how go 43
S

The antepenultimate stress pattern also occurs on examples

given in the Patr6én Aymara catalogues, such as the following

verbs with 273 Imperative:

tsdra.ma "go'

*q' {pi.ma ‘carry on (your) back'

tapd.ni.ma ‘carry’

*irpd.ni.ma ‘take a person'

These Patrén Aymara forms are interpreted by most native

speakers as rude orders, according to Vasquez and Yapita (see 9-4).

9-4 Morphology

As we have already seen, in Aymara some suffixes
are used as softeners and politives: certain noun and
verb derivationals (e.g. diminutives on nouns and the
suffix -t'a- on verbs), independents, and the final suffix
-ya, alone or in combination. From the point of view of

other speakers Missionary and Patr6én Aymara usually fail
682

to use enough politives with the Imperative and Future
tenses. That is, they tend to use forms like those at
the end of 9-3, which would be appropriate for a parent
speaking to a child, among brothers and sisters, between
spouses in certain circumstances, or between a buyer and
seller who do not know each other. Between adult friends,
compadres, a seller and buyer who know each other, and
among family members, forms with politives are the norm,
e.g. sara.ma.y ‘please go' with -ya final suffix.
According to Yapita and Vasquez, the drills pro-
vided by Herrero et al. (1971-2) sound like orders, some
less brusque than others, but orders nevertheless, because
they lack politive suffixes. Yapita and Vasquez indicate
that use of such forms by persons in authority, such as
a Catholic priest or a Protestant minister, is perceived
by many Aymara speakers as evidence of a more or less
arrogant assumption of superiority. Compared to Missionary
and Patrén Aymara, Radio Aymara uses more of the verbal
derivational and independent suffixes, although not of
-ya politive,° and is therefore perceived as more courteous.
The passive in Spanish is often translated in
Missionary Aymara by the verbal derivational suffix com-
bination -ya.si-, consisting of -ya- causative followed
by -si- reciprocal/reflexive, as in the following example
from a Baptist sermon:
Jesucristo Tat.itu.ru iyaw sa.m uka.t.wa

Lord yes say 2>3 then
I
683

 

g'ispi.ya.si.:ta juma.sa familia.ma.sa.
save 2p family 2p
escape

Missionary meaning: 'Put your faith in the Lord Jesus,
and you will be saved, you and your household' (Acts
16-31, New English Bible)

Non-Missionary meaning: ‘Agree with the Lord Jesus

Christ, and you and your family will cause yourselves
to escape.’ (La Paz/Compi)

A non-Missionary revision of the latter part of

the sentence is the following:

. juma.s familia.ma.s uka.t salva.ta.:.ni.
2p family 2p then save 33
F

‘then you and your family will be saved.'
(La Paz/Compi)

The verb salva-, from the Spanish salvar ‘to save',
here has the resultant nominalizing suffix -ta followed
by verbalization and the Future tense. This appears to

be closer to the sense of the English.

9-5 Morphosyntax and Syntax

Some final suffixes are used differently in Mis-
sionary and Patr6n Aymara than in other dialects. For
example, the absolute suffix -wa tends to occur most often
on verbs. In a Patr6n Aymara version of Little Red

Ridinghood (Sebeok 1951a) -wa occurs once on the negative
684

particle jani but otherwise always on verbs. This is not
the case in other dialects. As indicated in Chapter 8,
frequent use of -wa, especially with verb tenses already
implying direct personal knowledge, increases the personal
knowledge connotation (see 9-6.13).

Some nominalizing subordination occurs in all
dialects; however, the Sebeok story has very little.
Spoken Missionary texts and the stories recorded by Wexler
(1967) use normal levels of subordination by nominalization
although they tend not to use uka as resumator.

Certain syntactic linkers used in Missionary Aymara
are composed of native Aymara roots and suffixes but have
different meanings in Missionary Aymara than elsewhere.

The following are the most common:

Missionary Non-Missionary
kuna. layku,ti.xa "because' not used
uka.mpi.sa ‘but’ ‘with that'

Perhaps more than any other one feature, use of kuna. layku.-
ti.xa stamps a speaker as having some association with
missionaries, usually Protestants, although the term has
been adopted by some Catholics. It occurs in the conver-
sation of members of religious sects, but it did not occur

in the Baptist sermon analyzed for this study, the Spanish
loan porque being used instead. The expression kuna.-

.xa is built on the interrogative kuna ‘what’

layku.ti

plus the

layku.sa

'Why?!?2'

suffix -layku ‘on account of'. The query kuna.-
is an incredulous, complaining question, like

To persons who do not use the Missionary term,

kuna.layku.ti.xa retains some of the heavy semantic

freight

of kuna.layku.sa, injecting a jarring note into

sentences like the following:

Jupa.naka.x jik.xata.si.waya.p.x.i kuna.layku.ti.xa
3p meet 333. =~
S

wali suma t"ugq.ta.wi.naka.w.. .
very good dance

 

 

 

Missionary meaning: ‘They met together because
of the very good dancing. '

Non-Missionary meaning: 'They met together--Why?!?--
There were very good dances.’

Jupa.naka.t ma: juk'.ita disculpa may.xa.p.x.ta
3p a little pardon ask 133

S

kuna. layku.ti.x na.naka.x uras.pacha.x

Ip sometimes

pant.xa.s.iri.:.p.x.t.w.

make mistakes 133

S

Missionary meaning: ‘We ask them to pardon us
because we sometimes make mistakes.'
686

Non-Missionary meaning: ‘We ask them to pardon
us - Why?!? - We sometimes make mistakes.'

The above examples were both said by a 20-year-old Baptist
male speaker. A non-Missionary dialect speaker would omit
the kuna.layku.ti.xa, subordinating one part of the sen-

tence to the other by juxtaposition as in the following:

Uniwirsira.r sara.: liyi.itia.xa.w. (La Paz/Compi)
university go 1-3 read Ip
F

I'll go to the university because I have some reading
to do/to do some reading I have to do.' (La Paz/Compi)

An example of Missionary Aymara use of uka.mpi.sa

is the following from Wexler (1967:144):

 

 

*Maria, uta.sa.x wali suma.wa, uka.mpi.s cocina.sa.x
house 4p very nice ———— _ kitchen 4p

k'anu.wa.
dirty

Missionary meaning: ‘Maria, our house is very nice, but
the kitchen is dirty.'

Non-Missionary meaning: Maria, our house is very delicious,
besides that, the kitchen is dirty.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

As the above shows, the non-Missionary meaning of uka.mpi.sa
is conjunctive rather than disjunctive. In any case it
is not much used. Vasquez perceived it as a mistaken

rendition of uka.mpi.n.sa ‘in spite of that'. Other
687

Aymara translations of ‘but' in addition to uka.mpi.sa
are uka s.ipan.sti 'so saying’, which is cited by Ebbing
(1965:198) and consists of uka ‘that’ followed by the verb
sa.fa 'to say' with the subordinator -ipana and the final
suffix -sti; and the Spanish loan pero 'but', often
Aymarized as piru, which occurs in many Aymara dialects
even among monolinguals.

In addition to occurring on kuna.layku, the final
suffix combination -ti.xa also occurs frequently in
Missionary Aymara on other interrogatives serving as
indefinites (and glossing as relatives in English or
Spanish): kawk.n.iri.ti.xa ‘the one where/in which',
kun.jama.ti.xa ‘whatever', k"iti.ti.xa '‘whoever', and

gqawg"a.ni.ti.xa ‘however many'. Examples (from Compi):

Intrik.xa.:.wa anchit urasa.na sifiura kawk.n.iri.ti.x

 

turn over 133 now hour lady who —
F
jupa.x pirmit.itu ma: ratu parl.t'a.na.taki
3p permit 3>1 a while talk
S

ak.sa tugi grawasyuna.t.
here around recording.

 

'I will now turn over (the microphone) at this time (to)
the lady who permitted me to talk a while on this re-
cording.'

Juma.x kun.jama.ti.x s.ista.xa ...
2p whatever 2>1
S

"You, as you said tome... .'
688

In these sentences the interrogatives with -ti.xa are not
followed by uka resumator. In non-Missionary Aymara -ti.xa
occurs infrequently, as a subordinator of verbs and demons-
stratives. It may also occur on interrogatives, but when
it does it is usually ordered first in a sentence and
followed later by uka resumator, as in the examples given
in 7-4.24.

An example of code-switching in which Spanish all
but submerges the Aymara is the following sentence, again

from the Baptist sermon referred to earlier:

Yo creo que jani.w hermana.naka.s.
I think that no ~ sister ~~

 

'T think not, sisters.'

The only Aymara in the above sentence is the negative
particle jani with the absolute final suffix -wa (reduced
to w) and the Aymara plural suffix -naka, which is followed
by the Spanish plural -s. The meaning conveyed is some-
what stronger than the above translation would imply, due
to the presence of -wa; a closer approximation would be
"No, sisters, I know it's not so.’

Although successive embedding in noun phrases is
possible in Aymara (see 7-4.2), it is not very common.
It occurs with more than usual frequency in a story told

by a Protestant minister from La Paz (Wexler 1967:454-456).
689

Two noun phrases have three nouns each, two have four, and

one has five, as follows:

+. .
tiwula.n pisi chuyma.:.ta.p
fox lack wisdom 3p

"the fox's stupidity'

+. -
tiwula.n wawa.naka.pa.n jiwa.ra.ya.ta.pa
Tox child 3p die 3p

‘the murder (one by one) of the fox's children’

 

+ : .
wal.ja suma . aru wawa.naka.ni
many beautiful wheat- child haver

colored

"haver of many beautiful wheat-colored children'

 

twallata.n suma paru wawa.naka.p
beautiful wheat- child 3p
colored

‘the lake bird's beautiful wheat-colored children’

Tuka pisi chuyma puyri tiwula.x
that lack wisdom poor fox

 

 

‘that poor stupid fox'

The high incidence of embedded noun phrases may

be attributable to the influence of English-speaking
690

missionaries, since English makes greater use of noun
phrase embedding than Spanish does. In other respects,
however, the story does not appear to follow Spanish or
English word order. In fact, it shows a rather high
incidence of all kinds of subordination, with a more
intricate manipulation of Aymara grammatical processes than
occurs in most foik tales recorded for this study. For
this reason, before high incidence of noun phrase embedding
can be ascribed to English influence, further analysis of
texts is needed.

On the other hand, Patron and Radio Aymara yield many
obvious examples of Spanish word order transferred to
Aymara. The following is the introductory sentence of the
Patr6n Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood (Sebeok 1951a:
54):

+ . a
Ma: uru ma: warmi sa.tayn imilla.pa.ru

one day a woman Say 3-3 gir p
RIK

 

< Apa.m aka manqg'a awicha.ma.ru, jich"a usu.ta.:.s.k.i.w.>
take 2+3 this food grand- 2p now Sick 333
I mother S

‘One day a woman said to her daughter, "Take this food
to your grandmother, she's sick now."'

In Aymara zero complements (such as aka mang'a ‘this food')

usually precede the verb. The above sentence and the whole
story from which it is taken are also unusual in the absence
of -xa final suffix (the teller of the story is identified
as being from La Paz, where use of -xa is the norm), in the
occurrence of the final suffix -wa only on verbs (and once
on the negative), and in the use of very few verbal
derivational suffixes.

The following example is from a radio announcement
of a dance rehearsal for an impending festival. It contains
an Aymara phrase translated word for word (or suffix for

word) from Spanish and two untranslated Spanish phrases.

careful no go be 373 meeting and

practica sdbado diecinueve de agosto taqi.ni.s

practice Saturday 19 of August all

 

sara.nta.si.p.ka.:ta.wa.
go 2>3
F

‘Be careful of not going (be sure to go), there will be
a meeting and rehearsal Saturday August 19, all of you go.'

The Aymara uka.t.rak jan sara.fna.mpi translates the Spanish
cuidado con no ir. The suffix -mpi translates con ‘with'

and uka.t.rak translates cuidado 'careful'. The following

is a suggested revision by Yapita, to eliminate direct

transtation from Spanish:
692

Uka.t.rak jan sara.si.p.ka.sma.ti. (La Paz/Compi)
careful no go 2-3

D-1

'Be careful of not going (be careful not to miss it).'

This uses the Desiderative tense which, with -raki independent
suffix, conveys the cautionary 'be careful’.

Radio Aymara has developed distinctive phrases for
indicating the time, such as the following, which also

shows influence of direct translation from Spanish:

Llatunka minutu.naka.ki.w. p"alt.xa.rak.i  Jlatunka
nine minute lack 343

S

arum urasa.taki.
night hours for

 

‘And it's only nine minutes before nine p.m.'

This sentence reflects the Spanish Nueve minutos faltan para
las nueve horas de la noche, ‘Nine minutes are lacking for

nine o'clock in the evening,' except that, instead of the

more commonly used Spanish loan for nine o'clock, las nuywi

 

(las nueve), it uses the native Aymara number Ilatunka 'nine'
plus aruma 'time after dark and before dawn' followed by

the Spanish loan urasa (horas). Removing the plural suffix
-naka on minutu (superfluous on a noun preceded by a number)

and the direct Spanish translation urasa.taki (-taki
693

translating para 'for'), the sentence is reworked by Yapita

as follows:

Liatunk minutu.mpi.x las nuywi.:.ni.w. (La Paz/Compi)
nine minute with nine 3>3
F

‘In (with) nine minutes it will be nine o'clock.'

9-6 Semantics

9-6.] Linguistic postulates

9-6.11 Four-person system

Since the 16th century the first and fourth grammati-
cal persons have often been confused by nonnative speakers
of Aymara. Anomalies such as Na.naka.n Awki.sa stil]
occur today as the first words of the Lord's Prayer, ‘Our
Father'. Na.naka.n is the exclusive 1p possessive, ‘our
but not your', while Awki.sa has the inclusive 4p posses-
Sive on the noun awki 'father', meaning ‘father of you and

me The whole phrase Na.naka.n Awki.sa is therefore a
semantic impossibility, ‘our-but-not-your father-of-you-
and-me'. However, merely correcting the phrase to Na.naka.n
Awki.xa, with the 1p possessive suffix -xa on awki, does

not improve matters, inasmuch as the hearer would then

feel excluded: ‘our father but not yours.' Using the 4p
for both, Jiwasa.n Awki.sa avoids exclusivity but might

be objected to on the ground that 'Our Father' in the con-

text of the Lord's Prayer is addressed to God and that
694

therefore the exclusive Ip plural is appropriate, rather
than the inclusive 4p; God cannot be our father and simul-
taneously His own (unless, perhaps, He is being addressed
as the Trinity). The real problem, however, according to
Yapita, is that in Aymara, God cannot be humanly possessed.
Therefore, a term preferred by some Aymara speakers as a
term of address or reference for God is Suma Awki ‘Good

Father', as in

Suma Awki yanap.ta.ni.p.xa.k.ita.y.
help 2+]

I
‘Good Father, help us.' (La Paz/Compi)*

An example of another typical confusion of the
first and fourth persons is the following from Tarifa

(1969:127):

*Na .naka lura.p.xa.nani.
1p do +3
F

Here, the pronoun subject is 1p but the subject conveyed
in the verb inflectional suffix is 4p, resulting in the
contradictory message ‘We (not including you) and you will
do it'.

The following sentence from one of the Patrén

Aymara phrase catalogues fails to use the 4p to include
695

the 2p hearer in what one proposes to do, as a form of

courtesy.

+
Uka uma chur.ita par.j.itu.wa.
that water give 2-1 thirst 3>17
I S

The above sentence is supposed to mean Un poco de agua ddme,

 

tengo sed ('Give me a little water, I'm thirsty'). It is
not particularly polite in any case, but the effect in
non-Patro6n Aymara is closer to ‘Gimme that water, can't you
see I'm thirsty?' As we saw in 8-2.2, a polite request
for water would use the 4p, including the addressee in the
invitation even if he or she is being asked to provide the
water.

In the following example from Wexler (1967:144)
rudeness results from using the 2p instead of the 4p as
subject of the verb inflection, thereby implying that the

addressee is a dog (a nonperson):

*Aka.x mang'a.x José, mang'a.n mun.ta.ti?
here food eat want 2° 3
S

 

The intended meaning is a matter-of-fact announcement
that dinner is ready, but the impression conveyed is bad-
tempered, something like ‘Here's food, José, will you shut

up and eat it?'
696

9-6.12 Human/nonhuman

Certain Missionary and Patron usages result from
failure to take into account the human/nonhuman postulate.

The following type of sentence occurs frequently:

*Uka.x wawa.xa.wa. 'That is my child.' (Ross n.d.:9)
that child Ip

As indicated in 8-2.21, use of a demonstrative as a pro-
noun referring directly to a human being is avoided unless
rudeness is intended. This does not appear to be true of
Missionary Aymara, but such sentences as the above are
nevertheless perceived as rude by non-Missionary speakers.

Certain nouns are used without reference to the
human/nonhuman distinction in Missionary and Patr6én Aymara.
For example, in these two dialects the common nouns jach'a
'big' and jisk'a 'small' are used to refer to anything,
human or nonhuman; the requirement that the noum.phrases
jach'a tansa ‘'tall' and jisk'a tansa ‘short' be used for
human reference is not observed. Similarly, the usual
restrictions on the noun suma 'good, tasty, very' do not
apply. Use of suma to modify a human noun directly is not
perceived as obscene, suma tawaqu being used to mean ‘nice
girl' and the verbalized form Suma.:.ta.wa, ‘You're nice.'
To Yapita, another anomaly results from attempted meta-

phoric use of suma laxra ‘delicious tongue' (i.e. a meat
697

dish) for 'fine language,' in the title of the Tarifa
grammar (1969).

Another noun used generally for human and nonhuman
in Missionary and Patr6n Aymara, but only for nonhuman
reference in other dialects, is muxsa 'sweet'. In Mission-
ary and Patr6n Aymara it may mean either 'sweet-tasting' or
‘sweet(ly), pleasant(ly),' with reference to food, activi-
ties, or people. A typical sentence is that cited by

Ebbing (1965:79).

*Musxa Virgen Marfa.taki muxsa q'uchu.fani.
sweet for sweet sing 4:3
F/I

 

The intended meaning is ‘Let's sing sweetly for the sweet
Virgin Mary,' but the non-Missionary meaning is ‘Let's sing
sweet-tastingly for the sweet-tasting Virgin Mary.'
Certain other nouns used only for humans in other
dialects are used for nonhumans in Missionary and Patrén
Aymara. These include jut'u, which Paredes Candia (1963:
35) indicated could be used to refer to small objects, but
according to Vasquez it is a term used to address a human
adversary who is smaller than oneself. The noun g"uru
‘bad, vicious' is used by Wexler (1967:21) to refer to a
dog; in other dialects it is used to refer only to people.
The derived noun jamasa.ta ‘in hiding from' is used by
Ebbing (1965:91) to refer to sheep used as a metaphor for

people, as follows:
698

*awat.iri.p jamasa.ta oveja.naka.x manq'a.p.x.i.wa.
shepherd 3p hiding sheep eat 333
S

‘Hiding from their shepherd, the sheep ate.'

According to Yapita, in Aymara culture sheep are encouraged
to eat, and would in no case be considered capable of
guile; their use as a metaphor for people is therefore not
appropriate.

In Missionary, Patron, and Radio Aymara, translation
often results in what in other dialects would be violations
of Aymara selectional restrictions on verb subjects and
complements (refer to 8-2.25). For example, in the Baptist

sermon already referred to, the following sentence occurred:

Ma: ejemplo hermana.naka.s usku.:na, no?

an example sister put 333
RDK

This is intended to mean ‘He was an example, wasn't he,
sisters?’ The Spanish noun ejemplo, associated in Spanish
with the verb poner ‘to put, place' as in poner un ejemplo
‘to give or be an example,' may take either concrete or
abstract complements. But the verb the speaker chose to
translate poner is usku.fa ‘to put a small object in some-
thing' (e.g., a key in a keyhole), which in non-Missionary
Aymara takes a nonliving, concrete zero complement. The
meaning of the sentence outside of the Missionary context
is therefore something like 'He put an example (a small

something) in something. '
699

In non-Missionary La Paz Aymara the verb atipa.fia
takes a human subject and human complement, and means ‘to
defeat or overcome an adversary'. In Missionary Aymara it
is extended to take nonliving complements such as sin and
death.° The derived form atip.ja.fia is also similarly
used in Missionary Aymara, although in other dialects it
means ‘to defeat and then to escape'. The following

example is from the Baptist sermon already referred to:

Pas.ir lecciona.n.xa yati.ya:tan.wa Cristo.xa
last lesson Jearn 4+3
RDK

jucha.ru.s jiwa.fia.ru.s atip.ja.ta.pa.ta.
sin death defeat 3p

The intended meaning is ‘In the last lesson we learned
about Christ's overcoming sin and death.' In non-Mission-
ary Aymara the sentence implies Christ defeated someone
and then escaped.

The following occurred in a radio announcement.
It illustrates failure to abide by selectional restric-

tions with respect to verb subjects:

. niya.ki.xa.y fiesta.w jak'a.cha.si.n.ka.rak.i.

already close 33
S
The intended meaning of this is '. . . and the fiesta is

already almost here', i.e., is nearing in time. The
700

implication, however, is that the fiesta is moving physi-
cally closer, since the verbalized noun jak'a.cha.si.n.ka-
takes a physically moving subject. A preferable verb in
this instance, according to Yapita, would be puri.fia ‘to
arrive', which can take a human or nonhuman = nonliving
subject (see 8-2.25).

The following is also from a radio announcement.
The Spanish reciban sus saludos ‘receive your greetings'
is translated word for word (although the word order is

changed), giving the following:

- arum.t'a.naka.ma katu.g.t'a.sf.p.xa.ma.
greeting 2p receive -
Normally the verb katu.q.t'a.si.fia means 'to receive an
object' rather than something nonliving and immaterial like
greetings. (The above expression is also odd in that the
zero complement, arum.t'a.naka.ma, retains the final vowel

even though it occurs before the verb.) Yapita suggested

as a preferable substitute for the above:

Arum.t'a.ni.p.x.tam. 'They greet you.’
3+2

S
In the following example there is no problem with
the reference of subject or complement but the meaning

is distorted by too literal translation:
701

Fabrica Nacional de Tejidos Polones tuqi.n.xa
factory national of knitwear around

jich"a.w ya:mas Ultimos modelo.nak.wa
now even latest models

more
ap.s.t'a.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i.

take 373
bring out S

'The Polonesa National Knitwear Factory is now having even
more up-to-date models brought out.'

The verb ap.s.t'a.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i translates the Spanish
estén haciendo sacar ‘are having brought out'. In Aymara
this implies physically taking or bringing something out,
rather than producing, the derived meaning in both Spanish
and English. A better translation in Aymara would be
lur.ta.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i ‘they are having made’ (La Paz/
Compi). As a matter of fact, in the sentence just cited
the announcer, apparently dissatisfied with ap.s.t'a.ya.
si.p.ka.rak.i, added immediately after it p'it.t'a.ya.si.
p.ka.rak.i ‘they are having knitted’.

Yapita has pointed out (personal communication)
that radio announcers frequently use jiki.na ‘to meet,
to find' with an inanimate subject, to translate the

Spanish se encuentra ‘is found, is located’ as in

 

Kuriyu.x kalli Ayakuchu.n jik.xata.s.i.
post office street Ayacucho find 373
S
'The Post Office is found (located) on Ayacucho Street.'
702

To Yapita this is incorrect, the verb jik.xata.si.fia
requiring a living, moving subject. A correct way to ex-

press the meaning, he suggests, would be

Kuriyu.x kalli Ayakuchu.n.k.i.wa.

'The Post Office is on Ayachucho Street.' (La Paz/Compi)

Examples of correct sentences with jiki.fia or derived

forms would be

P"isi.x achak jik.xata.tayna.w. ‘The cat found a mouse.'
cat mouse find 373 (La Paz/Compi )
RIK

 

Jiki.si.fi.kama. ‘Until we meet again.’ (La Paz/Compi)

9-6.13 Directly/Indirectly-acquired knowledge

A third linguistic postulate which is weakened in
Missionary Aymara (though not in Patrén or Radio Aymara)
is the distinction of direct and indirect knowledge source.
Usually Missionary Aymara uses tenses and final suffixes
that imply direct personal knowledge, apparently as a
reflection of the Christian emphasis on acceptance by faith.
According to Yapita and Vasquez, use of such forms is
appropriate for eye-witness accounts, but their use in
stories or sermons telling of events the speaker could not

possibly have experienced personally is perceived as inappro-

priate and ludicrous.
703

The only indirect knowledge marker used to any
extent in Missionary Aymara (apart from 3>3 RIK used as a
surprisal) is the reportive sa.fia, employed primarily in
quoting Biblical texts. The following is an excerpt from
the Baptist sermon aforesaid, the subject of which was the

story of the doubting apostle Thomas:

. Si.wa <Benaventurados > s.i.wa <kusi.si.tia.w°
Said blessed Said blessed

 

Fod for said no seeing believe that

. it says (in the Bible) "Blessed" it says "Blessed for God"
it says "(are they who) not seeing, believe that."'

But in many other instances preachers and storytellers
associated with religious sects use the unadorned Remote
Direct Knowledge or Simple tenses, as in the following

from the same sermon:

Kawki.:.ri discipulo.pa.s hermanas jani cree.ka.:n.ti?
which disciple 3p sisters no believe 3-3
RDK

The Missionary meaning of the above is ‘Which of His
disciples, sisters, did not believe?' To Vasquez and

Yapita the sentence implies that the speaker and/or the
addressees were present on the occasion of Thomas' expression

of disbelief; it is as if the sentence contained the
704

additional reminder, ‘You remember, we were there and heard
him say so.' In non-Missionary Aymara the verb would have
the 3+3 RIK tense conveying indirect acquisition of the
information and sa.fia embedding would probably also be
used to increase the speaker's distance in time and knowl-
edge from the matter referred to. To Missionary Aymara
speakers, use of indirect knowledge markers apparently
implies disbelief, which is at all costs to be avoided.

The influence of this attitude extends to the telling
of folktales. Whereas 3+3 RIK suffixes (-tayna or -iritayna
or their variants) are very common in stories told by non-
Missionary speakers, the tense is almost entirely absent
in stories told by Missionary-trained persons. A few
-tayna's usually creep into Missionary-told folktales,
however, attesting to the strength of the direct/indirect
knowledge postulate in Aymara; although it may be suppressed,
it cannot be entirely eradicated.

As perceived by Vasquez, use of the Future tense
with implied personal knowledge in the following sentence

from Ebbing (1965:83) is ludicrous:

+ eo: re
Jucha.cha.s.iri.naka.x jani.w alax.pacha.r
sinner no heaven

manta. ka.ni.ti.
enter 353
F

The intended meaning is ‘Sinners will not go to Heaven’,
705

but the implication is that the speaker will personally
see to it that they don't. To avoid giving this impres-

sion, the following may be added.

. S.i.w Yusa.n aru.pa.n.xa. ‘so it says in God's word.'
says God's word

 

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

To Vasquez, another example using the Future also implies

a threat (Wexler 1967:368).

+ . . . .
Jupa.ti.x aymar jan yati.g.ka.ni.xa,
3p no learn 333

F

jani.w Wuliwya.r sar.ka.ni.ti.

no Bolivia go 3>3
F

‘If he doesn't learn Aymara, he won't go to Bolivia.
(I'1]1 see to it.)' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

9-6.14 Imposition of singular/plural

In contrast to failure to abide by Aymara linguistic
postulates is the imposition of the singular/plural distinc-
tion. The most obvious overmarking of plural is that
exemplified in the Baptist sermon referred to, in which
the preacher used the Spanish loan hermana ‘sister' plus
the Aymara plural suffix -naka plus the Spanish plural
suffix -s: hermana.naka.s ‘sisters'. Elsewhere, Missionary
and Patrén Aymara mark the plural both on nouns and verbs
with much more regularity than occurs in other Aymara dia-

lects.
706

As indicated in 8-2.22, the noun awki has acquired
association with dogs in such expressions as Awki.ma.sti
‘And (how is) your father?' To Vasquez, when the plural
suffix -naka is added to awki (or even to the noun tata
‘father') the insult is compounded, as in the following
(Wexler 1967:21):

*awki.naka.ni.:.ta.ti?

2>3

S
This is intended to translate the Spanish inquiry to a
child, ‘Do you have parents?', i.e., ‘Are your parents
living?' According to Vasquez such a question is culturally
incorrect, as it is not something one would usually ask a
person, even a child,directly. Secondly, awki ‘father' is
here misused to translate Spanish padre in the sense of
‘parent’. Finally, adding -naka to awki gives the meaning
"Do you have fathers?" which is like saying 'Does your

mother know who your father is?'
9-6.2 Other semantic peculiarities

There are other semantic peculiarities in Missionary
and Patrén Aymara that may not be attributable to failure
to recognize linguistic postulates but are nevertheless
offensive to speakers of other dialects. An example is
use of the noun yugalla, which has derogatory connotations

in most dialects unless it occurs followed by wawa ‘child'
707

as in yugall wawa ‘boy child, little boy.' Use of yugalla
as a term of address is especially resented, as in the

following (Ebbing, 1965:11):
*Juta.m yugalla.y! ‘Come here, boy!'

If said to an adult, this has much the same impact as the
sentence would have in English, even though the positive
suffix -ya occurs in the sentence. Said to a child, it
means something like 'Come here, you little bastard!' And
even when it is not used as a term of address, yugalla is

offensive. The sentence

*K"iti.s uka yugalla.xa? (Wexler 1967:263)
who that boy

intended to mean 'Who is that boy?’ to non-Missionary
speakers means instead something like 'Who's that poor
little SOB?'

The catalogues of Aymara phrases are full of
examples of this type. In one case a spelling error
changes what would be an impertinent question into a

silly one.

*Junt'a.ta.ma ut.j.k.i.ti? (Catalogo 1971:36)
pierce 2p exist 33
$

The intended meaning of this is 'Do you have a lover?'

But because of spelling errors, what is actually said is,
708

according to Vasquez, 'Do you have your pincushion?' The
intended meaning would be conveyed, rudely, by the
following:

Ui.t'a.ta.ni.:.ta.ti?

look 2->3
S

literally, 'Do you have someone you look at?'
The verb muna.fia 'to want, like, esteem' occurs
in a number of examples, such as the following (Wexler

1967:57):
tkun.s munta.ti2?/

As indicated by Wexler (1967), this means 'Do you want
something?’ but to Vasquez it has overtones of a suggestive
challenge. Another example is (Wexler 1967:345)

*Mun.ista.ti?
2>1
S
Intended to mean 'Do you need my help?', it actually
means, according to Vasquez, ‘Do you want/love/appreciate
me?' Vasquez indicates that the correct Aymara for asking

if someone needs help is

Yanap.t'a.:ma.cha? ‘May I help you?' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
172
F
This has the Future tense and the alternative question

suffix -cha.
709

Outside of Missionary or Patron Aymara the verb

muna.fia is not used with certain complements in certain

contexts. The following sentences (Ebbing 1965:28,29)

were rejected out of hand by Vasquez and Yapita

*Naya.x  tata.xa.r mun.t.wa.
Ip father Ip 173
S

The intended meaning is 'I love my father', but the

meaning conveyed is incestuous. The following implies
sodomy:

*Naya.xX an mun.t.wa.
Ip dog 133
S

A more appropriate sentence for indicating that one would
like to get a dog would be

Naya.x an uywa.si.n mun.t.wa.
Ip dog raise 1?3

S

‘I would like to raise a dog.'

Other usages perceived as errors by Vasquez are probably

the result of mistaken translations or fanciful ety-

mologies, like the following from Paredes Candia (1963):
anu ch'ap"i
jamp'atu
tunta

710

Paredes Candia

‘dog excrement’

‘vagina’

‘potato starch'
(almidén de papa)

Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

‘dog thorn', medicinal
plant (Spanish amor seco)

"toad'

‘potatoes which have been
soaked in water, frozen,
fermented, and sun dried’;
an Andean staple food

In Missionary Aymara certain lexical items have

meanings different from those they have in other dialects,

usually resulting from generalized applications of terms

that have more specialized, or negative, meanings in other

contexts.

Some of these have already been mentioned in

earlier sections; more examples are given below.

Nouns:

aski
machaka
muntu jaqi

Missionary Aymara

"benefit, good, bene-
ficial’

“new', as in Machak
Testamentu ‘New
Testament '

 

"non members of one's
own sect'

muntu ‘world’ <

Spanish mundo
jaqgi ‘person, people'

 

Non-Missionary Aymara

same meaning, but used
only in certain set ex-
pressions (La Paz/Compi)

"new, unused' (e. g.
clothes) (La Paz/Compi)
Jich"a Testamentu

"New Testament’ (La Paz/

Compi )

 

taken as insult meaning
‘people of the Devil’
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
Nouns (cont. )

muntu) warmi

muntu  chacha

Verbs

am.ta.si.fa

ir.naga.fa

711

Missionary Aymara

‘woman not a member
of one's own sect'

‘man not a member
of one's own sect'
‘to remember, recall

a fact'

‘to work' (general)

Non-Missionary Aymara

‘Devil's woman, prostitute’
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

"Devil's man'
(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

'to long to restore'
(La Paz/Compi)

‘to work in the fields
in the morning! (La Paz/
Compi

(The above is not to be confused with ira.naga.fia 'to handle’,
which occurs in al? dialects.)

iyaw sa.fa

un. ja.si.f.kama

yuri. fia

‘to believe, trust,
have faith in; belief,
trust, faith'

‘until we see each
other (again) '
(Wexler 1967:21)

‘to be born' (also
used in Radio Aymara
for historical
accounts )

"to say yes, agree;
agreement! (La Paz/Compi)

‘until we see each other's
bodies' (La Paz/Compi)

usually replaced by
nasi.na < Spanish nacer

(see 8-2.25)

A final example of an expression used with a

different meaning in Missionary Aymara than elsewhere

is Yati.m, literally 'Know you (this).' The expression

occurs at the beginning of a story (Wexler 1967:455)
712

when one character is about to tell another how to go

about doing something. To Vasquez, the meaning of

the expression is closer to 'It serves you right!',

'IT told you so!', ‘'Tough!', or ‘Grin and bear it!';

it would be said to someone who has done something against

one's advice and is now complaining about the outcome.
Radio Aymara has a few specialized terms not

used in everyday speech, such as the verb atama.fia ‘to

announce a message'. The following is an example of the

way it would be used on the radio:

Jupa.x ma: papil gqillg.ta.ta jay.t'a.si.way.i
3p a paper write leave 33

S

<Atama.rapi.t> sa.sina.
announce 2+] say

I

'He left a written message to be announced. '
('He left a written message, "Announce it for me,"
saying.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

9-7 Summary and Conclusion

Missionary and Patr6é6n Aymara differ from other
dialects primarily in their disregard of linguistic
postulates. Missionary Aymara, additionally, has cer-
tain distinctive usages. Radio Aymara closely reflects

Spanish syntax and lexicon. As perceived by Vasquez
713

and Yapita, Missionary and Patr6n Aymara are often
offensive as well as grammatically incorrect, while
Radio Aymara is more often perceived as merely incor-
rect. Whether the translation dialects are perceived
as substandard by a majority of Aymara speakers (that
is, to what extent the perceptions noted in this chapter
represent those of the Aymara community at large) remains
to be investigated. In any event, now that literary
production in Aymara and linguistic studies of the
language are being undertaken by native speakers, a

more lively and open discussion of what constitute
standard and nonstandard usages within and across dia-

lects may be anticipated.
714

Notes

‘There is some evidence that Aymara speakers who
are not active in institutionalized religion may occa-
sionally employ certain Missionary usages when talking
to or telling stories in the hearing of non-Aymara
persons associated in the speaker's mind with mission-
aries or other outsiders who are persons in authority.
For example, a source from Irpa Chico (Ingavi, depart-
ment of La Paz) not know to have any formal affiliation
with missionaries, in telling a folktale to H. Martin
(1969:72-74), used direct knowledge verb forms, although
he switched to indirect knowledge forms in midstream
(see 9-6.13). Yapita himself used kuna. layku.ti.xa
(see 9-5) in a tape-recorded greeting to Hardman in the
late 1960's, but indicates that he would not use it
today.

2This is done, for example, by Hardman et al.
(1975), who produced the only published grammar of
Aymara to date that does not reflect Missionary or
Patron usages.

3There are times when the use of -ya on an
Imperative would be inappropriate, as in amu.ki.ma.y.
If used to a baby it means 'please be quiet’, but if
used to an adult it is very insulting, being what a
rapist would say to quiet a victim (Briggs & England
1973:22).

4 Two fairly recent Protestant editions of the
New Testament in Aymara, published by the British and
Foreign Bible Society in 1941 and the American Bible
Society in 1954, use Alax.pacha.n.k.iri Awki.sa ‘Our
Father in Heaven' (with 4p -sa). TI heard Na.naka.n
Awki.sa used in a Catholic wedding ceremony in Bolivia
as recently as 1972, however. It is also still used

in Puno, according to J. Llanque Chana (personal
communication).

"An example of Missionary Aymara use with a
bodily condition as subject and with human complement
is

Atip.xa.s.ka.k.i.w. ‘It (the headache) over-
333 comes her.' (Compi)

S
715

Salthough kusi.si.fia is usually translated as
‘to be happy', in La Paz/Compi Aymara it sometimes
connotes happiness at someone else'e expense or over
someone else's misfortune (Yapita, personal communica-
tion). Whether this is true in most dialects is not

yet known.

Tin this example -sa functions as an indefinite,
not as an interrogative.
CHAPTER 10
CONCLUSION

10-1 Dialectal Variation in Aymara

The foregoing chapters have examined regional and
social variation in Aymara grammatical structure. At this
point a return to the questions posed in 1-3.2 is indicated
to see what answers may now be given.

As has always been supposed, Aymara is clearly
one language. Regional and social variation exists but it
does not significantly affect intelligibility except when
certain utterances are taken out of context, primarily
because the phonemic inventory is uniform (except for the
velar nasal occurring in only two areas and in very few
morphemes) and secondarily because all dialects share a
basic set of morphophonemic rules and a basic inventory
of morphemes with the same or very similar meanings and
similar phonological shapes. Because of the nature of
Aymara morphophonemic rules, certain morphemes vary in
phonological shape within as well as across dialects.

As shown in cross-dialectal and intra-dialectal
phonological correspondences and in vowel-dropping or
-retaining morphophonemic rules, certain Aymara phonemes

are unstable. The most unstable are the sonorants (vowels

716
717

and voiced consonants), then the fricatives, then the
affricates and the velar and (to a lesser extent) the
postvelar stops. The most stable are the bilabial and
alveolar stops, but even the bilabial stop shows some
instability in one dialect, Calacala.

The morpheme class with the greatest variety of
phonological shapes of allomorphs both intra- and inter-
dialectally is the class of verbal inflectional suffixes
(person/tense suffixes). They vary not only because of
phonemic instability but also because of (1) preservation
or loss of different submorphemic recurrent partials,

(2) processes of analogy that may operate within a given
dialect, and (3) different patterns of merging what were
apparently four paradigms into two, the present Desiderative
and Remonstrator tenses. In all tenses and dialects the
same person/tense suffixes are the most variable: those
involving the 2p as complement (12, 3+2) and that involving
2p as subject, 1p as complement (2-1).

The closed class of roots having the most cross-
dialectal variation in inventory (that is, in number of
different phonologically dissimilar roots and stems) is
the temporal noun class. There is also considerable
variety in the inventory of open class nouns and verbs
referring to agricultural practices. As for morphosyntactic
processes, there is evidence of (1) an incipient merging

of the subordinating suffixes -sa and -sina (and variants),
718

and (2) variation in the incidence and usage of the sub-
ordinator -ipana, which in some dialects is a member of a
functioning four-person paradigm that has fallen or is
falling into disuse elsewhere.

While there is some cross-dialectal variation in
meaning or connotation of certain common roots and stems,
Aymara linguistic postulates are strong in ali dialects
except the heavily Spanish-influenced Missionary, Patr6n,
and Radio Aymara. The primary linguistic postulates (a
four-person system, a distinction of human and nonhuman,
and a distinction of direct and indirect knowledge) reinforce
the phonological and lexical unity already noted and make
for cross-dialectal comprehension even in the presence
of considerable lexical variation.

It is primarily on the basis of the phonological
shapes of a relatively few suffixes that Aymara dialects
may be grouped regionally. Incidence of certain morphemes
in a given dialect but not another and of differences in
meaning play a much less significant role in defining
regional groups, although they contribute to dialect
diversity and give the speech of each community its indi-

vidual stamp.

10-2 Regional Dialect Groups and Features

On the basis of regional patterning of certain

morphemes by shape of allomorphs, incidence, and meaning,
719

Aymara dialects fall into two major groups: (1) a northern
group of dialects located on or near Lake Titicaca and
including La Paz (the city and the department), and (2) a
southern group at a greater distance from the lake in the
departments of Oruro and Potosi. The intermediate dialects
of Celacoa and Sitajara in southern Peru southwest of
Lake Titicaca share some features with the northern and
some with the southern group; Calacoa has more northern
features, and Sitajara, more southern ones. (Figure 10-1
is a preliminary attempt to distinguish the three dialect
areas.)

Apart from the division into northern, southern, and
intermediate dialects, there is a distinction between a

central group of La Paz dialects and those on the periphery

 

of La Paz influence, whether to the north, south, or west.
(It may be that certain dialects located in La Paz depart-
ment north and east of the capital may also have to be
designated as peripheral when more is known about them.)
Huancané, a northern dialect sharing a number of features
with La Paz, is also peripheral in sharing certain non-

La Paz attributes with the southern and intermediate
dialects. (Figure 10-2 distinguishes.central from periph-
eral dialects.) In some cases features cut across regional
lines. For example, Morocomarca, in spite of its remote-
ness from La Paz, shares with it certain features lacking

in other northern and southern dialects.
v \
\, ‘\,
\
Lima *,
© Cachuy (Kawki)
°
Tope (Jaqaru),

. N mel OZ
SN G

punce gs

AREQUIPA WAA

ek NY. 7. Hes _
LENG
// Northern Aymara Dialects , ‘ Ds ~ Varad Lipp », B O L I V I A

Calatoa Oy iahuanaco

<x Intermediate Aymara Dialects Moquegua x £2 fests d de Machaca;
N\A, Southern Aymara Dialects : } Sitaj CLEP aN 7 SANTA
: Taree 1 Yv /s Ses Gy Liallagua o ‘“ ( CRUZ
Primary Aymara Sites For This Study OTacna /* RX: YQ aunt A" oO Carasi
; we WN woraue oO Nig Calica
Secondary Aymara Sites For This Study Arica — ON \ Morbedimaeds a 4.
REDD Lx PRO’ \.

Other Sites Where Aymara Or NSO i \

Another Jaqi Language Is Spoken L, Coipasaty \ SSR \

SAX Gitela Seid : cs
Garcia Mendoza ‘ {
Certain Other Towns Or Cities : Dita \ + 7 : / eal

Mentioned In Text { > Sait, Flats / Siam, -/ ex
: ICHUQUISACA vr

C, |
—-» International Boundaries &, \. Op

—:— Departmental Boundaries

O \
Sy \ TARIJA ! S&S

£’. ») [yr

Figure 10-1. Northern, Intermediate, and Southern Aymara Dialects

 

OcL
. \,

\, \,
Lima *
Y © Cachuy (Kawki)
“~, “mre (Jaqaru),

~“.

LA

; pret

feu
Voyt

_.- _—, S. /,
\ Huancssé@ Wir.
\ /

Sho 8
Voigt 7

= Central Aymara Dialects i : j wy
¢ us de Mach? aca

: ds /,
Peripheral! Aymara Dialects Lr 77 ot Gy de OU Y4,
STarata® OSL Sus ye (977A Liallagua On i
Primary Aymara Sites For This Study ae Oe ae Uf Voi Carasi
Lisi 4 BY

Secondary Aymara Sites For This Study cA Oe aN,

\
Other Sites Where Aymara Or
Another Jaqi Language Is Spoken

_. Ig 7 kat Mendoza
Certain Other Towns Or Cities LlicA O17 .
Mentioned In Text (Zs ere / ey
IC HUQUI SACA.

International Boundaries \

’o zw
: O S
Departmental Boundaries d

 

Figure 10-2. Central vs. Peripheral Aymara Dialects

LeL
722

In the following sections, features characteristic
of the northern, southern, and intermediate dialects and
of the peripheral as distinguished from the central dialects
are listed according to whether they occur in all dialects
in the group or only in some of them and whether they in-
volve phonological shapes and morphophonemics, incidence
of morphemes, or semantics. When a given feature also
occurs in a dialect outside the group, the name of that
dialect is indicated. Peripheral features of limited
occurrence are then listed, followed by features occurring
in both central and peripheral dialects and those cutting
across regional lines. Finally, cross-dialectal percep-
tions and attitudes toward Aymara language and culture

encountered in this study are described.

10-2.1 Northern group: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané
10-2.11 Features shared by all members of northern group
10-2.11.1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics

10-2.11.11 Initial velar or postvelar fricatives in 1p

possessive and 1*3 Future suffixes

10-2.11.12 /-mpi/ sole allomorph of noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti

'with'

10-2.11.13 /-ka-/ sole allomorph of incompletive verbal

derivational suffix
10-2.

10-2.

10-2.

10.2.

10-2

10-2.

10-2.

10-2

10-2

11.14

11.16

17.21

12

12.1

12.11

12.12

Preponderance of /sa/ forms in D-1 and D-2
tenses, and /iri/ forms of those tenses with

/k(s)/ or /s(k)/ (also Calacoa, Morocomarca)

Optional initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb

Sa.fia when inflected
/-sina/ or /-sna/ allomorphs of -sina subordinator
Incidence of morphemes

Temporals aruma ‘night, early morning' and

arumanti ‘'tomorrow' (also Calacoa)

Negative sentences usually accompanied by
/-ka-/ incompletive or /-xa-/ completive
verbal derivational suffixes on the verb

(also Calacoa, Sitajara)

Features shared by certain northern dialects

(not including La Paz)
Phonological shapes and morphophonemics

Variable morphophonemics of -na possessive/
locational noun suffix (Juli, Socca; also

Calacoa)

/-wa-/ allomorph of distancer verbal deriva-
tional suffix (Juli, Socca, Huancané; also

Calacoa)
10-2.

10-2.

10-2.

10-2.

12.

12.

12

12

12.

21

21.

21.

21

22.

23

24

1]

12

724

/-mama/ 1>2 Future (Juli, Socca, Huancané,

all of which also have /-:ma/)

Tolerance of final consonant clusters in cer-
tain Imperative inflections (Juli, Socca,

Huancané)
Incidence of morphemes
quli ‘dear, kind' (Juli, Huancané, Socca)

-chi NI plus 3+3 Simple used as narrative device

in stories (Juli, Huancané, Socca)

-iri plus 3+3 RIK used as narrative device in

stories (Juli, Socca)

-sa subordinator used only on sa.fia (Juli, Socca)

Southern group: Jopoqueri (and/or Corque),

Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala)
Features shared by all members of southern group
Phonological shapes and morphophonemics

Initial palatal or velar nasals in Ip possessive
suffix (Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala have

/n/; Jopoqueri has /nh/ as does Sitajara also.)

/-nti/ allomorph of noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti
(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala also have

/-mpi/.)
10-2.

10-2.

10-2.

10-2.

10-2.

10-2.

10-2.

10-2.22

21

2]

21

21.

21

21.

2]

-13

14

15

21

31

725

/-ja-/ allomorph of incompletive verbal
derivational suffix, either as the sole allo-
morph or alternating with /-ka-/ by free

variation or morphophonemic rule

/-2i-/ or /-wiya-/ allomorph of distancer

verbal derivational suffix

No initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.fia when

inflected

Incidence of morphemes

Negative sentences usually not accompanied by
presence of incompletive or completive verbal

derivational suffix on verb
Semantics

Use of certain verbs with meanings different
from those they have in northern dialects, for

example:

ati.fa 'to be able'

jala.na 'to fly'

pugu.fia ‘to grow, produce’ (also Calacoa, Sitajara)

(For northern meanings see 8-3.21.1.)

Features shared by certain southern dialects
10-2.

10-2.

22.

22.

22.

22

22.

.22

22.

22.

.22.

11

13

14

15

16

18

19

726

Phonological shapes and morphophonemics

Initial velar or palatal nasal in 173 Future

(Jopoqueri, Salinas; see also 10-2.41.15)

Shared or very similar allomorphs of D-1 and
D-2 suffixes, with a preponderance of /iri/
over /sa/ forms; /iri/ forms with /j/, not

/k/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas; also Sitajara)

/-pu/ allomorph of final suffix -pi (Jopoqueri,

Salinas; also Sitajara)

/-sana/ allomorph of -sina subordinator

(Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Calacala)
/kinsa/ ‘three' (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala)
/maq'a.fia/ 'to eat' (Salinas, Morocomarca)

/-tan(a)/ ~ /-:tan/ ~ /-:tna/ allomorphs of
4>3 Future (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala;

also Calacoa, which lacks /-fiani/ 4+3 F)
/ma:ji/ 'fast' (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala)

/-ji/ and /-ki/ allomorphs of -ki ‘just'
nonfinal independent suffix (Salinas,

Morocomarca)

Phonological shapes of a few morphemes found in

southern Aymara dialects are identical to the shapes of
727

those morphemes in the Quechua spoken in the area, for
example /kinsa/ ‘three', /rura.fia/ ‘to make’, (Morocomarca) ,
and /-nti/ ‘with, by', but such shared items are of minor
significance, given the fact that similar shapes of those
morphemes and several others are pan-Andean (Hardman,
personal communication). Only one instance of a possible
occurrence in Aymara of a Quechua suffix was noted, in
Calacala (see 7-2.22.11 and footnote 2). The present
evidence is that the Aymara spoken by Aymara-Quechua
bilinguals in areas where Quechua has the greater prestige,
remains remarkably free of Quechua admixture, perhaps

because of the diglossia mentioned in 1-1.1.

10-2.3 Intermediate dialects: Calacoa, Sitajara

As indicated above, Calacoa shares the following
features with the northern group: 10-2.11.14, 10-2.11.21,
10-2.11.22, 10-2.12.11, and 10-2.12.12. It shares the
following with the southern group: 10-2.21.31 (the verb
pugu.fia, not the others) and 10-2.22.17.

Sitajara shares the following with Calacoa and the
northern group: 10-2.11.22. With the southern group it
shares the features 10-2.21.11, 10-2.21.31 (puqu.fia),
10-2.22.12, and 10-2.22.13.

Calacoa and Sitajara share the following feature
concerning the incidence of a morpheme:

10-2.31 Nonoccurrence of temporal root g"ara (in free
728

or frozen form) that occurs in all other
dialects (but see 10-2.41.21)

Other features shared by Calacoa and/or Sitajara
are the peripheral features 10-2.21.14, 10-2.41.18,
10-2.41.19, and 10-2.41.21, and the cross-regional
features 10-2.51.31 and 10-2.52.

10-2.4 Peripheral (as distinguished from central) dialects
The following features, most of which involve
phonological shapes, do not occur in the two La Paz dialects
most thoroughly investigated until now: Compi and Tiahuanaco.
They do occur in certain other dialects already identified

as northern, southern, or intermediate.
10-2.41 Features shared by several dialects
10-2.41.1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics

10-2.41.11 Voicing of prevocalic stops after homorganic
nasals
Northern: Huancané (optional)
Intermediate: Sitajara (optional)
Southern: Salinas (obligatory within morphemes,
optional otherwise; also occurs after

palatal lateral); Corque (optional)

10-2.41.12 Demonstrative /k"u/ ~ /k"u:/ ~ /k"uyu/
Northern: Huancané (also has /k"uri/)

Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca
729

10-2.41.13 Variable morphophonemics of personal possessive

10-2.41.14

10-2.41.15

10-2.41.16

suffixes

Northern: Huancané (preceding consonant by
three-vowel rule, preceding vowel otherwise)

Intermediate: Sitajara (consonant preceding 4p
-sa and all possessives after nominalizer
-ta; vowel otherwise)

Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala,
Morocomarca (preceding consonant permitted
unless a stem-final consonant cluster

would result)

/-t"a/ allomorph of -t'a ~ -ta ‘of, from'
Northern: Juli, Huancané

Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara

Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca
(Juli, Huancané, Calacoa, and Jopoqueri also

have the unaspirated allomorph.)

Initial or medial alveolar, palatal, or velar
nasals in three Future suffixes: 273, 3-2,
and 2>1

Northern: Huancané

Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas (which also have

initial velar or palatal nasals in 173 F)

Four-member subordinating paradigm of which

-ipana is 3p
10-2.41.17

10-2.41.18

10-2.41.19

10-2.41.2

10-2.41.21

730

Northern: Huancané

Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca

/-raji/ allomorph of -raki nonfinal independent
suffix

Northern: Huancané

Intermediate: Sitajara

Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala

(All also have /-raki/ in some environments. )

/-lla/ allomorph of -lla ~ -ya politive final
suffix

Northern: Juli, Socca

Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara

Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala

/-:/ allomorph of -xa final sentence suffix
Northern: Juli
Intermediate: Sitajara, Calacoa

Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca

Incidence of morphemes

Temporal g'alta ~ q"alt'i ‘morning, tomorrow’
Northern: Socca (/q'alta/)
Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara (/q'alta/)

Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca

(/q"alt'i/)
10-2.41.22

10-2.41..23

10-2.41.3

10-2.41.31

10-2.41.4

731

Noun suffix -chapi ~ -ch"api ‘the one which'
Northern: Huancané
Intermediate: Sitajara

Southern: dJopoqueri

Diminutive noun suffix -lla
Northern: Huancané
Intermediate: Sitajara

Southern: Corque, Jopoqueri, Salinas

Semantics

Falling-together of Ip and 4p in certain verbal

inflections

Northern: Huancané

Intermediate: Sitajara (aiso in personal
possessives)

Southern: Morocomarca

Morphosyntax

Peripheral dialects tend to use more different

kinds of verb subordination (see 7-4.2) than does La Paz,

where the most common verb subordinator is the sentence

suffix -xa.

10-2.42

Peripheral features of limited occurrence

Apart from the peripheral features that occur

fairly generally, there are certain features found in only
732

one or two peripheral dialects and having identical or
similar reflexes in present-day Jagaru. Such features are
(1) the velar nasal phoneme, which in Aymara occurs in only
two limited areas, Tarata (Peru) and Carangas (Bolivia);
(2) the Aymara diminutive noun suffix -cha, which corresponds
to the Jaqaru limitative and occurs in only two Aymara
dialects so far investigated, Huancané and Calacoa; and

(3) the 4+3 Future allomorph /-tana/ (and its reduced forms
/-tan/ and /-tna/), which is identical to the form of the
suffix in Jaqaru but persists as an Aymara allomorph of the
4+3 F suffix in only three dialects so far encountered,
Calacoa (where it is the sole allomorph) and Salinas and
Morocomarca (where it varies, apparently freely, with
/-nani/, the allomorph of 4*3 F found in other Aymara
dialects).

In this research certain Aymara variants cited by
Bertonio (1603b) were found only in Sitajara, for example
/mimilla/ 'girl', /marmi/ ‘woman', /-itta/ 2+1 Simple tense,
and ama:.fia 'to want'. (Elsewhere the equivalents are
/imilla/, /warmi/, /-ista/, and muna.fia.) Bertonio listed
full paradigms of /sa/ and /iri/ forms for what are here
called the D-1 and D-2 tenses. The present-day dialect
having the greatest number of /sa/ and /iri/ forms for the
two tenses (some of them different from those cited by
Bertonio) is Salinas, which also has other features that

mark it as one of the most distinctive Aymara dialects.
733

(Whether it is the most conservative will require a more
careful comparison of Jaqaru, Kawki, and Aymara dialects
than is possible here.) Some of the distinctive features

of Salinas are the following: (1) Use of only the aspirated
form of the noun suffix -t"a ~ -ta 'from, of', and of only
the allomorph /-nti/ of the noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti;

(2) a vowel harmony rule affecting both vowels of the suffix
-iri when it occurs on verb stems ending in /u/; (3) rules
obligatorily voicing stops after nasals and the palatal
lateral within morphemes and optionally otherwise; and

(4) a rule for the obligatory frication of the velar stop
before consonants, changing /k/ to /j/. The voicing rule
occurs sporadically in certain other dialects, and corre-
spondences of /j/ and /k/ occur elsewhere, but the rules

are obligatory only in Salinas.

10-2.5 Cross-regional features
The following features cut across the north/south,

center/periphery distinctions.
10-2.51 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics

10-2.51.1 /-nani/ sole allomorph of 4+3 F
Northern: Huancané, Juli, Socca, La Paz
Intermediate: Sitajara

Southern: Jopoqueri

10-2.51.2 /-:ma/, but not /-mama/ allomorph of 1+2 F
734

Northern: La Paz
Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca,

Calacala
10-2.51.3 Morphophonemics of 2+3 I suffix /-m(a)/

10-2.51.31 Always requiring a preceding vowel
Northern: La Paz
Intermediate: Calacoa, Salinas

Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas

10-2.51.32 Requiring a preceding consonant after /-ka-/
incompletive; otherwise a preceding vowel
Northern: Juli, Socca, Huancané

Southern: Morocomarca

10-2.51.4 | Nonoccurrence of /-:/ allomorph of -xa final
suffix
Northern: La Paz, Socca
Southern: Jopoqueri

(Notice also feature 10-2.11.14, which occurs in the

northern dialects, Calacoa, and Morocomarca. )

10-2.52 Incidence of morpheme: Optional occurrence of
verbal derivational -p- plural without a
following incompletive or completive suffix
Northern: La Paz (Hardman, personal communi-

cation)
Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara

Southern: Morocomarca
735

10-2.6 Cross-dialectal perceptions

There is a general belief among Aymara speakers
that the 'best' Aymara is spoken in La Paz. Apart from
that, Aymara speakers share the common human tendency to
prefer their own particular dialect over others. A woman
from Oruro indicated that the Aymara spoken in Oruro and
La Paz was legitimo, while that of Salinas was tosco
(coarse or crude). Speakers from Socca thought Tarata and
Sitajara Aymara sounded like baby talk, apparently because
of its velar nasals, and found Tarata Aymara ‘less developed’
than that of the province of Chucuito. They also termed
'archaic' a Sitajara usage dropping initial /lla/ and
found the occurrence of initial /ji/ or /si/ on sa.na in
other dialects ‘old-fashioned'. Similar attitudes could
probably be elicited elsewhere.

In addition to generally preferring their own dialect,
speakers tended to hear the features of that dialect in
other dialects, overlooking certain differences until they
were pointed out. For example, speakers from La Paz who
use only the longer forms of the distancer suffix -waya-
tended to hear a vowel /a/ in its occurrences in other
dialects, such as Socca, in which the allomorph /-wa-/
reduces to /w/ before consonant-requiring suffixes.
Speakers who usually used /-pini/ independent suffix tended
to hear /-puni/ as /-pini/ and vice versa. The native

speaker's virtual deafness to nonsignificant differences
736

in detail points up the need for collaborative research by
native and non-native speakers in’ studies of regional

and social linguistic variation.

10-2.7 Attitudes toward Aymara language and culture

From the evidence of this study it appears that
many Aymara speakers are ambivalent about their language
and culture. As pointed out by J. Llanque Chana (1974)
for Peru, negative attitudes are fostered by an educational
system unprepared to deal with language and cultural back-
grounds of students whose first language is not Spanish
and by the undeniable fact that acquisition of Spanish
makes the difference between living an economically and
socially marginal existence and entering the mainstream of
modern Peruvian life. The same factors prevail in Bolivia.

The most negative attitudes were found in Tarata and
Sitajara, Peru. In the former, few persons would even
admit to knowing Aymara, although eventually one was found
from a nearby town who seemed to enjoy speaking (and singing
in) the language. In Sitajara a very articulate elderly
monolingual woman, obviously a gifted talker, expressed
considerable bitterness against Aymara, as if its presence
in her brain were to blame for her failure to know Spanish.
A bilingual man in Huancané, a Seventh Day Adventist, ex-
pressed the belief that Aymara language and culture were
inferior to Spanish and that no useful purpose would be

served by teaching people to read and write Aymara.
737

Similarly, persons trained by missionaries in Bolivia
revealed a certain self-deprecation, as expressed in the
example in 9-5: 'We ask you to pardon us because we
sometimes make mistakes'. Yapita (1967) noted a ten-
dency to reject Aymara language and culture in Rosario
(province of Pacajes, department of La Paz), a community
that had been under Seventh Day Adventist influence since
1919.

Whatever their origin, such negative attitudes do
have an effect. In some communities where bilingualism in
Spanish and Aymara has existed for decades if not longer,
there is now a trend toward eventual disappearance of
Aymara, since young people under 20 no longer speak the
language although some still understand it. In Juli
children 12 and under in a family whose older members were
all bilingual neither spoke nor understood the language.
In farms on the outskirts of Salinas children still use
the language when helping grandparents with farm work, but
in town they use only Spanish.

Nevertheless, there is also ample evidence of deep
attachment to the Aymara language and pride in Aymara
culture. A wish to believe that Aymara is indeed the equal
of, if not superior to, Spanish probably contributed to
the positive reception given my statement of research
purposes during the course of field work. In explaining

those purposes, I alluded to certain basic anthropological
738

and linguistic notions, such as that Aymara is a language,
not a ‘dialect'; that it possesses a complex grammar, like
any other language; that it can be written, read, and used
as a medium of communication and instruction; that knowledge
of Spanish and Aymara structure facilitates teaching either
language to speakers of the other; and similar concepts.
With only one or two exceptions, these ideas found a ready
acceptance, as if they confirmed already-held assumptions.
Certain educated bilinguals are now articulating their
cultural heritage and seeking out its guardians in order
to reformulate it and bring it to public attention. The
work of Yapita and his associates in Bolivia, and of D. and
J. Llanque Chana in Peru, is in this vein.

The most positive attitudes toward Aymara are
found in and near the city of La Paz. Although La Paz
Aymara is taking in Spanish loanwords at an accelerating
rate, speakers revert to less Hispanicized usages when
talking to monolinguals or when visiting rural communities.
This happens even in the case of children who attend
school in La Paz, use Spanish among themselves and with
other children in the city, but speak Aymara on visits
to the Lake Titicaca communities where their parents and
grandparents still own and cultivate the land and where
Aymara is spoken by all ages. Aymara communities where
everyone is virtually monolingual reportedly still exist

in remote parts of the department of La Paz. Although
739

some communities may be losing Aymara, natural increase
due to population growth (as noted in the Peruvian census
of 1972) will offset this at least during the next few
generations, and its extinction is not in sight. The
Peruvian government's action in 1975 designating Quechua
an official language on a par with Spanish, to be used
interchangeably with Spanish in education, the courts,
and the like, has had repercussions among speakers of
other indigenous languages in Peru and in Bolivia, where
Peruvian developments have considerable influence. Among
Aymara speakers the Peruvian action vis-a-vis Quechua

has had the effect of fostering rising expectations of a
similar designation for Aymara, reinforcing the underlying

positive attitudes that exist.

10-3 Interpretation of Research Results and Their

Implications

In the absence of archaeological or historical
evidence concerning population movements and trade routes
or of a more complete knowledge of existing Aymara
dialects, interpretations of the data analyzed in this
study are somewhat speculative and raise more questions
than they answer.

The basic division between dialects near Lake
Titicaca in the Peruvian department of Puno and the

Bolivian department of La Paz and those farther to the
740

south in the Bolivian departments of Oruro and Potosi
implies a social/political split at some time in the past.
Such a split would account for the apparent lack of any
gradual shading of features from northern to southern
dialects, although a definite determination in this
respect must await further research in borderline areas

of southern La Paz and northern Oruro departments. Within
an area, existing similar usages may be reinforced by
trade. The intensive marketing and related travel that
occur around Lake Titicaca (Appleby 1976) are obvious

to any visitor. Similar movements associated with trade
also occur in the southern dialect area.

The evidence of a split between northern and
southern dialects does not disprove Torero's theory
(1-2.1) of a probable (gradual?) north to south expansion
of Aymara on the altiplano, since such an expansion might
have taken place before the split, but a simple southward
expansion does not account for the dialectal complexities
revealed by the present study, such as the existence of
(1) certain similar features in noncontiguous areas like
Tarata, Peru and Carangas, Bolivia, (2) features linking
peripheral as distinguished from central dialects or
crossing north-south, center-periphery lines, or (3)
features shared by certain Aymara dialects with contem-
porary Jagqaru and Kawki far to the north. These com-

plexities may be the linguistic reflection of equally
741

complex population movements associated with what Murra
(1968 and 1972) has identified as the pan-Andean pre-
occupation with controlling different ecological floors.
Populations speaking different dialects might have been
linked in one vertical archipelago, such as that controlled
by the Lupaca in the 16th century (1-2.2). Present-day
differences among the dialects of Moquegua, Tarata, and
Juli may reflect differences already existing in ancient
times, since Murra has pointed out that Pacaje colonies
were interspersed among those of the Lupaca (Murra 1968:
123), and that in any case colonies were of different
types, some consisting of subordinated local populations
and others of groups brought in from the political center
or elsewhere. Similarities in noncontiguous dialects
such as Tarata and Carangas may reflect descent from one
community some of whose members moved to a different
ecological level either voluntarily or as the result of
subordination or conquest (Murra 1968:121). The fact
that contemporary Aymara speakers in Tarata and Carangas
are apparently unaware of each others' existence as
speakers of dialects sharing certain features lacking
elsewhere, and the nature of the similarities themselves,
suggest that the separation occurred at an early date,
before the Spanish conquest. But all remains in the realm
of speculation at this point. Certain puzzling similari-

ties between the widely separated dialects of La Paz and
742

Morocomarca may result from more recent contacts, but
Since the examples for Morocomarca came from only one
source, that dialect needs further checking.

A different explanation than that of population
movements may account for similarities among dialects
distant from La Paz, whether to the north, south, east,
or west, and their differences from dialects in or close
to the Bolivian capital. Most of the features that
distinguish peripheral dialects from those of La Paz
are conservative in terms of the latter. That is,
peripheral features represent a survival of forms or of
complex morphophonemic processes that La Paz probably
once had but has since lost, such as stop voicing after
nasals and other voiced nonstop consonants, complex
morphophonemics of possessive suffixes and certain verbal
inflectional suffixes, the four-member -ipana subordinating
paradigm, and the native Aymara diminutive suffix -cha.
The hypothesis that La Paz dialects once had such forms
or processes is supported by the existence today of certain
relics like Tayk.s Mariya (5-3.24.4), Na.nak.n awki
(5-3.31.2), and s.ipna (7-4.44), but requires a convincing
explanation for their loss. In many cases it may be
attributable to Spanish influence, always stronger in
the capital city and areas accessible to it than in remote
areas. La Paz dialects conform more closely to Spanish

phonotactics in avoiding stop-nasal or stop-fricative
743

clusters that result in other dialects from operation of
the morphophonemic vowel-dropping rules La Paz has lost.
La Paz has no alternations of voiced and voiceless allophones
of stops; such alternations do not occur in Spanish,
where voiced and voiceless stops are separate phonemes.
(La Paz Aymara, like other Aymara dialects, does have
rules for voicing and frication of intervocalic velar
stops, but not rules for voicing without frication. )
In La Paz Aymara the diminutive suffix has been replaced
by Spanish loans.

Not all innovations fostered by La Paz can be
attributed to Spanish influence, of course. An example
of a usage that is on the way out because of internal
pressures within Aymara is the 4>3 Future allomorph
/-tana/(and its reduced variants). Only one contemporary
dialect, Calacoa, was found to use it to the exclusion
of the allomorph /-fiani/ found elsewhere, and only two
other dialects, Salinas and Morocomarca, were found to
use the /-tana/ allomorph at all, in apparently free
variation with /-fiani/. Elsewhere only /-fiani/ was heard.
The shift from /-tana/ to /-fiani/ may have arisen from
an avoidance of homophony of /-tana/ with (1) the 4+3
Simple tense suffix (although it requires a preceding
consonant), (2) 4+3 Remote Direct Knowledge tense allomorphs
that occur in certain dialects including La Paz, or (3)

certain allomorphs of the 3-3 Remote Indirect Knowledge
744

tense. The allomorph /-nani/ may have derived from the
nominalizing suffix -fia plus -ni possessor/enumerator

which are also used in all dialects (but without person
reference) to connote (future) obligation, e.g., sara.fia.ni
“going is necessary, one must go'. (Why this homophony
should be acceptable while the other is not is evidence

for the arbitrariness of language change.)

Whether or not they may now be changing under
La Paz influence, Aymara dialects have changed in the past
and are still changing in accordance with their own internal
processes. Analogous patterning within a dialect accounts
for certain idiosyncratic allomorphs such as /-ray/,
/-tay/, and /-y/ in Sitajara for morphemes which in other
dialects end in /ki/ or /ji/ rather than /y/, and the
allomorphs of 371 and 374 person/tense suffixes in Juli.
The future of these and other idiosyncratic features that
characterize individual dialects will depend on the extent
to which they resist, or yield to, innovations from within
and without.

That the dialects of La Paz should be influencing
others to change, rather than vice versa, is the logical
result of the economic and social power concentrated in
and near the Bolivian capital. The prestige of La Paz
is reflected in the general belief that the best Aymara
is spoken there, and this belief predisposes speakers

from other areas to adopt La Paz usages. Also, since
745

speakers of La Paz dialects hold the most positive attitudes
toward the Aymara language, La Paz usages are likely to
survive longer than those of places like Salinas, where
Aymara may disappear in the next generation. It therefore
seems likely that the influence of La Paz Aymara will
continue and that it may eventually supplant other more
conservative dialects. On the other hand, it is also
possible that positive attitudes toward Aymara emanating
from La Paz may encourage a revival of Aymara localisms,
thereby engendering a conservative counter trend. if
remote communities where Aymara is the primary language
still exist, they may serve educated bilinguals as a
source of renewed ‘Aymarization' of their Spanish-influenced
Aymara. Furthermore, if Peruvian government policies
for the development of bilingual education reach
implementation, a second center of Aymara prestige might
develop in Peru, perhaps in Puno.

Should the positive forces prevail, certain
factors augur well for the future of the Aymara language
as a vehicle of literature and education. Its phonemic
uniformity means that it can be written everywhere with
the Yapita phonemic alphabet. The velar nasal can easily
be symbolized by nh, the digraph used for it in the practical
Jaqaru alphabet developed by Hardman and Bautista. No
other special letters are necessary, since voicing of

stops within morphemes is predictable in Salinas and
746

voicing is otherwise optional.

Persons interested in developing Aymara literature
might do well to recall the lessons of ancient Greece.
According to Palmer (1949) each Greek city-state used
its own dialect in its public inscriptions. But apart
from this, each literary genre required the use of a
particular dialect, not necessarily that of the writer.

The epic dialect was a fusion of Aeolic and Ionic elements;
choric odes were always written in Doric; iambic and
trochaic poetry were written in Ionic. Still, certain
localisms persisted; Melic poetry was written in the dialect
of Lesbos, and the writings of Corinna of Tanagra were

in Boeotian (Palmer 1949:271-2). There seems to be no
reason why Aymara literature should not develop genres

based on local dialects, should its speakers desire to

do so. Persons literate in Aymara will decide.

10-4 Directions for Future Research

Future research into Aymara dialects should aim
toward the compilation of a linguistic atlas of the language,
and soon, lest certain dialects be lost before they are
recorded. For the reasons cited in 10-2.6, such an
admittedly utopian task will require the cooperative efforts
of Aymara native speakers trained in linguistic field
methods as well as of linguists who are native speakers

of other languages such as Spanish and Quechua. The
747

research should be coordinated with similar areal studies
of Quechua dialects and of other local languages, including
Spanish.

Specific areas already suggested for future research
in Bolivia include western Cochabamba department, northern
and western Potos7, all parts of the departments of La
Paz and Oruro (including areas thought to be Quechua
speaking, since Aymara and Quechua communities are often
interspersed). The following communities in Canton TimusT,
Mufiecas province, department of La Paz, were identified
as Aymara speaking in 1973 by a rural schoolteacher from
La Paz:

Sococoni

Huancoiro

Timusi (hacienda of Jesds Machaca)

Ocomblaya
There is a sectional school (escuela seccional) in Huancoiro.

In Peru linguistic surveys should be undertaken
in the areas identified as Aymara speaking in the Peruvian
census of 1972, and these should be coordinated with the
search for surviving relics of other Jaqi languages along
the ancient trails of the southern Peruvian Andes, from
Arequipa north through the departments of Ayacucho,
Huancavelica, Lima, and Junin.

Investigation should also be extended into Aymara-

speaking areas of Chile.
748

In future field work a special effort should be
made to obtain more data from monolingual speakers and to
determine whether or not monolingual communities or
communities bilingual in Quechua and Aymara but without
knowledge of Spanish exist.

In addition to the collection of field data, written
sources in libraries and private collections should be con-
sulted, such as materials on Aymara reportedly in the
Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in La Paz and colonial
documents cited by Rivet, especially the works of Bertonio
and Torres Rubio. These, together with sources of
Missionary and Patron Aymara mentioned in 2-4.11, should
be analyzed with the participation of native Aymara-speaking
linguists, annotated, and made available to the Aymara
community.

As for Aymara grammar itself, the following are

suggestions of areas needing further study.

Phonology:
Incidence of the velar nasal in other dialects
Incidence of aspiration and glottalization (are they

decreasing in some dialects?)

Intonation

Morphophonemics:
Morphophonemics of certain Future suffixes and 2>3 I
Conditioning of final vowel dropping on verb sub-

jects and complements, and on verbs
749

Conditioning of morphophonemics of -taki after
-fia, Jopoqueri
The range of allomorphic variation and conditioning
affecting internal vowel loss/retention in
peripheral dialects
Nouns:
Incidence of positionals and temporals
Verbs:
Incidence of verbal derivational suffixes
Influence of Spanish se on Aymara verbal deriva-
tional -si-
Completion of verbal inflectional paradigms
Morphosyntax and Syntax:
Incidence of final suffixes
Conditioning of occurrences of different final
suffixes
Semantics:
Determination of basis of distinction, if any,
between -sa and -sina (and variants)
Semantics of verb stems with different derivational
suffixes
Restraints on verb subjects and complements
Ethnosemantic studies of agricultural practices,

of the time system, and how they interrelate

Additional investigation may be undertaken into

matters of style in the narrative, oratory, prayer, and
750

poetry and the uses of politeness, irony, and metaphor.
Studies of the speech of different social groups (e.g.
women, men, young people, the elderly), of bilingualism
and monolingualism, of language acquisition, and all the
other proliferating subfields of contemporary linguistics
may also be conducted.

Whether or not such studies as these will be under-
taken for Aymara in the foreseeable future depends on many
interrelated factors, such as the priorities set by govern-
ments and scholarly institutions, the extent to which
linguists participate in the setting of such priorities,
and most important, the interest of Aymara speakers them-
selves in fostering the use of Aymara as a vehicle of
written literature and education. Only if such interest
continues to grow will Aymara linguistics attract the

support it needs to develop its potential.
APPENDICES
Spanish

AA-1 Common expressions

Le haré una pregunta, Sr. (Sra.).
Cémo se Ylama Ud., Sr. (Sra.)?
Yo me llamo

De d6nde es Ud.?

Yo soy de .

No soy de aqui.

A donde vas?

De dénde Hlegas (estas
llegando)?

Estoy llegando de Ja chacra.
C6mo esté, Sr. (Sra.)?
Bien, gracias.

Gracias.

APPENDIX A

ELICITATION LIST OF WORDS, PHRASES, AND SENTENCES

La Paz Aymara

Tata (Mama), mayay jiskt'asi:ma.
Kunas sutimaxa, tata (mama)?
Nayan sutixaxa wa.
Kawkinkiritasa?

Nayax nkiritwa.

Janiw akankiriktti.

Kawks sara: ta?

Kawksats puriskta?

Yaput puriskta.
Kamisaki, tata (mama)?
Waliki:sktwa.

Juspajara:tam.

English

Sir (Ma'am), may I ask you a questicn?
What fs your name, sir (ma‘am)?

My name is .

Where are you from?

I'm from

I'm not from here.

Where are your going?

Where are you arriving from?

I'm coming from the field.
How are you, sir (ma'am)?
Fine, thank you.

Thank you.

oGl
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AA-2 Closed noun classes

2.1 Interrogatives
cémo
como
cud]
cudndo
cudnto
quién
Dénde esta?’
Dénde estard?
Qué es eso (esto)?
Por qué?
No hay nadie aquf.
No hay nada.

La Paz Aymara

kamisa

kunjamasa

kawki:ri, kawkni:rt
kunawrasasa, kunapachasa
qawq"asa

k"itisa

Kawk"ankisa?
Kawkinkpachasa?

Kunas ukaxa (akaxa)?
Kunatraki?

Janiw k"itis ukankiti.

_ dJaniw kunas utjkiti.

English
how
Tike what
which
when
how much
who

Where is it?

Where can it be?
What's that (this)?
Why?

There is no one here.

There is nothing.

esl
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AA-2.2 Positionals
afuera
detrds de la tienda
dentro de mi casa
directo por la casa
Seré verdad o serd mentira?
hacia nuestra casa
encima de tu casa
en medio de la gente
abajo, bajada, declive
arriba
junto a la casa
El vive por aquf (este lado).
El rfo pasa por mi chacra.

alrededor de las casa

La Paz Aymara

anqa

tinta q"ipan

utax mang"an

uta chiqa

Chiqa:ch k'arichi?
utas tuqiru

utam pataru

jaqi taypin
aynacha

amsta

utawjitaru
Askatuginkiriwa.
Jawirax yapux chiq pasi.

utax muyt'a

English

outside

‘behind the store

inside my house

straight through the house

Can it be true or is it a life?
toward our house

on top of your house

in the midst of people

below, slope

above

next to the house

He lives around here.

The river goes through my field.

around the house

GL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish La Paz Aymara English
AA-2.3 Numbers

uno maya one
dos paya two
tres kimsa , three
cuatro pusi four
cinco pisq’a . five
sefs suxta six
siete paqallqu seven
ocho kimsaqal1qu eight
nueve . Tlatunka . nine
diez tunka ten
once -tunka mayani : eleven
doce tunka payani twelve

trece tunka kimsani thirteen

SSL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AK-2.3 (continued)
veinte
cien
mil
diez mil

La Paz Aymara

pa: tunka
pataka
waranga

tunka waranga

English

twenty
one hundred
one thousand

ten thousand

9GZ
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-2.4 Pronominals

AA-2.4]

AA-2.42

Demonstratives

aquf, este

allf, ese

alld, aquel

més all&, aquel m&s alla

Personal pronouns
yo

td

él, ella

nosotros, ta y yo

La Paz Aymara

aka
uka
k"aya

k"url

naya
juma
jupa

jiwasa

English

here, this
there, that
over there, that over there

further over there, that further over
there

1
you
he, she

we, you and T

LSL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-2.5 Temporals

ayer
anteayer

hoy

anoche

tarde (antes de oscurecer)
neche

esta noche

por Ja noche

hace rato

mafiana (no noche)

esta manana

por Ja mafiana

mafiana (no hoy)

La Paz Aymara

masu:ru, Wasurru
walu:ru

jich"u:ru

masayp'u, wasayp'u
jayp'u

aruma

jich"arma, jich"aruma
arumch' iqaru

nink"ara

arumirja, alwa

ch"armanti, ch"armirja

q"aru:ru, arumanti

English

yesterday

day before yesterday
today

Tast night

afternoon (before dark)
night

tonight

at night

a while ago

morning

this morning

in the morning

tomorrow

BS Z
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AA-2.5 (continued)
hasta mafiana
hasta otro dfa
Hazlo otra vez.
pasado manana
hasta Tuego
ahora
de ahora en adelante
antes, adelante
después
antiguamente
ano pasado

al ano

La Paz Aymara

q"aru:rkama
q"{pu:rkama, mayu:rkama
Mayamp Turam.

jurpu:ru

ma: ratkama

jich"a

akat q"iparu

. Mayra, nayragata

q"ipata (Positional)
nayra, nayra timpuxa
maymara, miymara

marana, jutir mara

English

until tomorrow
until another day
Do it again.

day after tomorrow
so long

now

from now on
before, in front of
afterwards
formerly, long ago
last year

next year

652
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish

AA-3 Noun suffixes (closed class)

La Paz Aymara

English

AA-3.1 Basic sentence types illustrating possessives, plural «naka, and complement suffixes

AA-3.11 Inanimate subject
Su casa de 61 esta allf.
Su casa de él] es grande.
Nuestras casas estén allf.
Ruestras casa son grandes.

Las chacras de mis hijos estén
lejos de aqui.

Su llegada fué postergada.
Tu cama es grande.

Tus tejidos son bonitos.

Utapax uk"ankiwa.

Utapax jach'awa.
Utanakasax k"ayankiwa.
Utanakasax jach'anakawa.

Wawanakaxan yapunakapax
jayankiwa.

Ikifiamax jach'awa.

Sawutanakama jiwitanakakiw.

His house is there.
His house is big.

Qur houses are there.
Our houses are big.

My children's fields are far
from here.

Her arrival was postponed.

Your bed fs big.

~ Your weavings are beautiful.

092
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-3.12 Inanimate complement
Vamos a nuestro pueblo.
Voy a mi casa mafiana.
Trabajo mis chacras.
en su tejido
para tu llegada
Haremos la chacra.
Es para nuestras chacras.
de sus chacras
Con qué se escarba papa?
Con qué se come chufio?

Estoy en mi casa.

No voy a salir de mi casa.

La Paz Aymara

Markasar saranani.
Arumantix utax sara:.
Yapunakax Jurta.
sawutapanxa

purifiamatak{

Yap lurafiani.
Yapusatakiwa.

yapunakapata

Kunampis ch'uqix llamayufia?
Kunampis ch'ufiux manq'afia?
Utaxankasktwa.

Janiw utaxat mistaka:ti.

English

Let's go to our town.

I'm going home tomorrow.

I work my fields.
in her weaving

for your arrival

_ We'll prepare the field.

It's for our fields.

from his fields

What do you dig potatoes with?
What is chufio eaten with?

I'm in my house.

I'm not going to leave my house.

LOZ
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA~3.13 Human subject
Tengo una casa pequefia.
Quién 1leqg6?
Quienes Tlegaron?
Mis hijos ya comferon.
Tu hijo ya se fué.
Mi hermana ya se fué.

Mis hermanas ya se fueron.

La Paz Aymara

Jisk'a utanitwa.

K"itis puri?

- K'itinakas puri?

Wawanakaxax mang'xiw.
Yuqamax sarxiw.
Kullakaxax sarxiw.

Kullakanakax sarxapxiw.
sarxiw.

English

I have a smal] house.

Who arrived?

Who (pl.) arrived?

My children have already eaten.

Your son already left.

. My sister already left.

My sisters already left.

o9OL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-3.14 Animate complement (usually human)

amf
Estoy esperando a mi esposo.
mi mujer.
mis hermanas.
Hablaremos de tf.
Hablaremos de tus hijos.
para mf
para mi hijo
para tu hermana
para tus hermanas
para tus hijos
Con quién estabas hablando?
Hazlo comprar con tu mamd.
tu hermana.
tus hermanas.

De mi padre su chacra es.

De mis hijos su casa es.

La Paz Aymara

nayaruwa

Chachaxaruw suyaskta.
Warmixaruw

Kul lakanakaruw

Jumxat parlafiand.
Wawanakamat parlafiant.
nayataki

wawaxataki

kul Takamataki

kul lakanakamataki
wawanakamatak1
K"itimpis parlaskaya:ta?
Mamamamp alayam.

Kul lakamamp

Kul lakanakamamp

Tataxan yapupax.

Wawanakaxan utapax.

- English
to me
I'm waiting for my husband.
; wife,
sisters.

Let's talk about you.
He'll talk about your children.
for me
for my child
for your sister
for your sisters
for your children
With whom were you talking?
Have your mother buy it.
sister
sisters
It's my father's field.
It's my children's house.

€9L
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

naricita
sin nariz
ciego
sordo

sin sal

entre mujeres
hasta la casa
como casa, perro

Pas6 por Ja casa.

Yo vine en vez de ella.
Por 61 he venido.
Esa mesa no es mfa.

Por qué no me hiciste avisar?

El no estd aquf.

yo mismo/a

La Paz Aymara

AA-3.2 Other noun suffixes and compound forms

jisk'a nasa
jan nasani
juyk"u
ugara

ch'apaga, ch'aep"aqa,
jayuwisa

warmikama, warmipura
utakama
utjama, anjama

Utanjam }
Utanam

sari.

Jupa lantiw jutta.
Jupalaykuw jutta.

Uka misax janiw nayankkiti.

Kunatrak jan awisayanista?
Jupax janiw akankkiti.

na:pacha

English

little nose
without a nose
blind

deaf
without salt

among women
as far as the house

Tike a house, a dog
It passed through the house.

I came instead of her.
I came on account of him.
That table isn't mine.

Why didn't you let me know?
He isn't here.

I myself

v9L
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-4 Verb suffixes and verb subordination

Td nos estds mirando.

Uds. me estén mirando.

Yo traté de aprender.

‘No debfas haber venido todavfa,'

me dijo.

Por qué has venido?

He venido para hablarte.
Qué quieres hacer?
Quisiera aprender aymara.
Para qué has venido?

He venico para aprender mas
aymara.

Cuando vienes te veré. |

La Paz Aymara

Jumax ufich'ukiyasipkistaw.

Jumanakax nayar ufich'uki-
yasipkistaw.

<Yati:> sistwa.

<Janirarakis jutafiama:-

ka:ntixa> situwa.

Kunarus jutta?

Jumar parliriw jutta.
Kuns lurafi munta?

Aymar yatiqan munirista.
Kunatakis jutta?

Aymar juk'amp yatiqanatakiw.

duta:t uk"aw jikisifani.

English

You're looking at us.

You (pl.) are looking at me.

I tried to learn.

"You shouldn't have come yet,‘
he said to me.

Why have you come?

I've come to talk to you.
What do you want to do?

I would Tike to learn Aymara.
What have you come for?

I've come to learn more Aymara.

I'l] see you when you come.

SOL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-4 (continued)

Por qué se lo has bajado?

Si me dejas, me voy a norir. |
No habiendo se fué.!

El zorro estaba muy contento,
bailando, dando vueltas

Adivinanza de la rueca
Refrén: Viendo hay que decir
‘He visto. ..'

No hay.

No hagas.

No sé.

No quiero.

Lo que veo es feo.¢

Lo que quise se perdio.¢

La Paz Aymara

Kunats aparaqta
Kunatakis

Jayti:taxa, Jiwaw apitani,
Jan utjipan sarxt,

Tiwulax wali k'uchikiw,
muyuska:n, t"uquska:n.

Ma: tawaquw muykas muykas
wal q'ipti. Kunasa? Qapuw.

Unjasaw <Unjt> safiax, jan
ufijasax janiw  <Ufjtw>
Safakiti.

Janiw utjkiti.

Jan Juramti.

Janiw yatktti.

Janiw munktti.

Wali p"ir unjanta.

Munaya:t ukaw ch"aqata.’

English

Why did you take it away from him?

If you leave me, I'll die.
As there was none, he left.

The fox was very happy, dancing,
whirling around,

Riddle of the distaff

. Saying: If you have seen, say

"I have seen'...

There is none.

Don't do that.

I don't know.

I don't want to.

What I see is ugly.
What I loved got lost.

992
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AA-4 (continued)
Me falta poco para aprender aymara.©
Quizds porque soy huérfano, 3
no he podido terminar mis estudios.
Hay algufen para ir?!
Volvf para ver mi chacra.*

Si td no quieres ir, yo iré.
Si td quieres papa, trae un costal.

Ven aca.

Tengo que ir.

Yo tenfa que ir.
Td tienes que ir.
Td tenfas que ir.

Tiempos verbales

La Paz Aymara

Juk'akiw aymar yatiqafiatak
p"altitu.

Inas waxch'a:t ukat jani
isturyux tukuystti.

Yapux ufjiriw jutanta.

Jan sarafi munka:tax, nayaw
sara:.

Ch'uq munstaxa,. kustal
apanim.

Ak"ar jutam.
Sarafiaxaw.
Sarafaxa:nwa.
Saranamaw.

Sarafiama:nwa.

English

I lack only a Tittle to learn
Aymara.

Maybe because I'm an orphan, I
haven't been able to finisn my studies.

Is there anyone to go?
I came back to see my field.

If you don't want to go, I'll go.
If you want potatoes, bring a sack.

Come here.

I have to go.

I had to go.

You have to go.

You had to go.

Verb tense paradigms (see 6-3)

L9L
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AA-5 Particle

a

si

AA-6 Nouns (Open Class)

AA-6.1 Frequently occurring as modifiers

dulce

bonito, lindo, hermoso

negro

mucho

muchas casas
harto

poco

igual, mismo
diferente, otro
pequeno

bien

La Paz Aymara

jisa

muxsa

jiwakt
ch'tyara
walja

walja utanaka
walja

juk'a

pachpa

mayja

jisk‘a

wall

English

yes

sweet

pretty, beautiful
black

much |

many houses

a lot, too much

little (small quantity) .

same, equal
different, other
smal}

well

891
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AA-6.1 (continued)

Tenemos que escribir todo
en aymara.

Todo ha entrado.
Liévalo todo.
Todos entraremos.
répido

despacio

La Paz Aymara

Taqi kun aymarat qillqafasaw.

Taqpach apam.
Taqiniw mantapxafiani.
jank'akt

k'achata

English

We have to write everything in
Aymara.

Everything has gone in.
Take it all.

We'll all go in.

fast

slow

692
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-6.2 Age terms and other human categories

nitio/a

nita

muchacho, hijo
joven (M)
joven (F)
adulto

mujer, esposa
hombre, marido
viejo

"vieja

anciana, ancianita
ancianito
soltera/o
alcalde

paisano

La Paz Aymara

wawa

jisk'a imilta
yuqalla
wayna

tawaqu
jach'a:qi
warmi

chacha
achachi, awki
awicha, tayka
chuyman tayka
chuyman awk
sapaki
alkalti

markamast

English

child

girl

boy, son

youth, young man
young woman
adult

woman, wife

man, husband

old man

old lady

little old lady
little old man
spinster, bachelor

mayor

native of same town.

OLL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AA-6.3 Parts of the bocy
cabello
trenza
mejilla, cara
barba
ojo, vista

coraz6n

pulm6n

espatda

La Paz Aymara

nik'uta
pichika
ajanu
sunk"a
nayra

chuyma (metaphorical)
luqu (physical)

pulmuna

jik"ani

" English.

hair
braid

cheek, face

beard
eye, sight

heart

Tung
back

LZZ
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-6.4 Animals and animate nature

alpaca
Tlama
burro
gallina
huevo
gatlo
gusano
hormiga
perro
cachorro
perdiz
zorro
paja :

quinoa

flor
oca congelada y secada

conejo

La Paz Aymara

alpaqa

qarwa

asnu

wallpa

k'awna

k'ank'a

Taq‘u

k'isimiri, k'isimirta
anu

jisk'a anu

pisaga

qamaqi, tiwula
ch'illiwa, wich"u

jup"a

panqara
k"aya

wank'u

English

‘alpaca

Tama
donkey
hen

egg
rooster |
worm

ant

dog
puppy
partridge
fox
straw

quinoa

flower
freeze-dried oca

guinea pig

cLl
APPENDIX A (continued)
Spanish
AA-6.5 Inanimate nature
clelo
espina
lefia
Tiuvia
nube
quebrada”
viento
frfo
AA-6.6 Inanimate manmade
azad6n
faja
gancho (aguja)
puerta (apertura)
puerta (lo que se abre y cierra)
sombrero

topo (gancho)

La Paz Aymara

silu

ch'api

Tawa

jayu

qinaya

wafia jawira
t"aya

t"aya

lijwana

wak'a

yanchu

punku

(jist'at) punku

surmiru

. English

sky

thorn

firewood

rain

cloud ;
gully, dry riverbed
wind

cold

hoe
belt, waist cinch

pin (needle)

‘door (opening)

door (barrier)
hat

pin for urk"u

ELL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-7 Verb roots and derivational suffixes

AA-7.1 Carry/take verbs (human subjects)

cargar
cargar en burro
Tevantar cosa

llevar, jalar animales
Tlevar gente

llevar en brazos una wawa,
un animalito

llevar awayu, costal etc.
TVevar en espaldas
Tlevar granos en 1a mano

llevar clarinete, quena,
Yampa, escoba

llevar en balde, canasta
o maleta

La Paz Aymara

apafia
k"umufia
aptafia
jisk"afla
jaq apafia .
ichufia

iqatia
q'ipifia
jach‘ifia

ayafia

wayutia

English

to carry, take

to carry on donkey back
to lift semething

to lead, pull animal

to take people

to carry a baby or smal] animal

to carry awayu, saddle bag (cloth)
to carry on back
to carry grainy substance in hand

to carry clarinet, flute, hoe, broom
(long, rigid object)

to carry in pail, basket, or suitcase
(by handle)

vLL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AA-7.1 (continued)
Vievar barril

llevar piedra en los dedos

Hevar en plato, bandeja

poner, colocar, meter

AA-7.2 Verbs with nonhuman subjects
arder un fuego
brotar/salir la siembra
producir la chacra

nacer animales

La Paz Aymara

apafia

{raiia

asana

uskufia, uchafia

nak"afia, aqafia
mistsufa
achufia

wavachaila

English

to carry barrel

to carry small stone or other round
object in the fingers

to carry on plate, tray

to place, put, put in

for a fire to burn
for a seed to sprout
for a field to produce

for animal(s) to be born

GLL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-7.3 Other verbs (human subjects)

abrazarse
andar

bailar

botar

caer

cantar
cocinar

comer

conocer gente
contar
contentarse, estar contento
correr

decir.

La Paz Aymara

qumantasifia
sarnaqafia
t"uaquiia
liwtafia
jalaqtafia
kantafia
p"ayafia
manq'‘afia

ufit ‘afia

safla, jak"ufla
kusisita:fa
jalafa, t'ijtatia

Satia

to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to

to.

to
to
to
to

English

embrace, hug
walk

dance

throw away
fall

sing

cook

eat

know a person
count

be happy
run

say

9LL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish
AA-7.3 (continued)

encontrarse con alguien

entrar

escarbar

escribir

escuchar

esperar .

estimar, querer, desear

gritar

hablar

hacer

lavar ropa

levantarse, pararse

amar

Tiegar

La Paz Aymara

jikisiiia
mantatia
Tamayutia
qillqaiia
ist'afia
suyt' aria
munaiia
art ‘afia
partaia
Turafia

is t‘axsufia
sayt'aiia
jawsafia

purifia

to
to
to

to

to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to

English

meet someone

enter

dig (e.g., potatoes)

write
listen

wait

appreciate, like, love, want

shout, scream
talk

make, do

wash clothes

get up, stand up
call

arrive

LLL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-7.3 (continued)

Vlorar
mandar
mirar
moler
morir
enfermarse, dar a luz
nadar

odiar

pasar
pelear
pensar
perder algo
poder

preguntar

La Paz Aymara

jachana

_k"itafia

ufitafia

q"unaiia, piqaiia
jiwaria

usuila

tuyufia

uflisifia

pasafia

nuwasifia

- Jup'ifia, amuyaila

ch" aqayafia
puyrifia
jiskt' ata

to
to
to
to

to

to

to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to

English

cry

order

look

grind

die

be 111 or pregnant; to bear a child

swim

hate

pass

right (physically)
think

lose something

be able

ask

BLL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Spanish

AA-7.3 (continued)

quemar (lena), hacer arder
recordar

regar

regresar, volver

sentarse

tapar un agujero

tapar una olla

Tengo sed.

Tengo sueno

tomar, beber

tostar en tostadera (maiz)
venir

ver

volar

La Paz Aymara

nak"antayafia
amtatia
q"ich' aia
kutt' afia
quntasifia
Tlupt ‘aria
q"upifia

Umat p"arjitu.
Ikiw puritu.
umt ‘ania
jamp' ina
jutaiia
unjana

muyuna, tuyuna

English

‘to burn (wood), Tight a fire

to remember

to water, irrigate
to return

to sit down

to cover a hole

to cover a pot

I'm thirsty.

I'm sleepy.

to drink

to toast in toaster (e. g. corn)
to come

to see

to fly

6LL
APPENDIX A (continued)

Jaqaru

AA-8 Jagaru /nh/ word list?

anhshishpta
inhatza
jinhara
kanhara
Tanhtina
panhara
qunhtza
tinhya

wamanhripa
wamanhtanga

yanha

Spanish

disputar, discutir

peén, trabajar como peén
moco

cuerda de magliey seco
planta que cura heridas
moledor

hermano de un hombre
tambor pequeno que tocan
mujeres en fiestas
ganaderas

flor para jarabe para la tos
papa amarilla

compaiiero, ayudar

English

quarrel

peon, work like a peon
nasal mucus, snot
dried maguey cord

plant that heals wounds

_ grinder, corn nil

man's brother

smal] drum played by women —
during cattle festivals

flower used to make cough syrup
yellow potato

comrade, help

08Z
Tyardman

euardman

Suardman

+ uardman

SHardman

781

Notes

1966:73.
1966:75.
1966:76.
1966:77.

(personal communication).
782

APPENDIX B

ONOMATOPOEIC PARTICLES

The following onomatopoeic utterances, class-
fiable as particles (7-2.1), occurred in this research.
Some are reduplicative; most are monosyllabic. Most
were obtained from La Paz/Tiahuanaco. No formal attempt
was made to elicit them elsewhere. It is hoped that

additional examples will be found in future research.

ch"ullx sound of two glasses or bottles
hitting (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

ch'uti sound of two small balls hitting
(glass marbles, ball bearings, etc.)

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

jam jam jam jam sound of dog panting (Sitajara)
krum sound of horse or donkey eating

hay (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

k"urm ‘crunch! (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)
k"ut"u sound of cow chewing cud (Calacoa)
lasj lasj lasj sound of fox's tail brushing the

ground as it runs (Huancané)

p"ut"um sound of explosion (Jopoqueri)
p'utx p'utx

q' aw

gq"un g"un

talalax

 

 

‘pop! pop!' (Socca)

sound of crunching, e. g. a carrot

(La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

sound of explosion (Huancané, La Paz)
‘crunch' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

sound of a tin can falling and hitting
another (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

sound of door slamming (La Paz/Compi)
sound of explosion (Huancané)

‘plop!'; sound of fish falling on

the floor (La Paz/Tiahuanaco)

sound of raw egg in the shell, hitting
the floor (La Paz/Tiahuanaco); sound
of knock on the door, or of loud

footsteps (La Paz/Compi)
784

APPENDIX C

REGIONAL VERSIONS OF
GREETINGS AND COMMON EXPRESSIONS

AC-1 Greetings

The most common greetings between adults in con-
temporary Aymara may be a simple mama 'ma'am' or tata
‘sir', sometimes suffixed with -ya politive, as in
mama.y and tata.y (Morocomarca and Calacala). The
first syllable appears to have vowel length in Huancané:
ta:ta, ma:ma. The usual greeting by a child to an adult
is tiyu (uncle) or tiya (aunt) in La Paz, and tata.la.y
Or mama.la.y in Morocomarca. According to Vasquez, the
term tatala is derogatory in La Paz and would not be
used there as a term of address, while in Vitocota it
is used by a mother speaking to her son, as is mamala
in speaking to a daughter. In Sitajara tatala and mamala
are said to be used to refer to people from the highlands
(department of Puno).

Apart from tata and mama, the most common greet-
ings are probably Aymarized forms of the Spanish Buenos
dias ('good morning') and Buenas tardes ('good afternoon'),

like the following:
785

Winus tiyus. (La Paz/Compi)
Winas tartis. (La Paz/Compi)

Waynus tiyas. (Sitajara)

Waynas tartis. (Sitajara)

An unusual greeting and reply apparently borrowed from
16th century Spanish persist in Calacoa. The original
Spanish was identified for me by a native speaker of Span-
ish from Moquegua, who said the full reply would be

Sin pecado concebida (‘conceived without sin').

Maraptis. < Spanish Ave Maria Purifsima
Simpikaw. < Spanish sin pecado ‘without sin'

In several places Aymara greetings said to be archaic
and no longer in use were elicited. In one case a verb
with 2>+3 F appears to be reduced from 3+2 and to repre-
sent a kind of frozen contraction or ellipsis, as the

meaning is what it would be if the inflection were 3+2 F.

Dios aski.y chura.:ta. ‘God's blessing you will give.'
od give 2+3 (Juli)
F

 

@

Aski.y chura.:ta. ‘Blessing you will give.' (Torata,
Moquegua )
786

Yusak (Dios awki) ma:  chura.ntama.
God father some give 3-2
F

Yusak ma: chura.nt tata.
273

F

'God will give you (blessings).' (Jopoqueri; one speaker)

Sum  uru.ki.:.pan. ‘Let it be a good day.' (Jopoqueri)
good day 333
I

Suma diosa.r chura.:ta, tata.y.
good god give 2>3 sir
F

 

'You will give to (bless?) the good God, sir.' (Morocomarca)

AC-2 Common Expressions

A list of common expressions for La Paz (Compi
and Tiahuanaco) was given at the beginning of the elici-
tation list in Appendix A. The expressions will be re-
peated here with analysis for comparison with similar
expressions from other dialects.

A number of the expressions contain vowel length
verbalization (see 5-3.41.2) which does not appear in
the transcription because the verbalization is followed
by a suffix that requires a preceding consonant, causing

the lengthened vowel to reduce to plain vowel. That is,
787

a form that has vowel length verbalization at the morphemic
level may not have it at the phonemic level. For example,
kawki.n.k.iri.:.ta.sa with vowel length verbalization
before the inflectional suffix 273 S /-,ta/, is pho-
nemically /kawkinkiritasa/ and therefore so written. If
there were no vowel length verbalization, the form would
be */kawkinkirtasa/, which does not occur.

It should also be noted that several homophonous
suffixes occur in the expressions: -ta ~ -t"a ‘from, of'
(5-3.31.4), -ta_~ -t"a 1+3 S (6-3.31), -ta 2+3 S$ (6-3.31),
and -ta nominalizer (7-4.21.3). In the following examples
the verbal inflections are identified; the others are

identifiable by context and gloss.

AC-2.1 Northern dialects
AC-2.11 Huancané

Sik.t'a.si.mam may, mama.
ask +2 one
F

'May I ask you a question, ma‘am?'
Sik.t'a.si.mam.ch mama.

Sik.t'a.si.fi mun.sma.y, tata. ‘I would like to ask you a question,
want 172 sir.'
D-1
Suti.ma.x kuna suti.ni.sa? ‘What is your name?'

name 2p what name
788

 

Tata, suti.ma.st kuna.sa? ‘And what is your name, sir?'
Na.n suti.ja.xa . "My name is |
Ip Ip
Kawki.t.s jut.ta? ‘Where do you come from?’
where come 2+3
S

Kawki.ta.s juma.x? "Where are you from?'

2p

Na.x jut.t.w Punu marka.t'a. 'I come from the city of Puno.'
Ip come 1+3 city
S

Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? ‘Where are you usually?’
2+3
S
Aka.n.k.iri.t.wa. ‘T'm usually here. '
here 133
S
Kawki.n.ka.rak.ta.sti? ‘And where are you now?'
2+3
S
Naya.x Lima.n.k.t.wa. ‘I'm in Lima.’
Tp ]+3
S

Yusulupay. < Dios se lo pague ‘'May God repay you.'
Yuspara.natpa.
332

F

Yuspar.ka.natpa.y.
Yuspar.sna.w.
Ize

Ma: rat.kam.
one while

AC-2.12 Socca

Kuna.s suti.ma.xa?
what name 2p

 

Kawki.tugi.ta.sa juma.xa?
where 2p

Kawki.t pur.ta.ni.w.ta.xa?
arrive 223

S

Kawk.s sara.:ta?
go 243

Jani.w kawk.s sar.ka.:.ti.

no where go 133
F
Yuspagara.

789

‘Thank you. '

"See you later.'

‘What is your name?'

'Whereabouts are you from?'

‘Where are you arriving from?'

‘Where are you going?!

‘I'm not going anywhere. '

‘Thank you.'
790

Ma: rat.kama. 'See you later.’
one while

Sar.x.ma.lla.
go 2>3
I

Sara.waya.w.ma. lla. ‘So long, go ahead, on your wayk'
243
I

Sara.w.ma.lla.
233

I

Jaki.si.fi. kama. ‘Until we meet again.'
meet

AC-2.13 Juli

Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? 'What is your name?’
what name 2p

Na.n suti.ja.xa . 'My name is i
Ip Ip

Naya.n suti.ja.xa Sa.ta.wa. 'My name is called
say

Kawki.ta.s
where

juma. xa? ‘Where are you from?’
2p

Kawki.ta.ta.s
273
S
 

Naya.x Juli marka.ta.t.wa.
Ip town 133
S

Kawki.t.s jut.ta?
where come 233
S

sara. :ta?

233
( F
Kawk.s

where

 

| sara.:ta.x?

Kawki.t.s puri.n.ta?
where arrive 23
S

Yapu.t puri.n.t'a.
field 133

S

Kamisa.k tata?
how

Wali.ki.way.

Diyuspagara.

Ma: rat.kama.
one while

791

"I'm from Juli.'

‘Where are you coming from?'

‘Where you are going?’

‘Where are you arriving from?’

‘I'm arriving from the field.'

"How are you, sir?'

‘Fine, thank you. '

‘Thank you.'

‘See you later.’
792

Jaki.si.ii. kama. ‘Until we meet again.’
meet

AC-2.14 La Paz (Compi and Tiahuanaco, unless otherwise

noted)
Tata (mama), maya.y jisk.t'a.si.:ma. ‘Sir (ma'am), may I ask you
sir ma'am one ask 132 a question?'
F
May jisk.t'a.si.:ma? ‘May I ask you a question?' (San Andrés

de Machaca)

Kuna.s suti.ma.xa, tata (mama)? ‘What is your name, sir (ma‘am)?'
what name 2p

Naya.n suti.xa.xa -wa. ‘My name is ./
Ip Ip
Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? "Where are you from?'
where 233
)

Naya.x -n.k.iri.t.wa. ‘I'm from |

133

S
Jani.w aka.n.k.iri.k.t.ti. ‘I'm not from here.'
no here 133

S
Kawk.S sara.:ta? ‘Where are you going (to go)?'

 

where go 243
F
793

Kawk.s sara.s.k.ta? ‘Where are you going (now)?'
23
S
Kawk.sa.t.s puri.s.k.ta? "Where are you arriving from?'
where arrive 233
S
Yapu.t puri.s.k.ta. ‘I'm arriving from the field.'

field arrive 133
S

Kamisa.ki, tata (mama)? "How are you, sir (ma'am)?'
how
Wali.ki.:.s.k.t.wa. ‘I'm fine.’
wel] 133
S
Wali.ki. 'Fine.' (San Andrés de Machaca)
Juspajara. : tam. ‘Thanks will be to you.'
332
F
Jiki.si.fi. kama. ‘Until we meet again.'
meet

AC-2.2 Intermediate dialects
AC-2.21 Calacoa

May jisk.t'a.si.mama. 'May I ask you a question?'
one ask 1+2
F
Kuna.s suti.ma.xa?
what name 2p

 

Na.n suti.ja.x .Wa.
Ip Ip

Kawki.t.s pur.ta?
where arrive 233
S

Kawki marka.t pur.ta?
town

Kawki  marka.sti?

Kamisa.raki?
how

Wali.ki.wa.
good

Usulupaya.

AC-2.22 Sitajara

Jisk.t'a.si.wa.mam.
ask ]>2
F

Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa?
how 2>3
S

794

‘What is your name?'

"My name is .!

‘Where are you arriving from?'

‘What town are you arriving from?!

"And where is the town?!

‘How are you?'

"Fine.

'Thank you. '

‘May I ask you a question?'

‘How are you called?’ (to child)
Kuna suti.ma.s?
what name 2p

 

Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa?
where 2>3
S

Kawki.y marka.ta.sa?
where town

Kawki.ta.sa?
where

Kawki.t.s pur.ta.x?
—

AC-2.3 Southern dialects

AC-2.31 Jopoqueri

Maya.y chis.t'a.si.:ma.
one ask 1>2

May ch'ik.t'a.si.:ma.

Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa?
how 273
S

Kuna.s suti.ma.xa?
what name 2p

 

795

‘What is your name?' (to adult)

‘Where are you usually?'

‘What town (are you) from?'

‘Where (are you) from?'

coming

‘Where are you larriving

} from?

'May I ask you a question?’

'What is your name?'
796

 

Naya.xa Sa.ta.t.wa. ‘I'm called 7
Ip 133

S
Suti.nha.xa sa.ta.wa. ‘My name is .|
name Ip
Kawki.ta.ta.s juma.x? ‘Where are you from?'
where 2>3 = 2p

S
Naya.x aka Urur marka.ni.t.wa. ‘I'm from this town of Oruro.'
Ip this Oruro town 133
S

Jani.w naya.x aka.ta.j.t.ti. ‘I'm not from here.’

no Ip here 133
S
pur. j.ta?
2>3
S
: \ arriving '
Kawki.t.s Where are you {coming } from?
juta.ta?
Yapu.t pur.j.tia. ‘I'm arriving from the field. '
field 133
S
Kawki.ru.s sar.j.ta? ‘Where are you going?'

where go 2>3
S
Jani.w kawki.ru.s sar.j.t.ti.

no where go

Kuna.ma.:.S$.j.ta.s wiraxucha?

how 2-+3
S

Wali.ki.:.s.j.t.wa.
133

Jani wali.j.t.ti.
no 133
S

Yuspajar.pan.
343

I

Ma: rat.kama.

a while

Jiki.si.fi. kama.
meet

AC-2.33 Morocomarca

Maya.y jisk.t'a.si.:ma.
one ask 1+2

F

Kuna.s  sut.ma?
what name 2p

797

‘I'm not going anywhere. '

"How are you, sir?’

‘I'm fine. '

'T'm not very well.'

‘Thank you.'

‘See you later.'

‘Until we meet again.'

'May I ask you a question?'

‘What is your name?'
798

Naya.n sut.fa.ka .Wa.
Tp name Ip

'My name is _
Naya.n sut.na Sa.ta.wa.

Kawki.ta.sa?
where

Naya aka.t.pini.t.wa.

Ip here 1+3
S
jut"a.n.ta?
273
S

Kawki.t.raj
where

pur. ta?

Yapu.t juta.n.t"a.
field 3

S

Kawki.ru.raki.sti sar.k.ta?
where go 2>+3
S

Jani.w kawki.ru.s sar.k.t.ti.

Wali.ki.s.k.ta.ti?
good 2>3
S

‘Where (are you) from?'

"I'm really from here.'

coming

‘Where are you larriving

} from?'

"I'm coming from the field.'

‘And where are you going?'

‘I'm not going anywhere. '

‘Are you weil?!
799

Wali.ki.s.k.t.wa. "I'm fine. '

133

S
Juspagar.pa. "Thank you.’

333
I

Ratu. kama. "See you later.'
while
Sar.xa.:.w, jiki.si.n.kama. ‘I'm off, see you later.'

go 133 meet
F

AC-2.34 Calacala

 

Kam.sa.ta.x sut.ma.x? ‘What is your name?'
how name 2p
Naya sa.ta.t.wa . ‘I'm called .
Tp 133
Kawki.ta.raki.ta juma.xa? ‘And where are you from?'
where 2>3 2p
S

Naya jaqi.xa Qalagala.t.wa. 'I am a person (man) from Calacala.'
Ip person

Yuspaka.rap.sma.w. ‘Thank you. '

1+2

S
AC-2.35 Salinas

May chik.t'a.:ma.
one ask 1+2
F

Kam.sa.ta.raki.ta?
how 2>3
S

Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa?
273
S

Kuna.s suti.ma.xa?
what name 2p

Naya.x sa.ta.t.wa.
Ip 133
§

Kawki.ta.ta.sa (juma.xa)?
where 2+3 2p
S

Kawki.ta.raki.ta?
273
S

Naya.x aka.ta.t.wa.
Ip here 133
S

Jani aka.ta.t.ti.
no here 133
a)

800

‘May I ask you a question?’

‘What is your name?'

‘I'm called |

‘Where are you from?'

'I'm from here.'

‘I'm not from here.'
801

Naya.x Salina.ta.t.wa. ‘I'm from Salinas.'
Ip 3
S

Na.n markafia.xa Salinas de Garci Mendoza sa.ta.wa.

'My town is called Salinas de Garci Mendoza. '

pur.ta?
. . ; arriving '
Kawki.t.ra(j) Where are you {coming } from?
jut.ta?
Yapu.t pur.j.t'a. 'T'm arriving from the field.'
field 133
S
Kawki.ru.rak sara.nta? [saranda] ‘Where are you going?’
where go 2-3
F
Jani kawki.ru.s. "Nowhere. '
no where
Kuna:ma.s.ka.raj.ta? ‘How are you?'
how 2>3
S
Wali.ki.wa. 'Fine.'
good
Juspagar.pan. ‘Thank you.'
3+3

I
802

Bay uk"ama.1lla.x.sa. ‘Well, just that (thank you).'
SO
Ratu. ka:ma. "See you later.'

while
803

APPENDIX D
REGIONAL VERSIONS OF A SAYING AND A RIDDLE

AD-1 Urijafia Saying: ‘See before you say.'

This saying, which illustrates the direct/indirect
knowledge postulate (8-2.3) and variation in usage of the
subordinating suffixes -sa and -sina (and variants)
(7-4.22.1), was elicited in all dialects investigated
except Calacoa and Sitajara. (Is is interesting to note
that the saying does not occur in Jagaru either, accord-
ing to Hardman [personal communication].) The different
versions obtained are grouped regionally below. There
is some variation within as well as across dialects,
but the meaning is always almost identical. The verb
Sa.fa that occurs in the saying is an obligatory. It
may be translated variously as ‘one must say', ‘must
be said', 'it is necessary to say', or ‘is to be said'.

I have arbitrari:y opted for ‘one must say’.

AD-1.1 Northern dialects
AD-1.11 Huancané

Ufi.ja.w.sin <UA.j.t> sa.fia.xa , jan ufi.j.ka.w.sin.xa
see see 1>3 say no see
S

(continued )
804

<Jani.w uf.j.k.t> sa.fia.wa.
no see +3 Say
S

"Having seen, one must say "I have seen"; not having
seen, one must say "I have not seen".'

AD-1.12 Socca

Un.ja.sn.wa <UfA.j.t.w>  sa.fla.xa.
see see 133 say
S

Jan un.ja.sn.xa jani.w <Uf.j.t.w> sa.ia.ti.
no see no see 1+3 say
S

‘Having seen, one must say "I have seen". Not having
seen, one must not say "I have seen".'

AD-1.13 Juli

<Un.j.t> sa.sin.xa <UfA.j.t> sa.fia.wa.
see 1*3 say see 173 say
S S

Jan uf.ja.sin.xa <Jani.w uf.j.t> sa.fa.wa.
no see no see 173 say
S

'Having said "I have seen", one must say "I have

seen". Not having seen, one must say "I have not
seen".'

(The first part of this version appears to be garbled.)
AD-1.14

AD-1.15

AD-1.2
AD-1.21

805

San Andrés de Machaca

Un.ka.sa.w <Uf.j.t> sa.fia.x.
see see 193 say

 

uf. ja.sa.sti

 

Jan jani.w <UA.j.t> sa.na.k.i.ti.
no no see 174 say

un. j.ka.sa.sti

see

'Hdaving seen, one must say "I have seen". Not having
seen, one must not say "I have seen".'

La Paz/Compi

Jan uf.ja.sa.x <Jani.w ufi.j.t> sa.fla.w.
no see no see 143 say

"Not having seen, one must say "I have not seen".'

Southern dialects

Jopoqueri (version 1)

Jan ifi.ja.san.xa <dani.w if.j.t> sa.na.wa.
no see no see 1 3 say
S

In.ja.sana <In.j.t> sa.fia.wa.
see see 193 say
S

 

'Not having seen, one must say "I have not seen”.
Having seen, one must say "I have seen".'
806

AD-1.22 Jopoqueri (version 2)

Un.ja.san.xa <Un.j.t"> s.irijt.wa.
see see 173 say 133
S D-1

Jan uf.ja.san.xa <dani.w ufi.j.t"> sa.s.ja.pani.w.
no see no see 1>3 say
S

'Having seen, I can say "I have seen". Not having seen,
"IT have not seen" really saying. '

AD-1.23 Morocomarca

~

Jani if.ja.sana <Jani.w in.j.t.ti> sa.fla.wa.
no see no see 133 say
S

In.ja.sana <In.j.t'a> sa.fa.wa.
see see 13 say
S

"Not having seen, one must say "I have not seen".
Having seen, one must not say "I have seen".'

AD-1.24 Salinas

Un.ja.sa.xa <Un.j.t> sa.fia.wa. Jan wtn.ja.sin.xa
see see 143 say no see
S

 

<dani.w ufi.j.t> Sa.fla.wa.
no see 1>3 say
S

‘Having seen, one must say "I have seen". Not having
seen, one must say "I have not seen".'
807

AD-2 Spindle Riddle

No attempt was made to elicit this riddle every-
where, but it occurred spontaneously with great frequency.
It is probably general to all dialects. Like the
unjafia saying, it illustrates different usages of -sa
and -sina (and variants). The riddle shows more stylis-

tic variation than does the saying.

AD-2.1 Northern dialects
AD-2.11 Juli (version 1)

Kuna.s kuna.s muy.ka.sa wal.j g"ip.t.iri.x?
what turn very swell

apu.w.
spindle

‘What, what turning swells up? A spindle.’

AD-2.12 Juli (version 2)

Ma: tawaqu.x t'uga.sa t"uga.sa wal q'ip.t.i.xa.
A girl dance very swell] 33

S

Uka.x kuna.sa? Qapu.w.
that what Spindle

 

‘A young girl dancing, dancing becomes pregnant.
What is that? A spindle.'
808

AD-2.13 Juli (version 3)

T'ug"u.sin t"ug"u.sin

usu.ri.pt.i.x.
dance 11

i 333
S

Kuna.s uka.xa? Qapu.wa.
what that spindle

 

‘Dancing, dancing [she] becomes pregnant. What is
that? A spindie.'

AD-2.14 La Paz/Tiahuanaco

AD-2.2
AD-2.21

T"ug.ta.s t'uq.ta.s

kuna.s wal g"ip.t.iri.x?

Muy.ka.s muy.ka.s
turn

Qapu.w  kuna.raki.:.ni.x.
spindle what else 33

F

‘Dancing, dancing (turning, turning) what swells up?
A spindle, what else is it to be.’

Southern dialects

Jopoqueri

Tan.ja.s tan.ja.s wal gq'it.iri. Uka

kuna. s?
run

very pregnant that what

Uka.x gapu.x.
that spindle

 

‘Running, running [she] gets pregnant. What is that?
A spindle.’
809

AD-2.22 Morocomarca

Ma tawaqu muy.ka.sa muy.ka.sa wal q'ip.t.x.i.
a girl turn very pregnant 33
S

Uka  kuna.raki.:.spa. Qapu.w.
that what 333 spindle

D-1
'A young girl turning, turning gets pregnant. And
what can that be? A spindie.'

AD-2.23 Salinas (version 1)

Muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa --
turn

wal g'int.x.i. Q"apu.xa t'ug".ka.sa, t'uq.ka.sa,

very pregnant spindle dance
34
S
t'ug".ka.sa -- uyru.nt.x.i.
fill 343
S

‘Turning, turning, turning, turning--[she] gets pregnant.
A spindle dancing, dancing, dancing--fills up.'

AD-2.24 Salinas (version 2)

Ma: tawaqu.xa muy.ka.s muy.ka.sa wal q'it.x.i.
a gir] turn very pregnant
3>

S

Uka kuna.sa? Uka.pi.y gapu.
that what that spindle

‘A young girl turning, turning becomes pregnant. What is
that? That's a spindle, of course.'
AD-2.3

810

Intermediate Dialect: Calacoa

Ma: warmi.k.s wilt.ka.sin wilt.ka.sin usu.r.ta.si.w.x.i.

A woman turn ill 333
S

Uka.x kuna.s ? Q"apu.w.
that what spindle

‘A woman turning, turning becomes pregnant. What is that?
A spindle. '
811

APPENDIX E
INDEX OF SUFFIXES

The Aymara suffixes that have occurred in this study
are here listed in alphabetical order. (Suffixes beginning
with vowel length /:/ followed by a consonant are listed
under that consonant, e.g. /-:ta/; suffixes consisting of
vowel length alone are listed between suffixes beginning
with /u/ and /w/3; and zero complement is listed last.) The
morphophonemics of each suffix are given in the notation
indicated in 1-3.6. In cases of general rules (such as
that all suffixes beginning with /i/ take a preceding
consonant) the morphophonemics are not shown. For further
information on the morphophonemics of each suffix see 4-2
and the section cited for each suffix. Abbreviations used

are

v. der. - verbal derivational
v. infl. - verbal inflectional
v. nom. - verb nominalizer

v. subord. - verb subordinator

indep. - independent (nonfinal)
-,,cha
v

-,cha-

Vo

-cha

/- .chapi/
f-ychi/

Cc
=_chi
/- chista:na/
/- chistani/
/- chistasapa:na/
/- .chistaspa
/- chistpana/
/- .chistu/
/- chita:na/

/- chitasapa:na/

/- chitaspa/
/- chitaystu/
/- chitu/
[- .chja-/

/- .chjama-/

812

/ch/

noun; diminutive (5-3.22.1)
v. der., verbalizer/causative (6-2.11)

final, alternative interrogative
(7-2.22)

noun, ‘the one which' (5-3.12.1)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11)

v. infl., Non-Involver (6-3.36.1)
v. infl., 354 RDK (6-3.35.1)

v. infl., 344 F (6-3.32)

v. infl., 374 D-2 (6-3.34.21)

v. infl., 3-4 D-1 (6-3.34.11)

v. infl., 3+4 I (6-3.33)

v. infl., 3%4 S (6-3.31)

v. infl., 374 RDK (6-3.35.1)

v. infl., 374 D-2 (6-3.34.21)

v. infl., 3>4 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 374 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3%4 S (6-3.31)

v. der., ‘likely' (6-2.3)

v. der., ‘likely’ (6-2.3)
/- chapi/
/- ch'i/

= chia

/- chiak"a-/
/-ch'i/
/-ch'uki-/

“i
/-ichja-/
/-ijana/
/-illa/
~imana
/-inhana/
/-ifttana/
/-ipana/
/-i:pana/
/-ipna/:
/-ipuna/
/-iri/

/ch"/

noun, ‘the one which' (5-3.12.1)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11)

/ch'/

noun, ‘size, extent' (5-3.12.2)
v. der., Sustained action (6-2.18.1)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11)

v. der., sustained action (6-2.18.1)

/i/

v. infl., 3+3 S (6-3.31)

v. der., ‘likely’ (6-2.3)

v. Ssubord., 173 (7-4.22.2)
noun, diminutive (5-3.22.2)
v. Ssubord., 2>3 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 173 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 173 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 3+3 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 373 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 3>3 (7-4.22.2)
v. subord., 373 (7-4.22.2)

v. nom., subord., actor/purposive
(7-4.21.1)
/-irija:ina/
/-irijasma:na/
/-irijazta/
/-irijatama:na/
/-irijat"a)/
/-irija:t"a /
/-irijiy/
/-irijista:na/
/-irijistu/
/-i:rijistu/
/-irijitaina/
/-irijitu/
/-irijma/
/-irijma:na/
/-irijsma/
/-irijsma:na/
/-irijstam/
/-irijstama:na/
/-irijsta:na/
/-irijta/
/-irijtam/
/-irijta:ma/
/-irijtama:na/
/-ivijt"a/

/-irika:sma/

814

infl.
infil.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infil.
infl.
infil.
infl.

33
142
173
3>2

133
373
374
374
374
3>1
3>]
172
172

142
342
342
34
243
332
342
32
143
132

(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.

34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.

34

34.

22)
22)
22)
22)
22)
22)
12)
22)
12)
12)
22)
12)
12)
22)
12)
22)
12)
22)
22)
12)
12)
12)
22)

.12)

22)
/-ivika:ta/
/-irika:tam/
/-irika:t a./
/-irikiya:sma/

/-irikiyata:ma/

/-iriksma/
/-iriksna/
/-iriksta/
/-irikstam/
/-irikstan/
/-irikst"a/
/-ivikta)/
/-irikta:na/
/-iriktma/
f-iriktta/

Vv
/-irik"a/
/-irik"asma:na/
/-ivik"at"a/
/-irik"atma:na/
/-iriskasama:na/
/-iriskasapa:na/
/-iriskatam/
/-iriska:ta)/

/-iriskatama:na/

infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.

infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
invl.
infl.
infl.

infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infil.
infl.
infl.
infl.

173
372
173
172
372

133
133

373
372
173

374
132
133
342
172
372
372
133
342

(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.

(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.

(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.
(6-3.

34.
34.
34.
34.
34.

34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.
34.

22)
22)
22)
22)
22)

12)
12)
12)
12)
22)
12)
12)
22)
12)
12)

-12)
-22)
-22)
.22)
-22)
.22)
-22)
.22)
.22)
/-irisma/
/-irisma:n/
/-irista/
/-iristam/
/-iristma/
/-irist™a/
/-iritasama:na/
/-irja:na/
/-irja:ta/
/-irja:t%a./
/-irji/
/-irjistu/
/-irjitu/
/-irkasma:na/
/-irkatama:na/
/-irkazt"a/
-isana

/-ista/

/-istan/

/-ista:na/
/-istani/
/-istasapa:na/
/-istaspa/

/-istaspa:na/

Vv.
Vv.

Vv.
(6-3.35.1)

Vv.
V.

V.

816

infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,

subord.

infl.,
infl.,

infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,
infl.,

142 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
132 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
133 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
3>2 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
3>2 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
1+3 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
2>1 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
343 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
273 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
123 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
323 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
334 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
3-1 D-1 (6-3.34.12)
132 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
372 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
1+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22)
» 473 (7-4.22.2)
2>1 S (6-3.31)

2>1 RDK and 374 RDK

3-4 RDK (6-3.35.1)
3>4 F (6-3.32)

3>4 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
324 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
324 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
/-istasp"a/
/-istasp"a:na/
/-istata/
/-ista:sta/
/-ista:ta/
/-istaya:ta/
/-istpa(n)/
/-istu/
/-istusapa:na/
/-istuspa/
/-istuspa:na/
/-istutu/
/-istu:tu/
-ita

/-ita/
/-itan/
/-ita:na/
-itani
/-itanta/
/-itanhata/
/-itasama:na/
/-itasapa:na/
/-itasma(n)/
/-itasma:na/

/-itaspa/

V.

Vv.

Vv.

817

infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.

- infl.

infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.

3

3

>

344
34
21
2-1
2]
2-1
34
324

3>4
3>4
3+4
34

D-1 (6-3.34.21)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
RIK (6-3.35.2)

RIK (6-3.35.2)

RIK (6-3.35.2)

RDK (6-3.35.1)

I (6-3.33)

S (6-3.31)

D-2 (6-3.34.21)
D-1 (6-3.34.11)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
RIK (6-3.35.2)

RIK (6-3.35.2)

noun, diminutive (5-3.22.3)

V.

Vv.

V.

infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.

infl.

infil.
infl.

>

3

2>]
3>1
3>1
371
2>1
2+]
2-1

I (6-3.33)

RDK (6-3.35.1)
RDK (6-3.35.1)
F, I (6-3.32, 6-3.33)
F (6-3.32)

F (6-3.32)

D-2 (6-3.34.21)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
D-1 (6-3.34.11)
D-2 (6-3.34.21)
D-1 (6-3.34.11)
/-itaspa:na/
/-itasp"a/
/-itasp"a:na/
/-ita:sta/

/-ita:ta/

/-itayasta/
/-itayista/
/-itaysta/
/-itaytu/
/-ititu/
/-itma/
/-itpa/
/-itpan/
/-itpana/
/-itp"ana/
/-itta/
/-itu/
-itu
/-itutu/
/-itu:tu/

/-iya:sta/

818

v. infl., 3>1 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3+1 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+1 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 2>1 RIK (6-3.35.2)

v. infl., 2+1 F (6-3.32), 2+1 RDK

(6-3.35.1)

v. infl., 2>1 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 271 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 271 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 371 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3-1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 271 I (6-3.33)

v. infl., 3-1 I, 3 4 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3>1 I (6-3.33)

v. infl., 3>1 I (6-3.33)

v. infl., 3>1 I (6-3.33)

v. infl., 271 S (6-3.31)

v. infl., 3-1 S (6-3.31)
noun, diminutive (5-3.22.4)
v. infl., 351 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3>1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 21 RDK (5-3.35.1)

/i/

noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3)

noun, ‘amount, quantity’ (5-3.12.3)
 

 

819

v. der., divider (6-2.12)

v. der., 'preceding'/continuative/
incompletive (6-2.25)

noun, Ip possessive (5-3.24)

noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.1)
v. infl., 1+3 F (6-3.32)

v. infl., 1+3 F (6-3.32), 13 I
(6-3.33)

v. infl., 1+3 F (6-3.32)

noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3)

noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3)

v. der., ‘across' (6-2.17.1)

v. infl., 273 F (6-3.32)

v. infl., 273 F (6-3.32)
indep., ‘just, only' (7-2.21.1)

noun, ‘exactly in a place' (5-3.21)

/k/

noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.1)

v. der., 'preceding'/continuative/
incompletive (6-2.25)

final, topic/resumator (7-2.22.1,
7-2.22.11)

noun, ‘general location! (5-3.12.5)

noun, aggregate/attainer (5-3.32.1)
/- ,kata/
/- kata-/
/- kati/
/-)ki/

= Kipa
zykipa>
-ykipta-

 

/~ylayku/
c

/-lV1a/

820

noun, ‘across' (5-3.21)

v. der., ‘across’ (6-2.17.1)

noun, ‘across' (5-3.21)

indep., ‘just, only' (7-2.21.1)
noun, ‘every other' (5-3.12.4)

v. der., ‘past a point’ (6-2.15.1)

noun, verbalizer (accelerated)
(5-3.42.2)

noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.12)
indep., ‘or if' (7, fn. 14)

/k"/

noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3)

v. der., continuative/incompletive
(6-2.25)

noun, ‘through’ (5-3.12.6)

v. der., ‘across' (6-2.17.1)

/\/

noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.13)

noun, ‘on account of' (5-3.12.17)

/11/

noun, diminutive (5-3.22.2), Ip
possessive (5-3.24); final, politive
(7-2.22, 7-2.22.2)
/-ma/

/-:ma/

/-ma:/

/-mama/
/-ma:ma/

/-:man/
/~ ymma/
Cc

/-mna/

/-mnam/
/-\mpa/
/-:mpa/
/~ mpi/

/-:mu/

/-mucha-/

82]

/m/

final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3)

v. infl., 243 I (6-3.33)

noun, 2p possessive (5-3.24);

- kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.14)

noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3)

noun, ‘like’ (5-3.32.3), 'through'
(5-3.32.3)3 v. infl., 1+2 F
(6-3.32), 172 I (6-3.33)

v. infl., 142 F (6-3.32)

v. infl., 142 F (6-3.32), 12 I
(6-3.33)

v. infl., 142 F (6-3.32), 1+2 I
(6-3. 33)

v. infl., 172 F (6-3.32)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.14)

final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3)
final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3)
v. infl., 3+2 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 3+2 I (6-3.33)

noun, conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/
instrumental (5-3.31.1)

noun, ‘like' (5-3.32.3)
v. der., ‘away, off' (6-2.17.4)
/-natma/

/-natpa/

/-nta/
/- ntam/

/-nti/

/-nuku-/

/- ynuga-/
C

/-nuqu-/

822

/n/

noun, possessive/locational
(5-3.31.2)

v. infl., 3+3 RDK (6-3.35.1)
noun, plural (5-3.25)
noun, ‘'through' (5-3.32.3)

v. der., ‘around, aimlessly’
(6-2.17.2)

v. infl., 3%2 F (6-3.32)

v. infl., 342 F (6-3.32)

noun, possessor/enumerator (5-3.23)
v. infl., 3%3 F (6-3.32)

v. der., approacher (6-2.23.1)

v. infl., 3+2 F (6-3.32), 3*2 I
(6-3.33)

v. der., ‘into'/slow inceptive
(6-2.17.3)

v. infl., 2+3 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 352 F (6-3.32)

noun, conjointer/accompanier/
agentive/ instrumental (5-3.31.1)

v. der., ‘away, off' (6-2.17.4)

v. der., placer/cessation of action
(6-2.15.2)

v. der., placer/cessation of action
(6-2.15.2)
/-aha/
Cc
/~nha/

/-nha:ta/

/- nhata:ma/

=yP=

=yPa
c

/- pa/

- pacha
=, pacha
/-,pa(na)/

-~ Dava-
—Vv

/-pani/

823

/n/
noun, 1p possessive (5-3.24)

v. nom., v. subord. (7-4.21.2)

v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32), 173 I
(6-3.33)

v. infl., 123 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 453 F (6-3.32), 4+3 I
(6-3.33)

/nh/

noun, Ip possessive (5-3.24)

v. infl., 1+3 F (6-3.32), 1+3 I
(6-3.33)

v. infl., 273 F (6-3.32)

v. infl., 342 F (6-3.32), 3+2 I
(6-3.33)

/p/

v. der., plural (6-2.26)

noun, 3p possessive (5-3.24)

v. infl., 373 I (6-3.33)

noun, ‘all, same' (5-3.32.2)

v. infl., Inferential (6-3.36.2)
v. infl., 343 I, 352 I (6-3.33)

v. der., compassionate/fun-poker
(6-2.19.1)

indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2)
/-pi/
/-pi(:)/

/-pini/
=ybta-
/-pu(:)/

/-\puni/

/- piana/

/-.4a-/
[-9a-/
/-qa/
zygata

- Ya-
_—y_
/-va/

/-yra(z)/

824

indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2)

final, reiterator of known information
(7-2.22.4)

indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2)
noun, verbalizer (5-3.42.1)

final, reiterator of known information
(7-2.22.4)

indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2)

noun, ‘between, among' (reciprocal)
(5-3.12.8)

/p"/

v. infl., 3+3 I (6-3.33)

/q/

v. der., completive (6-2.25.2)

v. der., 'down'/remover (6-2.15.3)
final, topic/attenuator (7, fn. 2)
noun, 'below' (5-3.12.9)

/r/

noun, 'through' (5-3.12.10)
v. der., serial/reverser (6-2.14.1)
indep., ‘still, yet' (7-2.21.3)

indep., aggregate/cautionary etc.
(7-2.21.4)
/-:ra/
f-yraji/
Cc

fo yraki/
Cc

- j-
-y"api-
=yfaga-
rytara

/-rara/
/-ray/

/-rayku/
c

[-rk/
/-\rpa:-/

/-rpaya-/

indep., ‘still, yet' (7-2.21.3)

indep., aggregate/cautionary etc.
(7-2.21.4)

indep., aggregate/cautionary etc.
(7-2.21.4)

v. der., beneficiary (6-2.24.1)
v. der., victimary (6-2.24.2)
noun, intensifier (5-3.12.11)
indep., ‘still, yet' (7-2.21.3)

indep., ‘still, yet' (7-2.21.3)3
aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4)

noun, ‘on account of' (5-3.12.7)
indep., aggregate/ cautionary etc.

(7-2.21.4)

v. der., ‘multiple action'/
intensifier (6-2.19.2)

v. der., ‘multiple action'/
intensifier (6-2.19.2)

noun, directional ‘to, at' (5-3.31.3)

v. nom., subord., purposive
(7-4.21.12)

/s/

noun, 'side' (5-3.21)

noun, 4p possessive (5-3.24)

v. subord. (7-4.22.1)
-sa

/-sama:na/
/-\sana/

/-sana/

/- sapaina/
/-sapa:na/
/-Ssazsna/

/- schista:na/

/- schistani/

/- schistaspa/

/- schistasapa:na/
/- schistpana/

/- schistu/

/- schitani/

/- schitasapa:na/
/- schitaspa/

/- ,schitaystu/

/- schitaytu/

/~ schitu/

- Si-
-_y-—_

/-\sina/
/-\sina:n/

/-,sinana/

826

final, information intzrrogative/
indefinite/ linker (7-2.22, 7-4.23.1)

v. infl., 2+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. subord. (7-4.22.1)
v. infl., 173 D-2 (6-3.34.21)

v. infl., 3+3 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 4%3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3+4 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 3+4 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3+4 I (6-3.33)
v. infl., 3+4 S (6-3.31)
v. infl., 3+4 F (6-3.32)
v. infl., 3>4 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 34 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 354 S (6-3.31)

v. der., reciprocal/reflexive
(6-2.21)

v. subord. (7-4.22.1)
v. subord. (7-4.22.1)
v. infl., 4°3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
/-,sisama:na/
/-sisapa:na/
/-,sistpana/
/- Sitaina/
/- ,sitani/

/- sitasapa:na/
/- sitaspa/
/- sitaystu/
/- sitpana/
/- sitp"ana/
/- situ/
zySitu

[- sja-/
/-Sjamach-/
/- .sma/
/-sma/

/-:sma/

/-,smach-/
/-Ssmachja-/
/-smain/

- Ssma:na
/-, /

/- .sna/

/- .sna/

Vv.

Vv.

827

infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infl.
infil.
infl.

2+3
333
3>4
34
34
344
34
34
334
344
344

D-2 (6-3.34.
D-2 (6-3.34.

I (6-3.33)

RDK (6-3.35.

F (6-3.32)

D-2 (6-3.34.
D-1 (6-3.34.
RIK (6-3.35.

I (6-3.33)
I (6-3.33)
S (6-3.31)

21)
21)

1)

21)
11)
2)

noun, diminutive (5-3.22.5)

Vv.

Vv.

Vv.

Vv.

der.,
der.,
infl.
infl.

infl.

'lYikely' (6-2.3)
‘likely' (6-2.3)
» 172 S (6-3.31)
> 273 D-1 (6-3.34.
» 2>+3 D-1 (6-3.34.

132 RDK (6-3.35.1)

Vv.

V.

V.

der.,

der.,

infl
infl.

‘likely’ (6-2.3)
‘likely’ (6-2.3)
.> 142 RDK (6-3.35.
» 2+3 D-2 (6-3.34.

132 RDK (6-3.35.1)

Vv.

v.
(

infl.

infl.

» 443 S (6-3.31)

, 12 S (6-3.31)3
6-3.34.11)

11)
11);

1)
21);

4>+3 D-1
/-sna(n)/
[-ySnay

c
/-:sna/
/-snazna/
/- stia/
/-stia/
/-\spa/
/-\spa:na/
/-(:)sp"a(na)/
/-)sptaina/

/-stani/

/- staspa/
-sti
/- stu/

-” S -
Sut

-.ta-
/- .ta/

[- tal

/-ta/
/-ta/

/-yta/

828

v. infl., 473 D-1 (6-3.34.11)

v. subord. (7-4.22.1)

v. infl., 172 RDK (6-3.35.1)
v. infl., 4°3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 473 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 4%3 S (6-3.31)

v. infl., 3%3 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. infl., 3+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21)

v. infl., 344 F (6-3.32), 344 I
(6-3.33)

v. infl., 3>4 D-1 (6-3.34.11)
final, follow-up (7-2.22)
v. infl., 324 S (6-3.31)

v. der., ‘out'/completive (6-2.13)

/t/

v. der., ‘up'/inceptive (6-2.16)
v. infl., 2+3 S (6-3.31)
v. infl., 123 S (6-3.31)

noun, verbalizer (5-3.42.1)
noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.15)

noun, directional, ‘from, of'
(5-3.31.4)
=yta

/-\ta/
/-:ta/
/-:ta/

/-\taki/
¢c

/-tak"i/
C

/-tam/
/-:tam/

/- ,tama/
/-ta:ma/

/-:tama/
/-tama:na/
/-tan/
/-,tan/

/-:tan/

/-:tana/

/- tana/

/-,tana/

/~,tana/

v.
v.
RIK (6-3. 35.2)
v.

Vv.

829

nom., subord., realized action
(7-4.21.3)

infl., 2+3 RDK (6-3.35.1), 3+3

infl., 1+3 RDK (6-3.35.1)

infl., 2+3 F (6-3.32), 2+3 RDK
(6-3.35.1)

noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5)

noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5)

Vv.

Vv.

infl.
infl.

» 3>2
>» 32

(6-3.33), 3+2

Vv.

Vv.

Vv.

V.

Vv.

Vv.

Vv.

Vv.

Vv.

infl.
- infl.

infl.
infl.
infl.

infl.,
(6-3.33), 3°3

infl.
(6-3.35.

infl.

infl

infl.
(6-3.33)

infl.

>» 32

>» 372

-s 4+3

» 43

> 373

S (6-3.31)
F (6-3.32),

RDK (6-3.35.

S (6-3.31)

S (6-3.31)

RDK (6-3. 35.
RDK (6-3.35.

S (6-3.31)
F (6-3.32),

RIK (6-3.35.

F (6-3.32),

RDK (6-3.35.

S (6-3.31)

F (6-3.32),

RIK (6-3.35.

3>2 I
1)

1)
1)

4>3 I
2)

4+3 RDK

1)

4+3 ]

2)
/~taina/
/- tani/
/-tatia/
/-tazsma/

/-tazsna/

/-taspa:na/
~bata-
/-,tata/
/-,ta:ta/
/-ta:ta/
/-ta:tam/
/-tata:ma/
/-,ta:tama/
/-ta:tan/
/-,tatma/
/-,tatna/
/-ta:tsma/
/-ta:t"a/
/-\tawi/

/-tay/

/-,tay(i.)/
/-,tayna/
/-,taysma/
/-\taystu/

v. infl., 353 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 353 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 343 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 122 RIK (6-3.35.2)
infl., 142 D-2 (6-3.34.21),
132 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 332 D-2 (6-3.34.21)
v. der., scatterer (6-2.17.5)
v. infl., 2+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 143 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 2+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 392 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 332 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 322 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3-2 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 172 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 173 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
noun, beneficiary/purposive
(5-3.31.5)
v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 1+2 RIK (6-3.35.2)
v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2)
83]

/-tayta/ v. infl., 223 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-,tayta/ v. infl., 193 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-taytam/ v. infl., 322 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/- taytama/ v. infl., 322 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-\taytana/ v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-taytna/ v. infl., 4%3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-taytu/ v. infl., 3+1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-taytta/ v. infl., 1+3 RIK (6-3.35.2)
-ti final, yes/no interrogative,
negative (7-2.22, 7-4.23.3)
/-tizsta/ v. infl., 2+1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-ti:stu/ v. infl., 374 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-tiztu/ v. infl., 3%1 RIK (6-3.35.2)
/-tma, v. infl., 372 S (6-3.31)
V
/-\tm/ v. infl., 372 I (6-3.33)
/-,tma/ v. infl., 3%2 F (6-3.32), 342 I
(6-3.33)
/-:tma/ v. infl., 3%2 F (6-3.32), 372 I
(6-3.33)
/-,tma:na/ v. infl., 372 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-,tna/ v. infl., 4°3 F (6-3.32)
/-:tna/ v. infl., 4%3 F (6-3.32)
/-,tpa/ v. infl., 372 I (6-3.33)
/-:tpa(n)/ v. infl., 372 I (6-3.33)

/-,tta/ noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.15)
832

/t"/
/- tha / v. infl., 1+3 S (6-3.31)
[- thay/ v. infl., 1+3 S (6-3.31)
/-jtha/ v. infl., 173 RDK (6-3.35.1)
f-it"a/ v. infl., 173 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/~ thal noun, directional ‘of, from'
(5-3.31.4)
- ttapi- v. der., gatherer (6-2.14.2)
/t'/
=,tta- v. der., momentaneous (6-2.18.2)
/:/
/-:/ noun, 1p possessive (5-3.24)
[-:-/ noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.2)
/-:-/ v. der., causative (6-2.22)
/-:/ v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32), 173 I
(6-3.33)
/-:/ final, topic/attenuator (7-2.22.1,
7-2.22.12)
= final, emphatic (7-2.22)
/w/
-wa final, absolute (7-2.22)

/-wa-/ v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
/-wa:-/
/-waya-/
/~\wi-/

~~ wisa/
/- wisu/

/~ Wwiya-/

/-xa/

2X
[- .xa-/
[~xa-/
/-\,xa/
-ixa
/-:xa/

- xaru-
= .xaru-

~ Xaisi-
—C re
/- .xata-/
/- .xaya-/

/-,xita-/

/-y/

833

v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
noun, ‘without' (5-3.12.12)
noun, ‘without’ (5-3.12.12)
v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2)
noun, ‘place’ (5-3.21)

/x/
final, topic/attenuator (7-2.22.1,
7-2.22.12, 7-4.23.2, 7-4.23.3)
noun, ‘over, on' (5-3.21)
v. der., completive (6-2.25.2)
v. der., ‘down'/remover (6-2.15.3)
noun, Ip possessive (5-3.24)
noun, ‘beside’ (5-3.21)
v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32), 1231 (6-3.33)

v. der., preparative of motion
(6-2.17.6)

v. der., static (6-2.17.7)
v. der., 'on top of, up to' (6-2.15.4)
v. der., accompanier (6-2.17.8)

v. der., ‘on top of, up to' (6-2.15.4)

/y/

indep., ‘just, only' (7-2.21.1)
834

/~-ya/ noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.16);3
v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32)3; final,
politive (7-2.22, 7-2.22.2, 7-4.23.3)

/-ya-/ v. der., causative (6-2.22)
/-ya:/ v. infl., 173 F (6-3.32)
/-ya:na/ v. infl., 3%3 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:sma/ v. infl., 172 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:ta/ v. infl., 173 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:ta/ v. infl., 273 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yatam/ v. infl., 372 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:tam/ v. infl., 372 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:tan/ v. infl., 4%3 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-ya:t"a/ v. infl., 173 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yi:sta/ v. infl., 2+] RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yi:stu/ v. infl., 374 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yitu/ v. infl., 3517 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yi:tu/ v. infl., 351 RDK (6-3.35.1)
/-yri/ nom., subord., actor/purposive

Vv.
(4-3.22.13, 7-4.21.11)

Zero complement noun (5-3.33)
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Lucy Therina Briggs was born in Washington, D. C.
on December 20, 1930, the daughter of a Foreign Service
Officer, Ellis Ormsbee Briggs, and Lucy Barnard Briggs.
Her childhood was divided between Latin American and the
United States. In 1952 she graduated from Smith College
in Northampton, Massachusetts with a B. A. in history,
having spent her junior year in Geneva, Switzerland.
After two years of secretarial and volunteer work in
Korea, Miss Briggs passed the Foreign Service examina-
tions and entered the Service in 1957, later serving
in the bureaus of inter-American and educational and cul-
tural affairs of the Department of State.

Undertaking graduate studies while working full
time at the State Department, Miss Briggs completed the
Master of Science degree in linguistics at Georgetown
University in 1969. In the following year she left the
Foreign Service to pursue doctoral studies in linguistics
at the University of Florida in Gainesville, working with
the Aymara Language Materials Project under the auspices
of a grant from the Office of Education of the Department

of Health, Education, and Welfare.

847
848

As the recipient of a National Science Foundation
graduate fellowship (1971-74), Miss Briggs did field work
on Aymara dialects in Bolivia and Peru in 1972 and in
1973-74. Her publications include a chapter on the Aymara
noun system in the grammar produced by the Aymara Language
Materials Project and numerous articles on the language,
and she has read several scholarly papers, most recently
at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological
Association at San Francisco in December 1975. In addi-
tion to pursuing an interest in anthropological linguis-
tics, Miss Briggs has taught English as a foreign language
in Korea, in Washington, D. C., and at the English Language
Institute of the University of Florida, and is interested
in broad aspects of intercultural communication. She
speaks fluent Spanish and French and has a useful knowl -
edge of Portuguese and Aymara.

Miss Briggs is a member of the American Anthro-
pological Association, the Asociaci6n de Lingiiistica y
Filologfa de América Latina (ALFAL), the Instituto de
Lengua y Cultura Aymara (La Paz, Bolivia), the Inter-
national Linguistic Association, the Latin American
Studies Association, the Linguistic Society of America,
the Modern Language Association, and the Cosmopolitan
Business and Professional Women's Club (Washington, D. C.),
and is a member of the Board of Directors of the Aymara

Foundation, Inc.
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degreeoF Dottor of Philosophy:

 
 
    
  

Cow,

BEE
z= Lizzi og .

(1 MX Hayafian-de-Bautista
a Chairman
an Professor/of Anthropology and

Linguistics

I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

    

William E. Carter
Professor of Anthropology

I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

 
I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

 

Professor of Linguistics

I certify that I have read this study and that in
my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality,
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Norman N. Markel
Professor of Speech

This dissertation was presented to the Graduate Faculty of
the Interdisciplinary Graduate Program in Linguistics in
the College of Arts and Sciences, and to the Graduate
Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

August, 1976

   

Dean4 Graduate School