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University Microfilms International 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor. Michigan 48106 USA St. John's Road, Tyler's Green High Wycombe, Bucks, England HP10 SHR PAGE 2 77-8149 BRIGGS, Lucy Therina, 193ODIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE OF BOLIVIA AND PERU. The University of Florida, Ph.D., 1976 Language, linguistics Xerox University Microfilms I Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 @Copyright 1976 by Lucy Therina Briggs PAGE 3 DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE OF BOLIVIA AND PERU By LUCY THERINA BRIGGS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1976 PAGE 4 Thie description of dialectal variation in the Aymara language of Bolivia and Peru is dedicated to all the Aymara speakers who helped make it possible, and to the Aymara linguists of the future who will improve upon it. PAGE 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study is based on research conducted from 1970 through 1975 at the University of Florida and in Bolivia and Peru, under the auspices of (l) a graduate teaching assistantship (1970-71) in the Aymara Language Materials Project funded by Title VI of the National Defense Education Act, (2) a National Science Foundation graduate fellowship (1971-74), and (3) a University of Florida College of Arts and Sciences graduate fellowship (1974-75). To the sources of that support I wish to express my deep appreciation. Special thanks are due also to my parents, Ellis Ormsbee Briggs and Lucy Barnard Briggs, who gave me financial and moral support throughout my doc toral studies. My field work in Bolivia was authorized by the lnstituto Nacional de Estudios Lingilfsticos (INEL) and facilitated by the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara (ILCA). My field work in Peru was authorized by the lnstituto Nacional de Investigaci6n y Desarrollo de la Educacion (INIDE). Copies of this study are being made available to the three named entities, for whose coopera tion I am very grateful. iv PAGE 6 The list of persons who assisted me in the research is long. I wish here to single out three per sons whose contributions were crucial to my undertaking the task and bringing it to a conclusion. They are Dr. M. J. Hardman, director of my doctoral dissertation, and two native speakers of Aymara who were my teachers at the University of Florida: Ms. Juana Vasquez, writer and artist, and Mr. Juan de Dias Yapita, founder and director of the Instituto de Lengua y Cultura Aymara of La Paz and professor at the Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in La Paz. Whatever insights I have gained concerning Aymara language and culture are due in large measure to their knowledge and patient guidance. Without the training I received from them and their considerable help in the analysis, this study could not have been completed. Specifically, Ms. v,squez helped me review the extensive literature on Aymara, commenting on the Aymara examples contained therein. Mr. Yapita reviewed a near-final draft of the whole manuscript of this study, sometimes listening to tapes to check the accuracy of the tran scriptions of the Aymara examples. Both worked with me in the analysis of translation dialects culminating in Chapter 9. In the various stages of the work Dr. Hardman was my constant mentor, challenger, and support. The final draft also benefitted from the suggestions of the V PAGE 7 other members of my doctoral committee, as well as those of Professor Bohdan Saciuk of the Program in Linguistics of the University of Florida, who kindly read and com mented on Chapters 3 and 4. I also wish to thank Or. Charles Palmer for preparing the final versions of the maps, and Ms. Patricia Whitehurst for typing the final draft of the manuscript. In acknowledging the help I have received, I do not wish to imply that this study is free of errors. For them I take full responsibility, trusting that researchers who follow me will correct my mistakes with ~he same zeal that I have applied to correcting my predecessors, in pursuit of the objective we all share--ever more accurate descriptions of the Aymara language. vi PAGE 8 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS----------------------------------iv ABSTRACT CHAPTER l 2 INTRODUCTION------------------------------l -1 1-1. l 1-1 . 2 1-1 . 3 1-2 l -2. l 1-2.2 1-2.3 l -3 l -3. l 1-3.2 1-3.3 1-3.4 1-3.5 1-3.6 Demography------------------------Number and location of Aymara speakers--------------------------Status -----------.----------------Monolingualism, bilingualism, and multilingualism----------------History ----------------------------Language family--------------------Dialects ---------------------------Summary description of La Paz Aymara-----------------------------The Present Study-----------------Theoretical bases-----------------Purposes and scope----------------Methodology and data--------------Sites and sources------------~----Organization of the study---------Conventions and terminology--------A SURVEY OF THf LITERATURE----------------2-1 2-2 2-3 Introduction----------------------Colonial Period-------------------Prelinguistic Studies--19th and 20th Centuries--------------------------vii xiii l l l 6 7 8 8 11 l 5 18 18 22 24 29 35 36 43 43 43 52 PAGE 9 3 2-4 2-4. 1 2-4.2 2-5 Linguistic Studies----------------Synchronic studies----------------Historical studies-----------------Summary and Projection-------------Page 62 62 78 78 VARIATION IN PHONOLOGY AND IN PHONOLOGICAL SHAPE OF MORPHEMES------------------------80 3-1 3-2 32. 1 3-2.2 3-2.3 3-2.4 3-3 3-3. 1 3-3.2 3-3.3 3-4 3-4. 1 3-4.2 3-4.3 3-4.4 3-4.5 3-4.6 3-4.7 3-4.8 Introduction-----------------------80 Phonemes---------------------------80 Phonemic inventory-----------------80 Allophones-------------------------83 Canonical forms--------------------86 Restrictions on phoneme occurrence -87 Nonphonemic Phenomena--------------89 Stress-----------------------------89 Intonation-------------------------90 Spanish loans----------------------90 Phonological Correspondences Within and Across Dialects----------------91 Vowel correspondences--------------92 Consonant correspondences----------100 Correspondences of vowels and/or vowel length and nonstop consonants -127 Metathesis --------------------------132 Correspondence of final (C)CV sequence with another CV sequence or zero-----------------------------136 Correspondence of final /n(V)/ and zero--------------------------------137 Correspondence of initial /ja/ and vowel length or zero, and correspondence of final /ma/ and zero----139 Combinations of correspondences in one word----------------------------139 3-5 Conclusion--------------------------140 4 VARIATION IN MORPHOPHONEMICS---------------145 4-1 Introduction------------------------145 viii PAGE 10 4-2 4-2. l 4-2.2 4-2.3 4-2.4 4-3 4-3. l 4-3.2 4-3.3 4-3.2 4-4 4-4. l 4-4.2 4-5 Morphologically Determined Vowel Deleting and -Retaining Rules (Morphophonemics of Suffixes) -----Phonological and morphological conditioning----------------------Morphological conditioning--------Phonological and syntactic conditioning----------------------Morphological and syntactic conditioning-----------------------Phonotactically Conditioned Rules (Canonical Form Conditions) -------Word-initial position-------------Medial position-------------------Final position in morphological word-------------------------------Final position in syntactical word General and Dialect-Specific Rules Variation in morphophonemics of suffixes---------------------------Variation in other morphophonemic rules------------------------------Conclusion -------------------------146 147 148 149 149 149 150 154 185 192 193 194 195 197 5 VARIATION IN THE NOUN SYSTEM--------------202 5-1 5-2 5-2. l 5-2.2 5-2.3 5-2.4 5-2.5 5-2.6 5-2.7 5-3 5-3. 1 5-3.2 5-3.3 5-3.4 Introduction----------------------Closed Classes of Noun Roots------Interrogatives --------------------Demonstratives--------------------Personal pronouns------------------Numbers ----------------------------Positionals -----------------------Temporals-------------------------Ambiguous noun/verb roots----------Noun Suffixes ---------------------Class of limited occurrence--------Class l suffixes------------------Class 2 suffixes------------------Class 3 suffixes (verbalizers) -----ix 202 203 203 210 215 216 222 226 243 245 245 259 274 300 PAGE 11 5-4 Summary and Conclusions-------------309 5-4. 1 Types of variation in the noun system------------------------------309 5-4.2 Dialectal patterning----------------311 6 VARIATION IN THE VERB SYSTEM---------------317 6-1 6-2 62. l 6-2.2 6-2.3 6-3 6-3. l 6-3.2 6-3.3 6-4 6-4. l 6-4.2 6-4.3 6-4.4 6-5 6-5. l 6-5.2 Introduction-----------------------Verbal Derivational Suffixes-------Class l suffixes-------------------Class 2 suffixes-------------------Class 3 suffixes--------------------Verbal Inflectional Suffixes-------Introduction -----------------------Verbal inflectional distinctive features---------------------------Tenses ------------------------------The Verb sa.na 'to say' ------------sa.na with Simple tense------------sa.na with Future tense------------sa.na with other tenses------------Dialectal patterning----------------Summary and Conclusions------------Types of variation in the verb system------------------------------Dialectal patterning----------------317 318 321 345 374 384 384 386 389 445 447 450 453 454 455 455 459 7 SYNTACTIC AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC VARIATION----468 7-1 7-2 7-2.l 7-2.2 7-3 7-4 7 -4. l 7-4.2 7-4.3 7-4.4 7-4.5 7-5 Introduction-----------------------Particles and Syntactic Suffixes ---Particles--------------------------Syntactic suffixes------------------Basic Sentence Types---------------Morphosyntactic Processes----------Reduplication ----------------------Subordination----------------------uka linker and summarizer----------~na embedding---------------------Negation ----------------------------Conclusion--------------------------X 468 469 469 473 508 509 509 517 562 564 576 587 PAGE 12 8 VARIATION IN SEMANTICS--------------------592 8-1 8-2 82. 1 8-2.2 8-2.3 8-2.4 Introduction----------------------Linguistic Postulates-------------Four-person system----------------Human/Nonhuman --------------------Directly/Indirectly acquired knowledge (data source) -----------A nonpostulate: Singular/Plural ---592 593 594 597 631 634 8-3 Semantic Variation in Roots and Suffixes---------------------------643 8-3. 1 Noun system------------------------643 8-3.2 Verb system------------------------654 8-4 Metaphor---------------------------667 8-5 Summary and Conclusion-------------672 9 MISSIONARY, PATRON, AND RADIO AYMARA------675 9-1 9-2 9-3 9-4 9-5 9-6 9-6. 1 9-6.2 9-7 Introduction Phonology-------------------------Morphophonemics -------------------Morphology------------------------Morphosyntax and Syntax------------Semantics -------------------------Linguistic Postulates--------------Other semantic peculiarities-------Summary and Conclusion-------------675 679 680 681 683 693 693 706 712 10 CONCLUSION--------------------------------716 10-1 Dialectal Variation in Aymara------716 10-2 Regional Dialect Groups and Features---------------------------718 10-2. l North e r n group : La Paz , J u 1 i , Sacca, Huancan~ --------------------722 10-2. 2 Southern group : Jo po q u er i ( and/or Corque), Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala) --------------------------724 xi 'i PAGE 13 10-2.3 10-2.4 10-2.5 10-2.6 10-2.7 10-3 10-4 APPENDICES Intermediate dialects: Calacoa and Sitajara ---------------------Peripheral (as distinguished from central) dialects----------------Cross-regional features----------Cross-dialectal perceptions------Attitudes toward Aymara language and culture-----------------------Interpretation of Research Results and Their Implications------------Directions for Future Research----727 728 733 735 736 739 746 A ELICITATION LIST OF WORDS, PHRASES, AND SENTENCES---------------------------------752 B ONOMATOPOEIC PARTICLES--------------------782 C REGIONAL VERSIONS OF GREETINGS AND COMMON EXPRESSIONS------------------------784 D REGIONAL VERSIONS OF A SAYING AND A RIDDLE------------------------------------803 E INDEX OF SUFFIXES-------------------------811 REFERENCES-----------------------------------------835 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH--------------------------------847 xii PAGE 14 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy DIALECTAL VARIATION IN THE AYMARA LANGUAGE OF BOLIVIA AND PERU By Lucy Therina Briggs August, 1976 Chairman: M. J. Hardman-de-Bautista Major Department: Linguistics The Aymara language is spoken on the high Andean plains of Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake Titicaca to the salt flats south of Lake Poop6. South west of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the upper reaches of some of the river valleys that descend to the Pacific coast and to the east it extends into the subtropical Yungas valleys, but its domain is primarily the altiplano. The total number of speakers approaches two million, of whom about one and a half million live in Bolivia and the rest in Peru. There are also a few speakers in northern Chile. Predominantly farmers or herders, the Aymara have traditionally traded over a wide area, Aymara women playing a major role in regional marketing of agri cultural produce. xiii PAGE 15 Aymara belongs to the Jaqi family of languages whose other extant members are Jaqaru and Kawki, spoken in the department of Lima, Peru. The relationship of Aymara to Quechua, the other major Andean language, is undetermined. Dialects of Aymara have not hitherto been systematically studied, although dialectal variation has been known to exist since colonial times. The present study was conceived to begin the task of determining the extent and character of dialectal variation in Aymara. Based on research in ten Aymara communities and incorporating data from a survey of the literature from colonial times to the present, this study examines regional variation in phonology, morphophonemics, mor phology, syntax and morphosyntax, and semantics, and three translation dialects not specific to any one region: Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara. The appendices include the elicitation list used in fieldwork, a list of onomatopoeic particles, regional versions of greetings, a brief dialogue, a saying, and a riddle, and an index of suffixes. The study confirms that all dialects share the basic structures attributed to two La Paz dialects in earlier studies by M. J. Hardman and associates at the University of Florida. Aymara is a polysynthetic language in which suffixes play not only morphological but also 1 xiv PAGE 16 syntactic roles and retain or lose their own or preceding vowels according to complex morphophonemic rules. All dialects also have certain linguistic postulates: a system of four grammatical persons, a distinction of human and nonhuman reference, and a distinction of direct and indirect knowledge. All dialects are mutually (though not equally) intelligible. Regional differences occur primarily in phonology and morphophonemics. Two dialects have a phoneme lacking in the others, and there is considerable variety in phono logical shapes in morphemes stemming from phonemic insta bility and morphophonemic variation. Regional patterning involves two overlapping distinctions: (1) a division into northern and southern dialects (with two intermediate dialects sharing some features of both), and (2) a division into central and peripheral dialects reflecting the spread of La Paz influence toward outlying areas that retain certain features La Paz has lost. The dialectal picture is further complicated by the existence of certain features shared by a few dialects without regard to regional patterning. While many La Paz innovations are attributable to Spanish influence and all dialects of Aymara appear to be adopting Spanish loans at an accelerating rate, ~ymara is a vigorous language that will survive due to natural population increases for at least several genera tions. In the long run the future of the language will xv PAGE 17 depend on many factors, not least of which will be the extent to which its speakers succeed in fostering its use as a vehicle of literature and education. xvi PAGE 18 1-1 Demography CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1 . 1 Number and location of speakers Aymara is spoken on the high Andean plains of Peru and Bolivia from the northern tip of Lake Titicaca to the Uyuni salt flats south of Lake Poop6 (see Figure 1-1). Southwest of Lake Titicaca it is spoken in the upper reaches of some of the many river valleys that descend to the Pacific coast, and to the east it extends into the subtropical Yungas valleys, but its domain is primarily the altiplano. The majority of native speakers of Aymara today are Bolivians and constitute approximately a third of the Bolivian population (Hardman et al. 1975:3.2). As the total estimated population of Bolivia in 1973 was 5.3 million (U. S. Department of State 1974:1), Bolivian Aymara alone may account for well over a million and a half speakers. In Peru, according to the national census of 1961, persons for whom Aymara was the first (maternal) language l PAGE 19 5 i. /JI? <1 , \_ p A).(_~ O ( .............. __ <., / .l., "i \ / ,_., '-•., \ . . / -\ , I / . I . ...._ __ _ . '. / . \ ,. \ : / \ ) / ' C' '..... 1 ..,..,Lima b C,chuy (Kawki ( \ (J -, .-•-.,., Huan,m M ho'• //~~\_ --( I A . ''Q ;,,.'. //. c< <'f 0Aya] 11 mischievous spirit' (all dialects) sar.j.i i sarx~] u u u u [p~k~ p~k~] V 'V VV 'small owl' (Juli) pug.u [p::>q::>] 'it produces, ripens' {Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala) p"isi .xa i i [ II p ~s~Ja ~ II> i [p"~sxa] I i i p 11 ~s~xa] I I< 'my cat' {San Andr~s de Machaca) 'the/a cat' (San Andr~s de Machaca) PAGE 103 86 In the related language Jaqaru the velar and post velar fricatives are allophones of the same phoneme (Hardman 1966). Their distinct phonemic status in Aymara is attested by the minimal pairs cited above. In certain dialects, however, there are cases of one morpheme having variants with both the velar and postvelar fricative, which may indicate that the distinction between the two is neutralized in those morphemes or that the phonemic split into /j/ and /x/ is still underway in Aymara, having yet to occur in certain morphemes. 3-2.3 Canonical forms These do not vary dialectically. As noted by L. Martin-Barber (Hardman et al. 1975:3.69-70) most roots have the canonical form CVCV(CV}; another productive form is CVCCV with a reduplicative subclass of the form c 1 v 1 c 2 c 1 v 1 . Noun suffixes are of the form CV(CV), VCV, or c 1 c 2 v (c 1 nasal, c 2 stop} except for the verbalizer -pta~ which is unique among the noun suffixes in that it consists of two stops followed by a vowel. Verbal deri vational suffixes have the shape c 1 V((C 2 )V) except for a few c 1 c 2 v in which c 1 is a nasal and one c 1 c 2 v(c 3 )v, -rpaya ~ -rpa: (VV = V:). Verbal inflectional suffixes, except for the Simple and to an extent the Future tense, which have suffixes of the form (C)V and c 1 VC(V), are more complex, containing recurrent submorphemic partials PAGE 104 87 (see 6-3.2). Nonfinal independent suffixes {7-2.21) and final sentence suffixes (7-2.22) are of the form CV(CV). Verb subordinating suffixes (7-4.2) take the form (V)CV(CV) in which the first V, if any, is /i/. 3-2.4 Restrictions on phoneme occurrence 3-2.41 Individual phonemes The postvelar fricative /x/ occurs in root-initial position in only a few dialects and very rarely. The examples are xaxchi.na noun/verb xarsa.ni.na Jupa.x xarsa.n.i.w. 1 bobbin, already threaded; to wind thread on a bobbin 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 1 to have asthma, be out of breath 1 (vitocota) 'He's out of breath.' (Vitocota) A phoneme that does not occur initially in native Aymara roots is /r/. (A voiced fricative allophone of Spanish or Quechua /r/ may occur initially in loanwords.) The velar nasal may occur initially in suffixes but not initially in roots, even in the dialect where it is attested in roots. Evidence for the nonexistence of roots with /nh/ in Carangas, where suffixes with the phoneme do occur, is the pronunciation given by a speaker from Jopoqueri to the following Jaqaru PAGE 105 88 noun roots containing the velar nasal phoneme. Jaqaru inhatza 'agricultural worker' kanhara 'dried maguey cord' Aymara (Jopoqueri) *inhatsa [irJgatsa] *kanhara [kar:igara] That is, the speaker did not pronounce the velar nasal intervocalically in the two (to him) nonsense words given above but rather inserted a voiced velar [g] after the velar nasal, as did other speakers bilingual in Spanish (as he was) who had no velar nasal phoneme in their dia lects. Below are shown Jaqaru-Aymara cognates in which the Jaqaru has /nh/ while the Aymara (also of Jopoqueri) has /nq 11 /, /n/, /y/, or /yn/. (Jaqaru words, like those above, are from Hardman, personal communication.) Jaqaru Aymara manha 'down' mang 11 a 'down, inside' anhnatza 'down' aynacha 'down' anhshish~ta 'to quarrel 1 ayni.si.na 'to quarrel 1 yanha 'comrade, to help' yana~.ta.na 'to help' 3-2.42 Phoneme sequences Germinate (reduplicated) vowels may occur as vowel length, but sequences of different vowels PAGE 106 89 (diphthongs) do not occur. Vowel-glide and glide-vowel sequences do occur; the former are phonetically (but not phonemically) diphthongs. As noted above, two consonant clusters occur medially in roots and initially in some suffixes. The first consonant is usually not a stop, while the second usually is. 4 Clusters of two or more consonants may occur word-medially in all dialects as the result of suffixa tion accompanied by obligatory morphophonemic vowel deletion. Such clusters may also occur word-initially or -finally in certain dialects under certain conditions (see 4-3. 12. l, 4-3.32, and 6-4). 3-3 Nonphonemic Phenomena Nonphonemic phenomena include stress, intona tion, and the adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara. Subphonemic voicing of prevocalic stops is discussed in 4-3.21.3. 3-3. l Stress In all dialects stress occurs nonphonemically on the penultimate vowel of a word having more than one vowel. (A word in Aymara may be defined as a free form having at least one vowel, t~!! is, a root, stem, or theme.) Stress may appear to fall on a final vowel if the PAGE 107 90 final vowel is long. sara.: [sar~] 'I will go.' I : I 1+3 F Stress may also appear to fall on the final syllable if after stress placement has occurred, the final vowel of the word is devoiced or dropped. sar.1.wa ---> sar.1.w(a) 'he/she/it/they went' 0 Vowel restoration affects stress placement in the case of certain verbal inflectional suffixes (see 4-3.33). 3-3.2 Intonation No attempt was made in this study to assess vari ation in intonation patterns. Certain morphemes and syntactic units in all dialects carry intonation patterns that appear to adhere to them in all or almost all environ ments. Impressionistically the range of intonation levels appears flatter in La Paz than in dialects distant from the capital. Otherwise, differences in intonation seem to be primarily stylistic, but further study of the pat terning is needed before definite statements of condition ing may be made. 3-3.3 Spanish loans Spanish loans have entered and continue to enter Aymara, especially in urban areas. L. Martin-Barber has PAGE 108 91 described adaptation of Spanish loans to Aymara phonology (Hardman et al. 1975:3.81-88). Depending on the extent of the speaker's knowledge of Spanish phonology, such loans may be more or less 'Aymarized'. As will be noted in examples in other chapters, certain speakers incor porate Spanish loans that preserve some Spanish phonemes (for example /b/ or /g/) while other speakers adapt such loans to Aymara phonology. The whole process of entry of Spanish loans into Aymara merits a study of its own taking into account sociocultural factors. (See Chapter 9 for a discussion of heavily Spanish-influenced Aymara dialects. Aymara influence on Bolivian altiplano Spanish is now being investigated by H. Martfn and Laprade.) 3-4 Phonological Correspondences Within and Across Dialects One morpheme (the base form) may have a slightly different phonemic shape in one dialect (or idiolect) than in another. Usually differences of one or two pho nemes are involved. Some phonological correspondences within or across dialects parallel morphophonemic varia tion within certain dialects: the rules that change one phoneme to another or delete or retain phonemes in certain morphemes in certain environments. These morpho phonemic rules are discussed in Chapter 4. PAGE 109 92 The dialectal phonological correspondences to be discussed here will be treated by type of phoneme (vowels, consonants) and by morphological class of the morphemes in which they occur. The tilde (~) will be used between phonemes that correspond intraor crossdialectally, and between forms which are in free variation within a dialect. 3-4. l Vowel correspondences 3-2. 11 /a/~ /i/ Nouns: 'old man• •toasted corn• 'beautiful 1 'down, inside' /achachi/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) /achichi/ (Sitajara) /jamp'i/ (Calacoa) /jampi/ /jimp Ii/ (Morocomarca) (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara) /k 11 us.9i (Socca) /k 11 usif (Calacoa) /kusa/ (La Paz/Compi) /manq 11 a/ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri) /manq 11 i/ (Huancane, Sitajara) /mang 11 ~ ~ manq 11 i/ (Calacoa) PAGE 110 93 'last year' /mi!,Y.mara/ /mj_y.mara/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) (Sitajara) /mi!,Y.mara ~ mjy.mara/ (La Paz) 'hair cutting' /rutuch~ /rutuchi/ (La Paz) (Socca) Verbs: 'wild duck' /qanqata/ /qanqati/ 'other' /yaq 11 ~a/ /yaq 11 _ipa/ /ch 11 aqa.na/ (San Andres de Machaca) (Socca) (Vitocota) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (Salinas) (elsewhere) 'to meet' /j~ki.si.na/ (Juli, Socca) /jj_ki.si.na/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Salinas, Sitajara, Calacoa) 'to toast in oven' /jamp'i.na/ /jimp'i.na/ (La Paz, Calacoa) (Jopoqueri) 'what to do' /kami.cha.na/ (Salinas) /kam~.cha.na/ (elsewhere) PAGE 111 94 Suffixes: Verbal derivationals: 'on top of, up to' distancer /-xita.;./ /-xata-/ /-wa-/ /-wi-/ (Salinas) (elsewhere) (Juli, Huancane, Sacca, Calacoa, Calacala) (Jopoqueri) /-w~a~ -w~:-/ (La Paz) /-wjya-/ (Salinas) /-w~a~ -w~:~ -wa-/ (Sitajara) /-wjya~ -wi-/ (Morocomarca) /-w~a~ -wjya-/ (Corque) Verb subordinator: 3-4. 12 /a/~ /u/ Nouns: 'night, morning' 'evening' 'night' /-s~na/ /arama/ /arama/ /aruma/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Calacala) (elsewhere} (Jopoqueri) (Salinas) (La Paz, Juli, Huancane, Calacoa) PAGE 112 'night, morning, midnight to dawn' 'morning' 'chicha maker' 'blindness' 'cloud' Verbs: 'to remember' 'to cover a pot' Suffixes: 95 /aruma/ /ar~ia/ /ch~ira/ /ch!!_pira/ /ch 11 arpu/ /ch".!!_: rpu/ /qinaya/ /qinay!!_I /amtasi.na/ (Morocomarca) (Sitajara) (Sitajara) (Sacca) (Sacca, Jopoqueri) (Sitajara) (La Paz/Campi) (Huancane) (La Paz) /amt.!:!_.si.na/ (Juli) /q 11 ~.t•a.na/ (Jopoqueri, Moracomarca) /q"!!_P.t'a.na/ (La Paz/Campi) Verbal derivationals: 'away, off' /-much~-/ /-much.!!_-/ (Salinas) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) PAGE 113 96 'placer' /-nuqa-/ (all dialects) /-nuq~~ -nu(l!!-/ (Jopoqueri) Verbal inflectionals: 3-+4 Desiderative 3-+4 Remonstrator RDK 3-+4 RDK /-istE.spa ~ -istuspa/ (La Paz) /-istasapa:na ~ -ist.!!_sapa:na/ (La Paz) /-ituna/ +/-itana/ (La Paz) (Ebbing 1965:146) /-istana ~ -ist.!!_na/ (La Paz) /-stana ~ -st.!!_na/ {La Paz) Verb subordinator: 3-4. 13 /i/ ~ /u/ 5 Nouns: 'today' /-ip.!!_na/ [ieuna] /-ip~na/ (Calacala) (elsewhere) /j.!!_ch 11 u:ru/ /jich 11 u:ru/ (Ac hoc a 11 a) (elsewhere) PAGE 114 'around' Verbs: 97 /tuq.!!f /tuqi/ {Morocomarca, Calacala) {elsewhere) Stems based on the verb ina.na ~ una.na 'to see'. 'to wait for' 'to look at' 'to know' Other stems: 'to water' 'to hate' /ina.s.t'a.na/ {Morocomarca, Calacala) /una.s.t'a.na/ {Calacoa) /iria. si. na/ {Morocomarca) /ina.si.na ~ !!_na.si.na/ {Jopoqueri) /una.si.na/ /in• t I a• na/ /un.t'a.na/ /k I ayi. na/ /k I ay!!. na/ /ini.si.na/ /uni. si. na/ {elsewhere) {Morocomarca, Calacala) (Salinas, La Paz) (Calacoa) (Sitajara) (Salinas, Jopoqueri) (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa) PAGE 115 98 Suffixes: Verbal inflectionals: 3+1 RIK 3+4 RIK Final suffix: reiterator 3-4.14 /a/~ /i/ ~ /u/ /-itutu ~ -it!!_:tu/ (La Paz) /-itutu/ /-it!!_:tu/ (Morocomarca) (Salinas) /-ititu ~ -ti:tu/ (Sitajara) /-tj_:tu/ (Jopoqueri) /-ist!!_tU ~ -stutu ~ -ist!!_:tu/ (La Paz) /-i st!!_: tu/ (Salinas) /-istutu/ (Morocomarca) /-tj_: stu/ (Jopoqueri) (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Sacca) /-pi~ -pi:/ (Sitajara) /-pj_ ~ -p!!f (Jopoqueri, Salinas) /-p!!_ ~ -p!!_:/ (Corque) Examples are two verbs and one independent suffix. PAGE 116 'to cook' 'to wash clothes' 99 (La Paz, Salinas, Calacoa) /p 11 ~a.na ~ p 11 jya.na/ (Jopoqueri) /t I aXS~. ria/ /t'axs1.na/ (Morocomarca, Calacala, Huancane) (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Juli, Sitajara, Calacoa) (Salinas) /t'axs~.na ~ t'axsi.na ~ t'aXS!!_.na/ (La Paz) Independent suffix: 'really' /-p~ni/ /-pj_ni/ 3-4. 15 /a/~ /u/ and /a/~ /i~ (Jopoqueri) (Juli, Sitajara, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) (Huancane, Socca, Calacoa) (La Paz) This occurred in one verbal derivational suffix: 'sustained action' 3-4.16 Vowel ~ Nouns: 'a while ago' /-ch'!!_k_i-/ /nink"ara/ /nink"ra/ (Sitajara) (elsewhere) (La Paz, Salinas) (Morocomarca) PAGE 117 100 4p pronoun /jiwsa/ /jiwasa/ Suffixes: (Calacoa, Sitajara; also Bertonio 1603b) (elsewhere) Verbal inflectional: See the examples for Remonstrator and RDK tenses, 3-4. 12. Another example: 3+4 Future /-j_stani ~ -stani/ (La Paz) /-stani/ /-sitani/ /-j_stani/ Verb subordinators: (Calacoa, Sitajara) (Socca) (elsewhere) /-ipana ~ -ipna/ (La Paz) /-sina ~ -sna/ (La Paz, Juli, Sacca) /-sana/ /-sina/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, (elsewhere) 3-4.2 Consonant correspondences 3-4.21 Correspondences of plain, aspirated and glottalized stops and affricates These will be discussed in the following order: bilabials, alveolars, palatals, velars, and postvelars. 3-4.21.l Bilabials 3-4.21.11 /p/ ~ /p 11 / Nouns: 'quinoa' / j u.e_a/ (Morocomarca) PAGE 118 l 01 1 quinoa 1 /ju~ 3p pronoun /ju~ 1 day after tomorrow' 'five' 'nest' Suffixes: /ju.e_a/ /jur_i~_i/ /jur~ /jur.2_u:ru/ / jur.P.:_ u: ru/ /.2_isqa/ /.P.:_isqa/ /tap_a/ /t 11 a.2_a/ (elsewhere) (Morocomarca) (elsewhere) (Jopoqueri) (Calacoa) (La Paz) (Juli) (Salinas; also Bertonio 1603b) (La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri) (La Paz/Campi} (Salinas, Morocomarca, Juli) (Jopoqueri, Calacoa) Verbal inflectionals: Socca has /p 11 / where others have /p/ (or a different form) in 3+3, 3+1, and 3+4 Imperative inflections. Morocomarca has /p 11 / where others have /p/ (or a different form) in 3+1 and 3+4 Desiderative and Remonstrative tenses (see Figures 6-5 and 6-6). PAGE 119 3-4.21.12 /p/ ~ /p'/ Noun: 'toasted corn' 102 /jamE_i/ /jamLi/ /jimLi/ (Morocomarca) (Calacoa) (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara) 3-4.21.13 /p/ ~ /p"/ ~ /p'/ 3-4.21.2 Noun: 'evening' /jayE_u/ /jay~u/ /jayLu/ Alveolars /t/ ~ /t"/ (Huancane, Sitajara) (Morocomarca) (La Paz, Jopoqueri) (No examples occurred of correspondences between /t/ or /t"/ and /t'/.) Nouns: 'this morning' 'flea 1 /jich"armanti/ (Juli) /jich 11 arman!_ 11 i/ (La Paz) /k'u!i/ (La Paz/Campi} (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) PAGE 120 Suffixes: Noun suffix: 'of, from' 103 /-!_a/ /-ta ~ -~a/ /-~a/ (La Paz) (Juli, Huancane, Calacoa, Jopoqueri) (Sitajara, Salinas, Morocomarca) Verbal inflectionals: 1+3 Simple 1+3 Desiderative and 1+3 Remonstrator 1+3 RDK 1+3 RDK 1+3 RIK /t 11 a / c-v /t 11 a / CC (La Paz, Huancan~, Calacoa) (Calacoa) (elsewhere) ending in /-ta/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancane) ending in /-~a/ (elsewhere) /-:~a/ /-ya:~a/ ending in ending in /-ta/ (La Paz) (elsewhere) (La Paz) (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) (La Paz, Huancan~, Sacca) /-~a/ (Juli, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) PAGE 121 104 3-4.21.3 Palatal affricates 3-4. 21. 31 /ch/ ~ /ch 11 / Nouns: 'pig' /k 11 uchi ~ k 11 uch 11 i/ (La Paz) 1 daughter 1 Noun suffix: 'the one which' /p 11 ucha/ (La Paz) /p 11 ucha ~ p 11 uch 11 a/ (Huancane) /-chapi/ (Huancane; also Bertonio 1603b) (Sitajara, Jopoqueri) 3-4.21.32 /ch/~ /ch 11 / ~ /ch'/ Moun: 'chick' Noun suffix: /chiwi/ (Socca) /chiwli ~ ch 11 iwli ~ ch 11 iwchi /-chi/ (La Paz, Tiahuanaco) (San Andres de Machaca) (La Paz, Calacoa, Juli, Sitajara) (Jopoqueri) PAGE 122 105 (Salinas} /-chi~ -ch'i/ (Morocomarca, Huancane} 3-4.21.4 Velars 3-4.21.41 /k/ ~ /k"/ Nouns: 'fly' /ch"ich"illanka ~ ch"ich"illan~a 'beard' Verbs: 'to count' 'to carry on donkey' Particle: 'fast' (La Paz} /sunka/ (Calacoa} /sunta ~ sun~a/ (Sitajara} /sun~a/ /jatu.na/ / ja.r'._u. na/ (La Paz/Compi} (Calacoa} (La Paz, Sitajara, Socca} /kumu.si.na/ (Juli} /~umu.nta.na/ (Salinas} [nda] /~um.t'a.wa.na/ (Sitajara} / .r'._ umu. na/ /ma.r'._i / (Calacoa, La Paz} (La Paz} (Calacoa} PAGE 123 106 Suffixes: Verb derivationals: 'across' /-kata~ -k 11 ata-/ (La Paz) 'sustained action' /-~ata-/ /-ch'a~a-/ /-ch'uii/ Verbal inflectionals: 1+3, 1+2, and 3+2 Remonstrator /kll/ /k/ (See Figure 6-6.) 3-4.21.42 /k/ ~ /k'/ (Jopoqueri) (Sitajara) (elsewhere) (Morocomarca) (La Paz, Socca, Huancane, Calacoa) The only example occurred in a nonminimal pair; see the fourth example given under 3-4.21.6. 3-4.21.5 Postvelars 3-4.21.51 /q/ ~ /q 11 / Noun: 'spindle' /g_apu/ /~apu/ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) (Calacoa) /g_apu ~ ~apu/ (Salinas) PAGE 124 Verb: 'to dance• 107 /t"u~u. na/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa, San Andr~s de Machaca) /t 11 uq 11 u.na ~ t 11 !!9._U.na/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, Salinas) 3-4.21.52 /q 11 / ~ /q'/ Noun: •worm' /la~u/ /1 a~u/ (Calacoa) (Sitajara, Salinas Jopoqueri) 3-4.21.53 /q/ ~ /q"/ ~ /q'/ 3-4.21.6 Noun: •sweet' /musg_a/ /mus~a/ (Huancane) (Jopoqueri) /mus~a ~ mus~a/ (Salinas, San Andr~s de Machaca) Combinations of plain, aspirated, and glottal ized stops and affricates Nouns: 1 brooch 1 (San Andr~s de Machaca, Jopoqueri) (Calacoa) /~ich 1 i ~ Lich 11 i/ (Salinas) PAGE 125 l 08 'thorn' /ch 11 a.E!_i ~ ch'i.E!_a/ (Calacoa) /ch 1 a~i/ (Morocomarca) (Jopoqueri) /ch'a.E!_i ~ ch 1 a~i/ (Salinas) •ant' /si.E!_ilan~a/ (Sitijara) /siQ.'.._i l anka/ 'rooster• (Calacoa) (Calacoa) (Jopoqueri) 3-4.22 Correspondences of stops or affricates with fricatives or glide /y/ The velar and postvelar stops and the palatal affricates enter into correspondences with the fricatives. There are also correspondences of velar stops and frica tives plus /i/ (/ki/ or /ji/) with the front glide /y/. Correspondences of /k/ and /j/ and of /ch/ and /s/ are paralleled by certain morphophonemic rules that change the stop or affricate to the fricative under certain con ditions in certain dialects (see 4-3.22.23 and 4-3.22.25). 3-4.22. l Stops and fricatives 3-4.22.11 /k/ ~ /k"/ ~ /j/ Correspondences of velar stop and fricative occur in a number of morphemes including some that have a high PAGE 126 109 functional load like the verbal derivational suffix -ka~ -k 11 a~ -ja-. Nouns: 'big' 'same, identical 1 Verbs: 'to die' Particle: 'fast' Suffix: /1ach I a/ /_j_ach'a/ /ki1pa/ /kijpa/ /1iwa.na/ /_j_iwa.na/ /mali/ /ma :ii/ /ma:ji/ (Juli) (elsewhere) (La Paz) (Jopoqueri) (Juli) (elsewhere) (Calacala) (La Paz) (Calacoa) (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) Verbal derivational: incompletive, 'ahead' /-ka-/ (La Paz, Juli, Morocomarca) /-ja-/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) /-ka~ -k"a-/ (Salinas) 6 PAGE 127 110 3-4.22. 12 /k/ ~ /k 11 / ~ /j/ ~ /s/ These correspond in the /iri/ forms of the Desidera tive and Remonstrator tense inflectional suffixes (Figures 6-5 and 6-6) as summarized below. Clusters of stop fricative, fricative-stop, or fricative-fricative alternate with single phonemes. Desiderative Remonstrator /s/ /sk/ {La Paz) /k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ (Juli) /k/ ~ /j/ /k/ (Socca) /s/ ~ /ks/ /k/ ~ /ks/ (Huancane) /k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ (Calacoa) /j/ ~ /js/ /j/ ~ /js/ {Sitajara) /j/ /j/ {Jopoqueri) /j/ ~ /s/ /j/ ~ /s/ {Salinas) /k 11 / ~ /s/ /k/ ~ /k 11 / (Morocomarca) 3-4.22. 13 /q/ ~ /x/ Noun: 'dog' /anuqara/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Huancane, Vitocota) /anu~ara/ (Sitajara) PAGE 128 111 Verbal derivational suffix: 'completive' (Calacala) (elsewhere) 3-4.22.2 Velar stop and/or velar fricative plus /i/, and /y/ (or vowel length or zero) 3-4.22.21 /ki/ ~ /y/ Noun suffix: 'for' /-tayj /-taki/ (Sitajara) (elsewhere) 3-4.22.22 /ki/ ~ /ji/ ~ /y/ Independent nonfinal suffix: 'just, only' /-ki/ /-ki ~ -ji/ /-ki ~ -y/ (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri) (Morocomarca, Salinas) (Sitajara) 3-4.22.23 /ki/ ~ /k"i/ ~ /ji/ ~ /y/ ~ /:/ ~ /'/JI Independent nonfinal suffix: 'aggregate, cautionary' /-raki/ (Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Huancan~7, La Paz, Jopoqueri) /-raki ~ -raji/ (Calacala, Morocomarca) /-raki ~ -raji ~ -r.!5_ ~ -ray} (Sitajara) / k . k". . . / -ra_, ~ -ra_, ~ -ra.J..:!.. ~ -ra-=-~ -ra (Salinas) 8 PAGE 129 11 2 3-4.22.3 Affricates and fricatives 3-4.22.31 /ch/~ /s/ Nouns: 1 beard 1 1 small 1 'happy' 1 five 1 3-4.22.32 /ch 11 / ~ /s/ ~ Verb: 'to lead animal (e. g. cow)' 'to lead one small animal' /chunk 11 a/ /sunk 11 a/ /chiq 11 a/ l.?..iq' a/ /i.?..k I a/ (Salinas) (Sitajara) (La Paz/Compi) (Jopoqueri) (Juli, Calacoa) V V /ichk 1 a/ [ick'a ~ isk'a] (Sitajara) /ku.?..i/ /k'uchi/ /pichq 11 a/ /pi.?..q"a/ /j/ /ch 11 ik 11 a.na/ /j_ik 11 a.na/ f.?..ik 11 a.wa.na/ /j_i k 11 a. na/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas) (Juli, Sitajara) (Calacala) (Huancane) (Jopoqueri) (La Paz/Campi) (Calacoa) (Jopoqueri) PAGE 130 113 The verb 'to ask' displays correspondences of affricates and fricatives in initial position and of the velar stop and fricatives in medial position. In most of the following examples the verbal derivational suffixes -t'amomentaneous and -sireflexive/reciprocal occur in the stems. /chik.t'a.si.na/ /ch'ij.t'a.si.na/ /chi~.t•a.si.na/ /j_i~.t•a.si.na/ /jisk"i.na/ /ji~. t a. na/ /~i~.t•a.na/ (Salinas) ( Jopoqueri ) (Jopoqueri; a different speaker from the above) (La Paz, Sitajara) (Sitajara) (Juli) (Juli) /~.i~t•a.si.na ~ ~i!_.t'a.si.na/ (Morocomarca) 3-4.22.3 Affricate /ch/ and fricative-stop /st/ Verb: 'to come out' /michu.na/ /mistu.na/ (Calacoa) (elsewhere) PAGE 131 114 3-4.23 Correspondences of fricatives, nasals, glides, laterals, and flap 3-4.23.l Fricatives /j/ and /s/ Noun: 'door' /j_ist'ana/ /~it 'aria/ (La Paz, Morocomarca) (Salinas) /j_ist'ana ~ ~it'ana/ (Jopoqueri) /~ist 1 ana/ (Calacoa) See also the correspondences shown under 3-4.22.32 and the discussion of the verb sa.na (6-4). 3-4.23.2 Fricative /j/ and nasals 3-4.23.21 /j/ ~ /m/ Verb: 'to select {grapes from a bunch, chuno from a pile, etc.)' /j_amu.rpaya.na ~ mamu.rpaya.na/ 3-4.23.22 /j/ ~ /n/ Noun: 'a while ago' /j_ink"ara/ /.!J..ink"ara/ (La Paz, Tiahuanaco) (Jopoqueri) (La Paz, Salinas) PAGE 132 115 3-4.23.23 / j / ~ /n/ Noun: 'ugly, disgusting' /jaxt'ana/ (Sitajara) /liaxt'ana/ (Salinas) 3-4.23.24 / j / ~ /nh/ Noun: 'face' /anhanu/ (Sitajara) /ajanu/ (elsewhere) 3-4.23.3 Fricative /j/ and glides 3-4.23.31 / j / ~ /w/ Noun: 'straw' /j_i ch''u/ (Sitajara, La Paz/Compi) /wich"u/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacoa) Verbs: I to fly' /j_ala.na/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) /~ala.na/ (Calacoa) 'to run' /jala.na/ (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) PAGE 133 'to count' 3-4.23.32 /j/ ~ /y/ Noun: 'other' 3-4.23.4 Laterals Nouns: 'all, completely' 'stone deaf' 'brother' 116 /jaku.na/ /jak 11 u.na/ /wak 11 u.na/ /jaq 11 apa/ /yaq 11 apa/ /yaq 11 ipa/ /liju ~ lliju/ /liju/ /luxt'u/ /.lluta/ /jila/ /j ill a/ (Calacoa) (La Paz, Sacca, Sitajara) (Jopoqueri, Salinas) (Sitajara) ""< (Vitocota) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (Salinas) (La Paz, Calacoa) (Morocomarca, Huancan~) (Sitajara) (all dialects) (Jopoqueri; one source) 3-4.23.5 Laterals and nasals 3-4.23.51 /1/ ~ /n/ Nouns: 'flower' /kalawila ~ kalawi.!!_a/ (Calacoa) oveja [oee~a] > oveja II > 144 Aymara iwisa iwija uwija {pre-1630) (early post-1630) (contemporary) The reason for the original borrowing's shift in initial vowel from the back mid /o/ (whose reflex in Aymara would be /u/) to the front /i/ is unknown; it may be that a vowel harmony rule was then in effect in Aymara (see 4-3.22. 11). 6 salinas has a morphophonemic rule whereby the /k/ of this suffix becomes /j/ in certain environments; see 4-3.22.23. 7 Huancane has a morphophonemic rule whereby /-raki/ becomes /-raj/ before -chi NI (see 4-3.22.23). 8 see also 4-3.22.23 and 7-2.21.4. 9 Although *a:.na did not occur in the data, the existence of a:.xaru.wa.na implies its existence, if only as an underlying form. The suffix -xarurequires a pre ceding consonant, but here the length is retained by a morphophonemic rule (see 4-3.22. 15) whereby vowel length in verb roots is retained before consonant-requiring suf fixes. Bertonio (1603b) cited several verb roots with long vowel, including +a:-, the semantic equivalent of La Paz aya.na. -10speakers using /-ja/ lp possessive have no homophony with the final suffix -xa in this instance (see the examples under 3-2.3), but dialects having /-xa/ lp possessive do have homophony with final suffix -xa. Thus, in the latter the following is either 'my cat' or 'the/a cat': p 11 isi.xa. Of course, the lp suffix /-xa/ may be followed by the final suffix -xa giving p II i s i . x a . x a I my cat 1 -11 correspondences of/:/, /j/, /n/, and /nh/ occur in 2+3 Future, and of/:/, /n/, and /nh/ in 2+1 Future (see Figure 6-3). PAGE 162 CHAPTER 4 VARIATION IN MORPHOPHONEMICS 4-1 Introduction Morphophonemics may be defined as the rules which determine the phonological shapes of morphemes under dif ferent phonological, morphological, and syntactic condi tions. All three kinds of conditioning occur in Aymara. All morphophonemic rules in the language are morphologically conditioned in that they apply within morphemes or across morpheme boundaries, and/or to certain morphemes or mor pheme classes and not to others. Some are also phono logically conditioned, involving (1) instability of cer tain phonemes; (2) permitted and unpermitted phoneme sequences and the effects of phonemes on each other when they occur in sequence; and (3) hierarchical ordering of phonemes (i. e. predominance of one over another). Some are syntactically conditioned by the sentence position or function of the word that is subject to the rule in question. Of overriding importance in Aymara are the re gressive and progressive vowel-deleting and -retaining 145 PAGE 163 146 rules, most of which pertain to suffixes. The rules for suffixes are all morphologically determined in that they apply to individual morphemes, but some are also phono logically and syntactically conditioned. Vowel-deletion and -retention in noun roots, stems, and themes are subject to syntactic considerations (position and function as head or modifier of a noun phrase, or function as subject or object of a verb) and also to phonotactics (e. g. the number of vowels in a modifier in a noun phrase). The particle root jani 'no, not' loses its final vowel in certain syntactically conditioned circumstances. Vowel-deletion and -retention in certain verb stems are also subject to phonotactic considerations. 4-2 Morphologically Determined Vowel-Deleting and -Retaining Rules (Morphophonemics of Suffixes) In addition to its classification by phonemic shape and grammatical function, each suffix in Aymara may be defined in terms of the effect it has (1) on the immediately preceding environment with respect to presence or absence of vowel or consonant, and (2) on the disposi tion of its own final vowel. Some of the conditioning is phonological and some syntactic, but it is primarily morphological and must be stated for each suffix, as is PAGE 164 147 done in Chapters 5, 6, and 7. The following generaliza tions about suffix classes may be made. 4-2. 1 Phonological and morphological conditioning All suffixes starting with/:/ vowel length, /y/, and /11/ require a preceding vowel. All suffixes starting with /w/ require a preceding vowel except -wa final suffix which may take either a preceding vowel or consonant. All suffixes beginning with a vowel (always /i/) require a preceding consonant, except that the nominalizing suffix -iri when following vowel length verbalization in Huancan~ (see 4-3.22. 12) permits a pre ceding /a/, the /i/ then becoming the homorganic glide /y/. All but three noun suffixes beginning with a voiced consonant and all but two verbal derivational suffixes beginning with a voiced consonant always re quire a preceding vowel. The three noun suffixes that do not always require a preceding vowel are -layku ~ -rayku 1 0n account of 1 and -ma~ -mma (a frozen suffix) which basically require a preceding vowel but are subject to the three-vowel rule (see 4-3.22. 16), and -na 1 0n in 1 -which is usually preceded by a vowel but has more complex morphophonemics in certain dialects. Verbal derivational suffixes that begin with the nasal /n/ but may be preceded by either a consonant or a vowel are -naqa'around, aimlessly' and -nuqaplacer. PAGE 165 148 Verbal inflectional suffixes beginning with nasals require a preceding vowel except that one suffix beginning with /m/, 2+3 Imperative, is affected by the preceding morphological environment (see 6-3.33). Verbal inflec tional suffixes ending in nasals may be assumed to have an underlying final /a/ since it reappears before the final suffix -lla ~ -ya, and in fact all nasal-final verbal inflectional suffixes have allomorphs that end in vowels in one or more dialects. Most verbal inflectional suffixes ending in a vowel keep it before final suffixes although they may lose it word-finally, but verbal inflec tional suffixes ending in /Vna/ or /:na/ and allomorphs of 1+3 ending in /ta/ or /t 11 a/ (except in Calacoa) drop the final /a/ before following suffixes except -lla ~ -ya. The behavior of the final vowel of the 2+3 Imperative suffix -ma and of a few other suffixes also involving the 2p varies dialectically. 4-2.2 Morphological conditioning Noun suffixes and verbal derivational suffixes specify whether a consonant or vowel will precede, but (except for certain of the noun complement/relational suffixes; see 5-3.31) do not control the retention or loss of their own final vowel. Verbal inflectional suffixes both specify the preceding environment and con trol the retention and loss of their own final vowel (within the phonological limitations indicated above). PAGE 166 149 4-2.3 Phonological and syntactic conditioning Phonotactic (canonical form) considerations such as (1) the number of preceding vowels on a stem, or (2) avoidance of final consonant clusters caused by syntac tically-determined final vowel-deletion, condition regres sive vowel-deletion or -retention by certain noun and verbal derivational suffixes. (See 4-3.22. 16.on the three-vowel rule; 5-3.24 on the personal possessive noun suffixes; and 7-4.21.23 on the suffix combination -na.taki 'in order to'.) 4-2.4 Morphological and syntactic conditioning Nonfinal independent suffixes specify the pre ceding environment but allow the previous morpheme, syntactic considerations, and/or the following suffix to override their basic morphophonemics. Final suffixes (except -lla ~ -ya politive which requires a preceding vowel by phonological conditioning) allow previous mor phemes and syntactic considerations to decide their pre ceding environments. The retention or loss of their final vowels is subject to stylistic conditioning. 4-3 Phonotactically Conditioned Rules (Canonical Form Conditions) The following rules are conditioned by position of the phoneme or phoneme sequence in the word and involve PAGE 167 150 loss of phonemes or phoneme sequences, addition or restora tion of phonemes or phoneme sequences, cluster reduction, allophonic variation, and phoneme shifts. They sometimes pertain only to certain morphemes or morpheme classes, sometimes or more than one class. They often result from suffix morphophonemics. A few are tied to syntactic con siderations. Most are optional, 1 but a few are obliga tory. 4-3. l Word-initial position 4-3. 11 Initial /j/ --> Optional loss of initial /j/ in rapid speech is not to be confused with existence of different allomorphs of one morpheme (either within a dialect or across dia lects), one beginning with a vowel and the other with that vowel preceded by /j/ (see 3-4.25). Initial /j/ often drops from the particle jalla 'thus' as in the common expression (j)all uka.t 'so then, thus' (Sacca) Loss of initial /j/ also occurs across juncture (word-boundary), as in qam.ir.agi < qam.ir jagi 'rich person' (Huancan~) jich 11 .ayp 1 u 2 < jich 11 a jayp'u (La Paz) PAGE 168 l 51 4-3. 12 Initial (C)V deletion Optional deletion of initial fricative-vowel, palatal lateral-vowel, or vowel alone occurs after devoicing of the vowel in rapid speech. That is, the sequence is (C)V --> l 4-3. 12. l /jV/ --> (C)V --> 9L 2 3 Optional loss of initial /jV/ occurs most often in nouns, but it has also occurred in particles and in a verb. Examples: Nouns: ch".u:ru 3 < jich"a 'today' (Salinas) jich"a 'now uru 'day' ch'a.mma.la 4 < jach'a mama.la 'grandmother' (Jopoqueri) jach'a 'big' mama. la 'mother' sk'a:nu 5 < jisk'a anu 'little dog' (La Paz/Campi) jisk'a 'little' anu 'dog' ma: k'a.ta.x < ma: juk'a.ta.x 'a little' (Sitajara) ma: 'a' juk'a 'little' -ta 'from, of' < jupa.x 3p pronoun (Huancan~) PAGE 169 152 Verb: k.xat.ta.tayna ~ q 11 at.ta.tayna 6 < jik.xat.ta.tayna 'he met' (Salinas) Particles: ni .w < jani .w 'no' (Salinas, Calacoa, Huancane) jani_ 'no' -wa final suffix sa.lla < jisa.lla 'yes' (Salinas) jisa 'yes' -lla final suffix sa.ya < jisa.ya 'yes' (La Paz, Calacala) :::.Y.2.. final suffix 43. l 2 . 2 / s a/ -> 0 The root saof the verb sa.na 'to say' may drop when followed by -sa subordinator suffix (7-4.23. l). sa.w s.i < sa.sa.w s.i 'saying he said' -wa final suffix -i 3+3 Simple tense 4-3.12.3 /lla/ --> 0 (La Paz, Sitajara) \ ,f The following were said by the same person in Sitajara on two different occasions. PAGE 170 153 Wal k 11 ichu.si.ta.p.x.t. 'I am very unhappy.' Wal llak 11 ichu. s. t. 'I am very unhappy.' The variant without initial /lla/ was perceived by speakers from Sacca and Jopoqueri as 'archaic' (Spanish arcaico). 4-3. 12.4 /u/ --> 0 Loss of initial /u/ occurs on the demonstrative uka 'that' when suffixed by -jama 'like' in the form uk.jama (or uk 11 ama; see 4-3.22.22). k 11 ama.w ch 11 a.x < uk 11 ama.w jich 11 a.x 'so now' (Huancane) In other instances the first vowel of -jama becomes /u/ apparently through the progressive influence of the origi nal initial /u/ of uka. k"um [k"v m] < uk"am (Huancan~, Sitajara) 4-3. 13 Initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.na Optional preposition of /si/ or /ji/ to the verb sa.na 'to say' when inflected for the Simple tense occurs frequently in La Paz, less often in Juli and Sacca, and to some extent in Huancan~, to eliminate initial consonant clusters that would otherwise occur as the result of the morphophonemics of certain suffixes that require a PAGE 171 154 preceding consonant, when the suffixes occur on the mono syllabic sa.na root. In view of the existence in Aymara of morphopho nemic rules for deleting initial CV and the absence of prefixing as a productive grammatical process in the language, it might be better to analyze sa.na as having the underlying root *!isawhich obligatorily loses its s initial CV when suffixed with -na (perhaps to avoid homophony with jis sa.na 'to say yes') but may keep it or lose it otherwise, depending on dialectal and stylis tic considerations. (For a full discussion of the morpho phonemics of this verb, see 6-4J 4-3.2 Medial position The following rules occur either medially in a word or across juncture in a noun phrase. 4-3.21 Allophonic variation 4-3.21. l /q'/ --> ['] Reduction of a glottalized postvelar stop to glottal stop alone occurs sporadically in the noun/verb root mag'a 'food/to eat' in Salinas, Calacala, and Moro comarca, as in the following examples: mag'a.nta.:nt [ma(q)'anda:nt] 'you will eat' (Calacala) PAGE 172 155 maq'a. lla [ma(q)'alla] 'food' (Salinas) 4-3.21.2 /n/ --> [~J In Morocomarca a palatalized velar allophone of /n/, articulated with the blade of the tongue moving forward from velum to palate, may optionally occur in the lp possessive suffix allomorph /-na/ when it directly follows a postvelar, velar, or palatal consonant (except the glide /y/, perhaps because of its fronted onset) as the result of morphophonemic vowel dropping. (See 5-3.24 for a discussion of personal possessive suffix morphophonemics.) The allophone[~] also occurs after the alveolars /t/ and /r/. No examples after /s/ or /1/ were obtained. Examples: kullak.na [kutak9a] 'my sister' kullaka.nak.na [kutakanakDa] 'my sisters' After bilabials, [n] always occurs. Warm.na.wa. [warmnawa] 'She's my wife. 1 The articulation of a palatalized velar allophone of /n/ suggests a phonetic relic of the velar nasal phoneme /nh/ which does not exist as such in the Aymara of PAGE 173 156 Morocomarca today although it occurs in the nearby dia lect of Jopoqueri. 4-3.21.3 Stop-voicing rules Stop phonemes are usually voiceless in Aymara. Voicing, if any, is subphonemic. It may be accompanied by frication, the stop in question changing to a homor ganic voiced fricative. 4-3.21.31 Voicing and frication of intervocalic plain stops7 This occurs optionally in all Aymara dialects in the demonstratives aka 'this' and uka 'that' when they occur suffixed. It occurs occasionally in certain other morphemes, in some dialects. It occurs before but not after a stressed vowel and most often in fast speech. Examples: aka [ ka] 1 th i s 1 (never *[~a]) (all dialects) uka [aka] 'that' (never *[Qa]) (all dialects) Kuna.rak aka.sti? [adsti] 'What is this?' (Huancan~) uka.t [u~t] 'then' uka.x [u~x] 'that' (all dialects) uka.t.raji [uatrdji] 'and then' (Calacala) An example from Calacala with uka.n 'in there, in that place' shows diphthong avoidance as well as PAGE 174 157 voicing and frication of /k/. ing: padre uka.n [padre~n] •at the priest's house• Other examples in other morphemes are the followma: gala r~] at.xa.na.k.s 1 0n top of a stone• (Calacoa) LP 1 stone 1 pata 1 top 1 na.naka.x [nana~x] lp pronoun 1 we/us 1 (Calacala) -naka plural jagu.x [jax] 1 he fell 1 (Calacala) jaqu.na 1 to fall 1 > pur.ipun [purievn] 'having arrived' (Calacala) puri.na 1 to arrive• -ipuna subordinating suffix Ma: gamagi.ki.:n.wa. [qamaqe~:nwa] 1 He was just a fox. 1 (Salinas) -ki I just• In Calacala /k/ of the final suffix -ka topic/attenuator (which may sometimes be a reduced form of uka) may be realized as [] (see 7-2.22. 11). PAGE 175 158 4-3.21.32 Voicing and frication of prevocalic /p/ in 3p suffix This occurred only in Calacala. The vowel follow ing /p/ is stressed. In both examples /p/ is preceded by a stop rather than a vowel as in the previous rule. ut.pa.ru V [ut ~ru] 'to his house' lak.pa.ru V [la h ~ru] 'to his mouth' In the second example the voicing and frication are also regressive, affecting the /k/ of laka 'mouth'. It is interesting to note that .:...P_! is the only personal posses sive suffix that begins with a stop; the others all begin with nonstops. Whether this fact has any bearing on the frication of /p/ in this instance is not yet determined. This may instead be a case of operation of the intervocalic voicing rule (4-3.21.31} on the underlying forms *uta.pa.ru and *laka.pa.ru, followed by operation of the rule deleting the vowel preceding~ (5-3.24}. 4-3.21.33 Prevocalic voicing after homorganic nasal or palatal lateral This rule is obligatory in Salinas within morphemes regardless of position of word stress. The rule may be tentatively written as follows as if it applied after any PAGE 176 159 nonstop voiced consonant, even though the only examples available have nasals or the palatal lateral. a.art -vd +cons +stop ---> art= point of articulation cons= consonantal +vd I aart +vd +cons -stop vd = voiced +vd -cons It will be noted that in this rule frication does not occur; the stops remain stops. I n t he f o l l ow i n g exam p l e s from S a l i n a s, v o i c i n g is required as the stop in question occurs within a morpheme. .Nouns: ampara [am.Q_~ra] 'hand, arm' kunka [kaaga] 'neck' < punku [ptiagu] 'door' < tunka [ta~ga] 'ten' < tunqu [t6~go] 1 corn 1 > qunquri [qo~g6ri] 'knee' > PAGE 177 160 Noun suffix: -nti [ndi] 'with' ma.nti [man.Q_i] 'again' Verbs: manta.na [mandana] 'to enter' gallta.na [qatdana] 'to begin' wangi.na [waogena] 'to wait for' Verbal derivational suffix: -nta[nda] 'into' ira.nta.na [irandana] Verbal inflectional suffixes: -nta [nda] 2+3 Future -itanta [itanda] 2+1 Future An example of an alternation between [k] and [g] within a morpheme is the following: tink.t.wa [ti~ttwa] 'I fell' tinku.na [ti~guna] 'to fall' In the first instance the voicing rule is blocked by the presence of the voiceless stop /t/ after /k/. The rule is also blocked before juncture if the stop PAGE 178 161 occurs immediately before a final dropped vowel; if the vowel is not dropped (even if it is devoiced) the rule will operate: Ma.nti [mandi] ala.ni.rao.ita.11. 1 Buy it again for me. 1 -0 ma.nti 1 again 1 ala.ni.na 1 to buy• In the next example, tunqu 1 corn 1 as zero complement (4-3.31.2) loses its final vowel, blocking the voicing rule even though the following word begins with a vowel. Tunq0 [tonq] ap.j.t 11 a ampara.nti [ambarang_i] > 1 I am carrying corn in my hands. 1 tungu 1 corn 1 ampara 1 hand 1 Aspiration or glottalization also blocks voicing, as in the following: wint 11 u [win~u] 1 corner 1 wank 1 u [wa~~u] •guinea pig' Nor does voicing occur in Spanish loans that lack it. sirwinta [sirwinta] < Spanish sirvienta PAGE 179 162 Nor does it occur if the nasal or lateral and the follow ing stops are not homorganic. gillga.na [qetqana] 'to write' The palatal affricate /ch/, which patterns with the stops, does not voice after the nonhomorganic alveolar /n/. (No examples of palatal /n/ followed by /ch/ have occurred in the data.) jinchu [hincu] 1 ear 1 Across morpheme boundaries within a word, voicing may optionally occur if the voiced consonant and the following stop are homorganic, unless the word stress occurs before the voiced consonant, a restriction not applying within single morphemes. Examples: mam.pa [mamQ_a] 'his mother' mama 'mother' .::.E@.. 3p possessive jan sa. :tan.ti [sa:t~n!_i] 'we will not say to him' -:tan 4+3 Future -ti negative final suffix The morpheme combination -n.ka-, composed of -na noun suffix 'in, on' plus -kaverbalizer, acts PAGE 180 163 morphologically like a unit; -kaverbalizer never occurs except preceded by -na (usually reduced to the velar nasal allophone of /n/, which is homorganic to /k/). In this combination /k/ always voices in Salinas. aka.n.k.i.wa [akan.9..fwa] 'it's here' -na 1 in, of' -kaverbalizer In other cases where the sequence /nk/ occurs across mor pheme boundaries and the word stress occurs after the nasal, voicing may or may not occur depending on whether the nasal is realized as homorganic to the following velar, or not. (Nonhomorganic realizations occur in more careful speech.) Nonhomorganic: mun.ka.:na [munk~:na] 'he wanted' muna.na 'to wait' -kaincompletive alira.n.k.i [alir~nki] 'the field is sprouting' -niapproacher -kaincompletive Homorganic: tani.n.k.i:pan [tani~g1:pan] 'running' -niapproacher -kaincompletive PAGE 181 164 In addition to its obligatory and optional occur rences in Salinas, voicing of prevocalic stops occurred sporadically after homorganic nasals in several other dialects. In Calacala it occurred sporadically in the following: Particle: ampi [am_p_f am.Q_f] 'right?' Noun suffix: -mpi ~ -nti [m.2_i ~ mbi ~ nti ~ n.Q_i] 'with' In Sitajara voicing occurred more often in the speech of one speaker (a woman under 30, bilingual in Spanish) than in that of another (a monolingual woman over 60) and always in suffixes, not roots. In Corque voicing occurred in songs and in a story told by a woman about 50, but it was generally less noticeable than in Sitajara, Calacala, or Salinas. In Huancane optional voicing of -n.ka(-na plus -kaverbalizer) occurred as in the following: k kawki.n.ka.s.ka.raki? [kawki~ ~ askaraki] 'Where is it?' g PAGE 182 165 4-3.22 Phonemic variation 4-3.22.1 Vowels 4-3.22. 11 Predominance of /u/ over /i/ in verbs In verbs a final root vowel /u/ obligatorily predominates over an initial /i/ of a following suffix. t"ugu'dance' + -iri 'actor/purposive' > t 11 uqu.ri 'dancer/in order to dance' (La Paz) In Salinas the rule extends to the second /i/ of -iri. t"ugu.ru 'dancer/in order to dance' (Salinas) On verbs having the final root vowel /a/ it drops before i r i . chura'give' + -iri > chur.iri 'giver' The predominance of /u/ over /i/ in Aymara is limited to inflection and therefore to verbs. In the following example of a noun plus a derivational suffix beginning with /i/, the final root vowel /u/ does not predominate over the following /i/. ajanu 'face' + -itu 'little' > ajan.itu 'little face' (La Paz) PAGE 183 166 4-3.22. 12 Geminate vowel sequences and vowel length Geminate vowel sequences may occur at the word boundary (juncture) between a modifier and a head in a noun phrase or as a result of suffixation with a morpheme of vowel length such as 1+3 F (see 6-3.32) or vowel length verbalization (see 5-3.41.2). Uka aru .wa. 1 It I s that word. 1 (La Paz; Hardman et al. l 97 5: 3 . 11 0) Sara. : . 1 I wi 11 go. 1 -:1+3 Future (all dialects) kawki 1 where 1 + verbalizer + iri 1 actor 1 > -v---ck k . .8 aw . 1: r, 'which 1 (La Paz) k 11 uri •way over yonder• + ::...~ verbalizer + .::.ciri 1 actor 1 > k 11 ur. i :ri 8 'that one way over yonder• (La Paz) The length may optionally reduce to simple vowel. kawkiri 'which' (La Paz) Nongeminate vowel sequences are not permitted in Aymara surface structure, and trigger other rules; see 4-3.22. 13. PAGE 184 167 4-3.22. 13 Avoidance of nongeminate vowel sequences As in the case of the interrogative kawki 'where' and the demonstrative k"uri 'way over yonder', the demonstratives aka 'this', uka 'that', and k"aya 'over yonder' (see 5-2.2) may also be suffixed with-:ver balizer plus -iri 'actor/purposive'. In these cases a rule obligatory everywhere except Huancane converts the vowel sequence */ai/ to /i:/, e. g. *akairi is realized as ak.i:ri. Across juncture in certain temporal roots a similar process occurs, converting the vowel sequence */au/ to /u:/. jich"a 'now' + uru 'day'> jich"u:ru 'today' (La Paz, Juli, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) maya 'one, other' + uru 'day' > mayu:ru (Salinas) mayuru (La Paz, Jopoqueri) Other similar compound temporals consisting of a modifier root (not always free) plus uru 'day' are shown in Figure 5-1. Another example is kunu:ru 'what day, when' from kuna 'what' plus uru 'day'. PAGE 185 168 In the temporal examples above, the initial vowel /u/ of the head noun uru dominates the final /a/ of the modifier. A different rule occurs with the time inter rogative kuna.wrasa 'when, what time' consisting of kuna 'what I plus urasa I hour' (from Spanish horas I hours 1 ). By this rule, which occurs in La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Cala coa, and Sitajara, the vowel sequence */au/ is realized as the vowel-glide sequence /aw/ 9 instead of reducing to /u:/ or /u/. In Huancan~ /a/ followed by /u/ is regularly realized as /aw/ rather than /u:/ or /u/, as in the following examples: kuna 'what' + uru 'day' + -sa interrogative suffix > kuna.wru.sa 'when' kuna 'what' + urasa 'hours' + -sa interrogative> kuna.wsa.sa (urasa > /usa/ > /wsa/) 'what time' jich 11 a 'this' + uru 'day' >jich 11 a.wru 'today' (also in Calacoa) sapa 'every' + uru 'day' > sapa.wru 'every day' Other examples of /aw/ for Huancane are given in Figure 5-1. In Huancane the diphthong */iu/ similarly changes PAGE 186 169 to /iw/, but */ai/ may change to /ay/ or /i:/. uka 'that' + -:verbalizer + -iri 'actor'> uka.yri ~uk.i:ri 'that one there' Similar vowel sequence avoidance rules may be frozen in the 3+1 and 3+4 Remote Indirect Knowledge tense suffixes in certain dialects (see 6-3.35.2). 4-3.22.14 Reduction of vowel-glide-vowel to long or plain vowe1 Reduction of vowel-glide-vowel to long or plain vowel affects only a few morphemes, although they have a high functional load: certain nouns (two numbers, two demonstratives, and a personal pronoun) and a verbal deri vational suffix. In all cases but one the vowel-gli~e vowel sequence is /aya/; /uyu/ occurs in a demonstrative in one dialect. All dialects having /aya/ (or /uyu/) base forms in nouns reduce the vowel-glide-vowel sequence to long vowel when the nouns occur as modifiers. All dialects also reduce vowel-glide-vowel sequences in certain nouns before certain suffixes. The two nouns that occur in all dialects in vowel glide-vowel form are the numbers /maya/ 'one' and /paya/ 'two'. In Jopoqueri the reduced allomorphs /ma:/ and /pa:/ PAGE 187 170 occur not only as modifiers, as they do elsewhere, but also in compound numbers, e. g. /tunka m~.ni/ 'eleven', /tunka p~.ni/ 'twelve' (see 5-2.4). The demonstratives that have vowel-glide-vowel sequences are /k"aya/ 'over there' (La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancane, Jopoqueri, Salinas), /k"ayu/ 'over there' (Cala cala), and /k"uyu/ 'way over there' (Morocomarca). All occurred in vowel length form as modifiers except /k"ayu/, for which no example as modifier is available. (For addi tional details on reduction of these demonstratives to the vowel length form, see 5-2.2.) The personal pronoun that has a vowel-glide-vowel sequence is /naya/ lp, which occurs in all dialects except Huancan~ and Sitajara. These dialects have only the re duced forms /na:/ or /na/. All dialects with /naya/ reduce it to /na/ before the plural suffix -naka. (See 5-2.3, also.) In La Paz the verbal derivational suffix -waya distancer has an optional allomorph /-wa-/ occurring before suffixes that require a preceding vowel. (See 6-2.23, also.) 4-3.22.15 Retention of long vowel in certain verb roots The verbs ama:.na 'to like, want' and p"a:.na 'to cook', which occur in Sita.jara, have in their roots vowel length which corresponds to /ya/ in the related PAGE 188 171 verb root amuya.na 'to think, consider' and the cognate verb root p"aya.na 'to cook' occurring in most dialects. That this vowel length is morphophonemically like a con sonant plus vowel is shown by the fact that the length persists even before consonant-requiring suffixes. p"a:+ t'a'momentaneous' c-+ -na nominalizer > + -sireflexive p 11 a:.t 1 a.si.na 'to cook for oneself at once' On a verb root ending in plain vowel, the suffix -t'a would cause the final root vowel to drop, e. g. chura1give1 plus -t'ais chur.t'a-. When a stem ending in long vowel is followed by a suffix requiring a preceding consonant, the vowel length drops leaving a plain vowel, as in warmi.t.wa 'I am a woman', in which the Simple tense suffix ~cgc reduces verbalizing vowel length to simple vowel. If length were not there in the underlying representation, the form would be *warm.t.wa. Thus, when -t'aoccurs on the verb p 11 a:-, *p"a.t'awould be expected, the vowel length reducing to plain vowel. However, in p 11 a:.t 1 a.si.na length is clearly present, showing that verb root vowel length can block the operation of a consonant-requiring rule or to put it another way, that verb root vowel length is in fact a sequence of glide plus vowel (3-5.3). PAGE 189 172 Furthermore, for the two verbs here discussed the verbal inflections for 1+3 Simple tense and for 1+3 Remote Direct Knowledge (RDK) tense fall together, since root vowel length is indistinguishable from the vowel length mark of RDK, and geminate vowel length (vowel length longer than two vowels) does not occur. That is, the following forms do double duty for 1+3 in both the Simple and RDK tenses. ama:t"a 1 ! wanted' p"a:t"a 1 ! cooked' Another kind of vowel length in a root is that occurring with the verb sa.na plus Simple tense in Jopo queri (see Figure 6-11). This length results from a rule lengthening the root vowel to avoid an initial consonant cluster. In Sitajara one allomorph of the 1+3 Simple tense with sa.na (the only irregular verb in Aymara) has a long vowel, although initial consonant clusters in sa.na are common in that dialect. 4-3.22.16 Three-vowel rule (Vowel deletion) 4-3.22. 16. 1 Nouns By a syntactically conditioned rule, noun roots having two vowels always keep the final vowel when serving as modifiers in noun phrases. (Nouns ending in a sequence of vowel-glide-vowel reduce it to long vowel; see 4-3.22. 14.) PAGE 190 173 Noun roots or stems having three or more vowels lose the last vowel when occurring as modifiers in noun phrases. That is, the head noun causes the final vowel of the modifier to drop if the modifier has three or more vowels. Examples: jang'u ch'ugi l 2 ch'.:!._y~r_ ch'ugi l 2 3 tag.pach kurpu l 2 3 'white potato' (La Paz) 'black potato' (La Paz) ch'iyara 'black' 'whole body' (La Paz) tagi 'all' ~cpacha 'same' tata.la.n yap.pa 'my father's field' (Morocomarca) l 2 3 4 (see 4-4.3) -na lp possessive When the modifier ends in the possessive suffix -na, the final /a/ may or may not be retained, according to rules specific to that suffix which override the three-vowel rule in certain dialects (see 5-3.31.2). A noun phrase embedded in another may behave syntactically like a single modifier, in which case the three-vowel rule will apply. PAGE 191 174 aka tug laru.n 'on this side' (Juli) 1 2 3 4 aka 'this' tugi 'around' laru 'side' < Spanish lado But successive noun phrases having a different immediate constituency from the above do not necessarily manifest the three-vowel rule; see 7-4.2 and additional examples cited by Hardman et al. (1975:3.373-374). 4-3.22.16.2 Noun suffixes In all dialects the noun suffixes -layku ~ -rayku 'on account of', -pura 'between, among', and -kama 'among, all, each, up to, as far as, until' act like heads of noun phrases, 10 requiring that modifiers having more than three vowels drop the last one, except that in cases of modifiers that are themselves noun phrases the rule is variable as indicated above. In Huancane the personal possessive suffixes and the complement/relational suffix -taki 'for' usually fol low the three-vowel rule. Examples: kuntu.ja l 2 'my story' kuntu 'story' /-ja/ lp possessive < Spanish cuento awich .ja 'my grandmother' 1 2 3 awicha 'grandmother' PAGE 192 175 juma.taki 'for you' juma 2p -taki 'for' l 2 jiwas .taki 'for us' jiwasa 4p l 2 3 In the following example {still for Huancane), the possessive -ma 2p keeps a previous vowel although four vowels precede it, but loses its own vowel before a follow ing -taki, indicating that when more than one suffix sub ject to the three-vowel rule occurs on a noun, the rule applies only to the suffix occurring last on the stem. yapu.naka.m .taki 'for my fields' l 2 3 4 5 'field -naka plural The frozen suffixes -ma~ -mma and -ta~ -tta that occur on certain kinship terms in Jopoqueri {see 5-3. 11. 14 and 5-3. 11. 15) may be considered reduced forms of the noun roots mama 'mother' and tata 'father' that lost their first vowel because it was the third in sequence in the new stem. Examples: oichu.m ma 'father's youngest brother's wife' l 2 3 lari.t ta l 2 3 'uncle' PAGE 193 176 When the two suffixes occur on noun stems that already have three vowels, these stems lose the final vowel by the three-vowel rule. sullk.ir .ma 11 'father's younger brother's wife' l 2 3 sullk.iri 'younger' sullk.ir .tta 'father's younger brother' l 2 3 The verbalizing suffix -kipta-, which also usually takes a preceding vowel, causes the third vowel of a three-vowel noun to drop. usu.r .kipta.na 'to become sickly' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) -l 2 3 usu.ri 'sick person' Before other suffixes that require a preceding vowel (such as -ptaverbalizer) three-vowel noun roots and stems keep the final vowel. Ch'iyara.pta.s.k.i.w. 'It is turning black. 1 (La Paz) l 2 3 usu.ri.pta.na 'to become sickly' (La Paz) l 2 3 PAGE 194 177 4-3.22. 16.3 Verb suffixes Certain verbal derivational suffixes that normally take a preceding vowel follow the three-vowel rule on verb stems ending in the verbal derivational suffix -si frozen to the root (see 6-2.21). The suffixes are -mucha~ -muchu~ -nuku'away, off', -payahelper/mocker, and -tatascatterer. ali.s .muchu.na ~ ali.s .nuku.na 'to throw out' l 2 3 l 2 3 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ali.si.na 'to sprout' ali.s .paya.na 'to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas) l 2 3 aru.s .tata.na 'to say' (Salinas; not used in La Paz) l 2 3 -tatascatterer aru 'word, speak' The verbal derivational suffix -cha-, which can verbalize nouns, follows the three-vowel rule when it occurs on a noun stem ending in -ni possessor suffix. Normally, -charequires a preceding vowel. qullqi.n .cha.na 'to cause someone to win' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) l 2 3 gull qi. ni 'money-haver' PAGE 195 178 When the verbal derivational -kipa'past a point' occurs on a two-vowel noun verbalized with -cha-, the three-vowel rule also applies although -kipausually requires a preceding vowel. uta.ch .kipa.si.ni.na 'to fix the roof of a house' l 2 3 (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) uta 'house' The examples suggest that the three-vowel rule may have applied more generally in the past than it does today. That is, the fact that some suffixes trigger the three-vowel rule on roots or stems having three vowels may reflect a stage during which the rule operated for all suffixed three-vowel stems regardless of whether the suffix in question normally required a preceding vowel or consonant. 4-3.22.2 Consonants The following rules apply after suffixation accompanied by vowel-dropping has created certain con sonant clusters. 4-3.22.21 Geminate consonant clusters Examples of geminate consonant clusters were given in 4-3.22. 16.2. They usually reduce to one. Three succes sive geminate consonants usually reduce to two. PAGE 196 179 Jani.w at.t.ti [atti]. 'I can't.' {Salinas) ati.na 'to be able' -=c~ 1+3 Simple tense -ti negative final suffix 4-3.22.22 Reduction of stop-fricative clusters to aspirated stops {Neutralization) When morphophonemic vowel-dropping results in a /kj/, /kx/, or /qx/ cluster, the result is indistinguish able phonetically from /k 11 / or /q 11 /. /kx/ tends to assimilate to /q 11 /, the postvelar fricative exerting regressive influence on the point of articulation of the stop. 4-3.22.23 Frication of velar stop before consonant / k / -> / j / / [ +con s ] By this rule the velar stop /k/ changes to the homorganic velar fricative /j/. The rule occurs only in Salinas and Huancane. In Salinas the rule applies to two suffixes con taining /k/ after morphophonemic vowel dropping has created a cluster of /k/ plus another consonant {not another /k/). The suffixes are -kaverbal derivational incompletive and -raki nonfinal independent. The only consonants that have occurred after /k/ in examples noted PAGE 197 180 to date are /t/ and /s/. Examples: Ni.w chur.k.i.ti. 'He/she/they didn't give it (to X). 1 no give -i 3+3 Simple tense Ni.w chur.j.t.ti. 1 I didn't give it (to X). 1 -=-c~ 1+3 Simple tense kuna.raki 'and what?' kuna.:ma.s.ka.raj.ta 12 'and how are you?' -eta 2+3 Simple tense -~ In Huancane the rule operates on -raki before the consonant-requiring verbal inflectional suffix -chi NI. Wali.ka.raj.chi.ni.t. 'It may not be good. 1 NI 3+3 F (In this example vowel length verbalization on wali is reduced to plain vowel before the consonant requiring -kaincompletive suffix.) PAGE 198 181 4-3.22.24 Reduction of fricative clusters /sj/, /js/, /sjs/ --> [s] This rule operates in Salinas on the output of the rule in 4-3.22.23 when /j/ is preceded and/or fol lowed by /s/, reducing the cluster to the alveolar frica tive [s]. lura.s.j.ta [lurasta] 'you were making/doing' -sireflexive/reciprocal ta 2+3 Simple tense -C-'--V kuynt.t'.ka.raj.sma [kuyntt'karasma] 'I've told the story to you' -=-csma 1+2 Simple tense In.j.ta.s.j.sma.wa. [injtasmawa] 'I know you.' -sireflexive/reciprocal 4-3.22.25 Affricate reduction rules 4-3.22.25. l /ch/--> [s] / [-cons] [+stop] The affricate /ch/ may reduce to the fricative allophone [s] when /ch/ occurs before a stop in noun or verb roots or in the verbal derivational causative and verbalizing suffix -cha-. (As noted under 4-3.22.24, PAGE 199 182 [s] also results from reduction of sequences of /s/ and /j/ in Salinas. The neutralization of /ch/ and /sj/ is evidence of the instability of the three phonemes as indi cated in Chapter 3.) In all roots and in the suffix -cha/ch/ is preceded by a vowel. V Reduction to [s] is obligatory in some morphemes, optional in others, and varies dialectally. Examples: Nouns: pachpa [paspa] 'same' (most dialects) pichq"a [picq"a] 'five' (Calacala} ichk'a [i~k'a ~ isk'a] 'little' (Sitajara) Verbs: jich'ijich.t'a 'carry grains in the hand' + t'amomentaneous > -c-V [j i ct I a] (Morocomarca) V [ji~t•a] (Salinas) (In this example /ch 1 / loses glottalization before the consonant-requiring suffix -t'a-, in rapid speech.) PAGE 200 183 Noun+ -chaverbalizer: kama.cha1 what happened 1 + ta 2+3 S + -sa final suffix> -c--v kama.ch.ta.sa [kama~tasa] 1 what happened to you? 1 ( [ "'s]) La Paz/Campi; does not reduce to V [kam?~tasa] (Sacca; obligatory) When the /ch/ of -chi NI verbal inflection fol lows the /ch/ of -chaverbal derivational suffix, the geminate /chch/ reduces to one which then obligatorily reduces to[~] in La Paz. yati1 know 1 + -chacausative + chi NI + -C=-=-c~ 1+3 S > *yati.ch.ch.ta > yati.ch.ta [yati~ta] •maybe I teach 1 (La Paz) 4-3.22.25.2 /ch/--> /s/ / [+cons] __ [+cons] Reduction of /ch/ to the alveolar fricative phoneme /s/ occurs in certain restricted circumstances involving the verbal inflectional suffix -chi NI. In all dialects investigated the /ch/ of -chi NI obliga torily reduces to /s/ when it occurs before a consonant. In all available examples the consonant is /t/. PAGE 201 184 yati1 know 1 + chi NI + ta 1+3 S > -C=-C---'-'C yat.s.ta [yatsta] 'maybe I know' (La Paz, Sacca) muna'want' + kaincompletive + chi NI + -c-C==ta 2+3 S + -xa final suffix> -c~ mun.k.s.ta.x [mu9kstax] 'maybe you want' (La Paz) wijita 'old lady' + xacompletive + chi NI + -c--<:==== ta 1+3 S + -xa final suffix + -~ final suffix> -c--c wijita.x.s.t.xa.y [wijitaxstxay] 'I'm an old lady already.' (Corque) wijita < Spanish viejita 4-3.22.25.3 /ch/--> /si I /xi [-cons] In Jopoqueri /ch/ reduces to /s/ when it occurs after the postvelar fricative /x/ and before a vowel. mag 1 a'eat' + -nta1 into• + xacompletive+ -c-=cchi NI + -itanta 2+1 F + -lla politive > maq'a.nt.x.s.itanta.lla [maq 1 antx~itantata] •you may eat me• PAGE 202 185 The above rule does not apply in La Paz, the allophone [c] occurring whenever /ch/ is followed by a vowel, regardless of what precedes. The corresponding form in La Paz is as follows. mang'a'eat' + -nta'into' + xacompletive + -cchi NI + -ita:ta 2+1 F + ::..Y..E.._ politive > -cmang'a.nt.x.ch.ita:ta.y [manq'antxtita:tay] 'you may eat me' 4-3.22.26 /n/ --> 1111 1 111 [-cons] The palatal nasal becomes a palatal lateral after the alveolar lateral and before a vowel in the following examples from Morocomarca: mama. la 'mother' + na lp possessive + -na possessive> -cmama. l.na.n [mamatan] 'my mother's' 4-3.3 Final position in morphological word 13 4-3.31 Retention or loss of final vowel of morphological word (syntactically conditioned) 4-3.31. l Verb subjects In the basic Aymara sentence (see 7-3) the subject noun (or head of a noun phrase serving as subject) retains PAGE 203 186 its final vowel before final sentence suffix(es) if any. 14 In La Paz and Sitajara (and possibly elsewheredata are incomplete) a pronoun subject of a verb inflected for the Imperative usually loses its final vowel and takes no independent or final suffixes. The vowel loss is tied to co-occurrence with certain person/tense suffixes of the Imperative, however, and the rules in La Paz differ from those in Sitajara. In Morocomarca the subject of an Imperative verb does not lose its final vowel. (For a fuller discussion of these rules see 6-3.33.) In sentences containing a main and a subordinated verb ( see 7 4 . 2 ), pronoun s u b j e ct s may l o s e or re ta i n the i r final vowels. The following example is from La Paz/Campi, with -chi NI (reduced to /s/) plus Simple tense on the subordinated verb and Imperative (or Future) tense on the main verb. Jum !@L_ jan sara.n mun.k.s.ta.x sara.:. 2+3 Juma.x NI s naya.w 2p no go want lp go 1+3 F/I 1 If you don't want to go, I'll go. 1 All four of the possible combinations with and without PAGE 204 187 final vowel on the subjects were acceptable, although the first example elicited had no vowel on either. The same example occurred in Juli, and similar ones occurred in Huancan~, Sitajara, and Calacoa. Without the negative, forms with final vowel are preferred, as in the following example which has -chi NI (reduced to /s/) plus Simple tense on the subordinated ver~ and Imperative on the main verb. Juma.x 2p ch'ug mun.s.ta.x potato want 2+3 NI S , ma: kustal apa.n.ma. bring 2+3 I a bag 'If you want some potatoes, bring a bag. 1 (Juli) In Morocomarca, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, on the other hand, pronoun subjects never occur without their final vowels, though in sentences of the types here exemplified they usually occur unsuffixed. muna.sma 2+3 Juma jani sara.n D-1 uka naya sara. : 1+3 2p lp go mun.ta.ti F 2+3 s 1 If you don't want to go, I 1 11 go. I (Jopoqueri) In all dialects investigated except Morocomarca, a pronoun subject of a verb subordinated with -ipana PAGE 205 188 (and other members of the paradigm, if any) occurs without a final vowel (see 7-4.22.2). 4-3.31.2 Verb zero complements A noun root or stem or a nominalized theme serving as the zero complement of a verb is marked by obligatory l o s s of t he f i n a l st em vow e be f o re f i n a l ( s en t enc e ) s u f fixe~ if any (except the final suffix -lla ~ -ya, which requires a preceding vowel; see 4-3.32.2 and 5-3.33 for examples). 4-3.31.3 Negative jani The final vowel of the negative particle jani drops when it modifies a noun root (except an interroga tive), stem, or theme, a subordinated verb, or a verb with the Imperative tense, and when it occurs in negative information questions and answers thereto. When modify ing an interrogative, jani loses its initial /ja/. (See 7-4.53.3.) 4-3.32 Tolerance or avoidance of final consonant clusters in the morphological word 4-3.32.l Verbs Three dialects permit stem-final consonant clusters in verbs inflected with the Imperative tense: Juli, Socca, and Huancan~. Juli and Sacca permit such clusters only PAGE 206 189 when the verb ends with the 2+3 Imperative inflection ~cm, while Huancane permits them in stems ending in the 3+2, 2+1, 3+1, and 3+4 Imperative inflections as well (see 6-3.33). Examples, all of 2+3 I, are Jut.m. 1 Come! 1 (Sacca) Al. t 1 a.si .w.m uk. 1 Buy that one. 1 (Huancane) Apa.n.m. 'Bring it. 1 (Huancane) 4-3.32.2 Nouns Sacca permits final consonant clusters on a noun ending in the suffix -na possessive, when the noun occurs as modifier in a noun phrase. K 11 it.n wutilla.p.s jala.ga.ya.rag.ta? whose bottle knock over 2+3 s 'Whose bottle did you knock over on purpose?' (See 5-3.31.2 for further discussion of the suffix -na.) In Morocomarca, when a final consonant cluster occurs on a noun stem ending in a personal possessive suffix as the result of syntactically conditioned vowel dropping, the vowel before the last consonant will be obligatorily restored (see 5-3.24). PAGE 207 190 In all dialects morphological word-final clusters are permitted in nouns when they occur within a morpheme and as a result of final vowel-dropping. Wawa.mp apa.sma. 'You should take the baby, too.' baby take -mpi 'with, and' (La Paz/Compi) In this example, wawa.mp is a zero complement, losing its final vowel. 4-3.33 Stem-final vowel restoration (stress on ante penultimate vowel of a verb) As indicated in 3-3. l, stress in Aymara is non phonemic, always occurring on the penultimate vowel. Vowel length after a penultimate stressed vowel, or loss of a final vowel, may make the stress appear to fall on the last vowel of a word. Restoration of a final vowel /a/ to an inflected verb after stress placement may make the stress appear to fall on the antepenultimate vowel. This effect has so far been heard only in La Paz and Sitajara on verbs inflected with suffixes ending in nasals. These suffixes are the 2+3 Imperative 2 vm, 3+2 Simple ~ctam, and 4+3 Simple ~ctan. The stress pattern occurs most often on 2+3 Imperative, rarely on the others. In La Paz the pattern occurs most frequently in radio advertisements and announcements but has also been heard in sermons (see 9-3 for examples). PAGE 208 191 Apart from the contexts of advertising, announcing, or preaching, the pattern occurs rarely in La Paz. In one instance it occurred with the final /a/ devoiced, in conversation. Ratu.ki apa.ni.ma. 'Bring it right away.' 0 In Sitajara both the regular and antepenultimate patterns occurred with 2+3 Imperative in a description of making chicha (a corn drink) which included exhorta tions like the following: Um~.nta.ma chicha, aka k'us um.t'a.ma.lla. 'Drink chicha, please drink this chicha! 1 Stress occurs on the antepenultimate vowel in the first word above, with a final /a/ restored to the 2+3 Impera tive inflection. The last word in the sentence has regu lar penultimate stress on the /a/ of ~vm(a), restored before the suffix -lla politive. In the first word, stress placement occurred before final vowel restoration, while in the last, vowel restoration occurred, then suf fixation with -lla, then stress placement. The two rules may be stated as follows: 1. Stress placement on penultimate syllable 2. Final vowel restoration PAGE 209 192 In the case of uma.nta.ma, beginning with the base form uma.nta.m the rules apply in the order l, 2. In the case of um.t'a.ma. lla, beginning with the base form um.t'a.m the rules apply in the order 2, l with the intervening suffixation of -lla between 2 and l. Since um.t'a.ma. lla is more polite, having the politive suffix -lla, one is tempted to infer that the restoration of the final vowel to uma.nta.ma may be an attempt to soften the command by preparing the verb stem to take the politive, but since stress has already been placed, the word is closed to further suffixation. 4-3.4 Final position in syntactical word 15 4-3.41 Final vowel-dropping or -devoicing In all dialects the final sentence suffixes (for example, -wa, -xa, -lla ~ -ya, -sa, and -ti) commonly lose their final vowels phrase-finally within a sentence; -wa and -lla ~ -ya commonly lose them sentence-finally as well. Such vowel-dropping may well depend on stylistic considerations, as Hardman has suggested. Instead of dropping, final vowels may devoice sentence-finally, as in the example given in 4-3.33 above. A final vowel which must be retained because of its gram matical function, for example the verb inflection 3+3 Simple .:..i, may devoice, especially if it occurs between two voiceless consonants sentence-medially. (For an PAGE 210 193 example of sentence-medial final vowel devoicing, see 4-3.21.33.) L. Martin-Barber has provided a phonetic transcription showing vowel devoicing in a story told by a speaker from Campi (Hardman et al. 1975:3.92-93). For the nonnative, it is often difficult to distinguish word-final vowel dropping from word-final vowel devoicing. A devoiced final vowel, though unde tectable to a foreigner, is still present morphophonemically and discernible to a native speaker since syntactic dis tinctions are made by presence or absence of final vowels. 4-3.42 Final consonant clusters In all dialects final consonant clusters are per mitted on nouns if they result from zero complement vowel drop followed by a final suffix. Wawa.p.x baby apa.sma. take 2+3 D-1 1 Wouldn 1 t it be nice if you took her baby. 1 .:.PE_ 3p possessive -xa final suffix (La Paz/Campi) 4-4 General and Dialect-Specific Rules The majority of morphophonemic rules in Aymara are found in all dialects, but certain rules are dialect specific. PAGE 211 194 4-4. l Variation in morphophonemics of suffixes Noun suffixes {5-3) that vary in their morpho phonemics from one dialect to another are the personal possessives and the complement/relationals. While all dialects have certain noun suffixes that observe the three-vowel rule, in Huancan~ the rule also operates for -taki complement/relational and the personal pos sessives, which do not follow the rule in other dialects. In Jopoqueri the three-vowel rule extends to certain frozen suffixes. In Morocomarca, Calacala, Jopoqueri, and Salinas the personal possessive suffixes have vari able morphophonemics conditioned by final consonant cluster avoidance rules. Only two verbal derivational suffixes {6-2) have variable preceding morphophonemics: -naga'aimlessly' and -nugaplacer. These vary within as well as across dialects. Verbal derivational suffixes subject to the three-vowel rule in La Paz {and possibly elsewhere) are -chaverbalizer of nouns, -kipa'past a point,' -muchu{and variants) 'away', -payahelper, and -tata scatterer. Of the verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3), 2+3 Imperative is unique in requiring a preceding consonant in Juli, Socca, Huancan~, and Morocomarca, except when the verbal derivational suffix -kaincompletive precedes PAGE 212 195 the inflection. In La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa, Jopoqueri, and Salinas 2+3 I always requires a preceding vowel. 4-4.2 Variation in other morphophonemic rules 4-4.21 Rules occurring in all dialects 4-4.21.l Obligatory rules Obligatory rules occurring in all dialects are predominance of /u/ over a preceding /i/ in verb stems; vowel sequence avoidance rules {some differences occur in the rules themselves); reduction of /aya/ to /a:/ {and of /uyu/ to /u:/) in modifiers in noun phrases; the three-vowel rule {exerted by heads of noun phrases on modifiers and by certain noun suffixes on preceding stems; some dialects have additional suffixes subject to the rule); interconsonantal affricate reduction to /s/; mor phological word-final vowel retention for subjects of main verbs {except with the Imperative tense in certain contexts and dialects); morphological word-final vowel loss for zero complements; morphological word-final vowel loss on jani negative in certain environments. 4-4.21.2 Optional rules Optional rules occurring in all dialects are dropping of initial {C)V preceded by devoicing of the vowel; intervocalic stop-voicing and frication under PAGE 213 196 certain conditions; geminate consonant reduction; neutrali zation of stop-fricative clusters and aspirated stops; syntactical word-final vowel devoicing and deletion. 4-4.22 Dialect-specific rules 4-4.22.l Obligatory rules Obligatory dialect-specific rules are voicing of prevocalic stops after homorganic nasals and the palatal lateral within a morpheme, Salinas; frication of velar stop before consonant in certain morphemes, Salinas; reduction of clusters of alveolar fricative plus velar fricative, Salinas; affricate reductio~ to /s/ after /x/, Jopoqueri; loss of morphological word-final vowel on verb subjects in certain environments in certain dialects; avoidance of morphological word-final consonant clusters on nouns with personal possessive suffixes, Morocomarca. 4-4.22.2 Optional rules Optional dialect-specific rules are preposition (or recovery) of initial /ji/ or /si/ on sa.na before Simple tense inflection, La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Socca; reduction of /q'/ to ['], Salinas, Calacala, and Moroco marca; palatalized velar allophone of /n/, Morocomarca; voicing of stop after homorganic nasal and before vowel, Calacala, Corque, Huancan~, Sitajara; voicing and frica tion of prevocalic /p/ in .:...E2. 3p suffix, Calacala; PAGE 214 197 lateralization and denasalization of /n/, Morocomarca; final vowel restoration and antepenultimate stress on 2+3 Imperative and certain other person/tense suffixes, La Paz and Sitajara. 4-5 Conclusion Taken as a whole and in spite of its complexities, morphophonemics is a rather stable area of Aymara grammar, contributing to mutual dialect intelligibility (although speakers from La Paz have some difficulty with dialects having extensive stop voicing and frication). Few suf fixes differ in morphophonemics from one dialect to another, although some are affected by phonologically and syntactically conditioned rules that are dialect specific. Some dialect groups that may be identified by morphophonemic rules are as follows. 4-5. 1 Dialects preposing (or restoring) /si/ or /ji/ to sa.na La Paz {preferred); Juli, Sacca, Huancan~ (less frequent). 4-5.2 Dialects vo1c1ng stops after homorganic nasal or palatal lateral before a vowel Salinas (obligatory within a morpheme, permitted across morpheme boundaries under certain conditions; Calacala, Corque, Huancan~, Sitajara (optional). PAGE 215 4-5.3 198 Dialects whose personal possessive suffixes have variable morphophonemics (see 5-3.24) Huancan~, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala; possibly also Juli, Sacca, and Calacoa 4-5.4 Dialects whose personal possessive suffixes have invariant morphophonemics, always requiring a preceding vowel La Paz (Campi and Tiahuanaco) PAGE 216 199 Notes 1 An optional rule is one whose constraints are not yet fully understood. Many are probably stylistically conditioned. 2 The geminate vowel cluster /aa/ resulting from loss of /j/ reduces to /a/; see 4-3.22. 12. 3 rhe final vowel of jich 11 a drops by a vowel sequence avoidance rule; see 4-3.22. 13. 4 The first vowel of mama drops by the three-vowel rule; see 4-3.22.16. 5 This example shows that initial consonant clusters are permitted in La Paz/Campi dialect in nouns. They are usually avoided in verbs; see 4-3. 13. Geminate /a/ here results in /a:/. 6 By a regular morphophonemic rule (see 4-3.22.22) /j/ or /x/ tends to reduce to aspiration following the homorganic stop. In the nonhomorganic combination /kx/ the velar /k/ tends to assimilate to the following post velar /x/, resulting in /q 11 /. 7 According to Hardman (personal communication) vo1c1ng and and frication of stops are common in Andean languages, especially in Quechua. Place names often re flect this, e. g. CochaQamQa. 8 1n the derivations of kawk.i:ri and k 11 ur.i:ri the following intervening forms may be postulated since vowel length verbalization requires a preceding vowel while -iri requires a preceding consonant or, as in these cases, reduces a preceding long vowel to one vowel. With morpheme divisions: *kawkiiiri > [kawkiiri] /kawki:ri/ kawk.i:ri *k 11 uriiiri > [k 11 uriiri] /k 11 uri :ri/ k 11 ur. i :ri PAGE 217 200 The morphemic divisions are placed as if the vowel length were occurring on the first /i/ or -iri, although actually the vowel length results from two /i/'s in succession, one on the root and one in -iri. More accurate morphemic ren derings would be kawki. -:rr,-and k"uri. iri, but since geminate vowels are symbolized as vowel plus/:/ in Yapita orthog raphy, the above compromise is followed in these forms and other similar ones that occur elsewhere in this study; see 4-3.22. 12, 5-2. l, and 5-2.2. 9 The existence of the glides /w/ and /y/ as distinct from the vowels /u/ and /i/ is supported by the minimal pair uywa 'animal 1 / wiwa 'long live' < Spanish viva. (Native Aymara roots beginning with /wi/ include wila 'blood' and a number of others). Examples of /i/ or /u/ preceded or followed by the homorganic glide are chura.y.itu 'he/she caused to give to me' (all dialects) iya. na I to grind 1 (Jopoqueri) sawu.na 'to weave' (all dialects) Yapu.wa. 'It's a field.' (all dialects) 10 since in some dialects certain verbal deriva tional suffixes also follow the three-vowel rule, it might be more accurate to say that in being subject to the rule, heads of noun phrases act like certain suffixes. 11 The geminate /mm/ here reduces to /m/. 12 In Salinas the allomorph /-raji/ may optionally occur before vowel-requiring suffixes and in word-final position, so it is possible to consider it an alternate base form of the morpheme as was done in 3-4.22.23. 13 A morphological word is defined by Hardman as a free form capable of taking the sentence (final) and/or independent (nonfinal) suffixes (Hardman et al. 1975: 3.144). PAGE 218 201 14 see 7-4.21.22 for examples of final-vowel retention on nouns serving as topics (or goals) of verbs nominalized with -na obligatory. 15 A syntactical word is defined by Hardman as a free form consisting of a morphological word plus inde pendent and/or sentence suffixes (Hardman et al. 1975: 3. 144). PAGE 219 CHAPTER 5 VARIATION IN THE NOUN SYSTEM 5-1 Introduction The noun system of Aymara consists of roots and derived roots (stems), which are all free, derivational suffixes, and zero complement vowel drop. 1 Nouns occur alone and in noun phrases as heads and modifiers; some occur modifying verbs. The open class of nouns takes in loanwords freely. Closed classes of roots do not freely admit loanwords, although they may have done so in the past. They are interrogatives, demonstratives, personal pronouns, numbers, positionals, and tempor~1s. There is also a small class of ambiguous noun/verb roots. Other closed classes are shapes used in weaving, and kinship and age terms, which were only sporadically in vestigated in this research although meriting detailed study. Noun suffixes occur only on noun roots, stems, and nominalized themes. The limitations on their occur rence help define noun classes. There are three order classes of noun suffixes and a class of limited occur rence. (Verbal derivational suffixes that can verbalize 202 PAGE 220 203 nouns are discussed in 6-2. Suffixes that nominalize verbs are discussed in 7-4.21 and 7-4.22.) 5-2 5-2. 1 Closed Classes of Noun Roots Interrogatives In all dialects, interrogatives usually occur followed by the sentence suffix -sa information interroga tive with or without intervening suffixes. Interrogatives may also serve as indefinite pronouns when properly suf fixed (see 7-4.24). The inter:ogative roots are kama ~ kamisa 'how' kawki 'where' kuna 'what' k"iti 'who' gawg"a (and variants) 'how much/how many' Only the first and the last show any variation in the root. The second, third, and last enter into a number of derived formations which display some dialectal vari ation. PAGE 221 204 5-2. 11 Variable roots 5-2. 11. l kama ~ kamisa The only dialect encountered so far having the allomorph /kama/ is Salinas. Elsewhere /kamisa/ occurs. In dialects having /kamisa/, /kama-/ exists only as an interrogative verb root in two verbs, the first used to inquire about someone's situation when the answer is expected to be negative and the second used to ask what someone said. kama.c ha. na -cha verbal derivational/verbalizer kam.sa.na sa.na 'to say' 5-2. 11. 2 gawq"a ~ 9 11 awqa ~ q 11 awg 11 a ~ g 11 ayg 11 a /qawq 11 a/ /q 11 awqa/ /q 11 awq 11 a/ /q .. ayq .. a/ + /qayq"a/ (La Paz, Huancane, Sitajara) (Morocomarca) (Huancane, Jopoqueri) (Salinas) (Reported to occur in parts of Ingavi [depart ment of La Paz] and in Chile) (Bertonio 1603b) It is possible that the /q 11 a/ ending certain allomorphs above may consist of /q/ plus -ja •amount, quantity' (see 5-3. 12.3). PAGE 222 205 5-2. 12 Derived formations 5-2.12.l Based on kawki 1 where 1 The following gloss as 'which': kawk.iri (La Paz) kawk.i:ri (La Paz, Sacca, Huancan~, Jopoqueri) kawk.n.iri (La Paz, Juli) kawk.n.i:ri (La Paz, Juli) kawk.ch 11 api (Sitajara) kawk. p. iri (Sacca, Morocomarca) kawki.p.iri (Morocomarca) Most of the above are built with the nominalizing suffix -iri, sometimes with vowel length (see 4-3.22.12). The /n/ in two of the forms is probably an occurrence of the suffix -na possessive/locational (see 5-3.31.2). The suffix -c~ 11 api is of limited distribution. The /p/ which occurs in the last two examples above may be a reduced form of the recurrent partial /-pa-/ related to the 3p possessive suffix~ which occurs with no discernible 3p meaning in several nouns (see 5-3.24). The derived forms kawk 11 a and kayk 11 a 'what place' are believed composed of the root kawki or *kayki plus PAGE 223 206 the suffix -ja 1 quantity 1 ; *kayk 11 a was not found in this research but is reported to be used in Awallamaya near Sicasica, department of Oruro. The common query Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? means rwhere are you from?' in La Paz, but elsewhere it means 'Where do you usually stay?' or 'Where are you usually?' Hardman (personal communication) found that around Puno and Chucuito it may also mean 'Where have you traveled?' Other similar queries meaning 'Where are you from?' are Kawki.ta.ta.sa? Kawki.ta.sa? Kawki.ta.raki.ta? Kawki tugi.ta.sa? (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Salinas, Juli) (Sitajara, Huancan~, Jopoqueri) (Salinas, Calacala) (Sacca) tugi 1 around 1 5-2. 12.2 Based on kuna 1 what 1 The root kuna occurs in several derived forms glossing 'why, for what reason', with the complement/ relational suffixes -ru, -ta ~ -t 11 a, and -taki (and variants) and with the independent suffix -raki (and variants), as in kuna.ru.sa (La Paz, Sitajara) PAGE 224 207 kuna.ta (Juli, Salinas) kuna.t.sa (La Paz) kuna.t 11 a (Juli, Salinas, Morocomarca) kuna.ta.raki (Huancan~) kuna.t.raji (Salinas) kuna.taki.sa (La Paz) kuna.ta,Y.sa (Sitajara) With the suffix -jama 'like' and its variants, kuna glosses 'how'. In the dialects studied, these forms are more common than kamisa or kama 'how'. kun.jama.sa kun .jama. raki kuna.ma.t.sa kuna. :ma (La Paz) (Huancan~) (Calacala) (Salinas) kuna.:ma.s ~ kun.ja:ma.s (Jopoqueri) kun.ja.t.s kun.ja.sa (Sacca) (Sitajara) Another derived form of kuna glossing 'how' is kuna.lla.n.taki.rak (Jopoqueri) PAGE 225 208 kamisa and kun.jama.sa occur in the same context in the following statements: Kamisa.raki.x uka.x sis.t.pi.y. (Vitocota) 1-+3 s Kun.jama. :.pacha.s uka.x sis.t.wa. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 1-+3 s 'Whatever will be, will be, I said.' The following is reportedly said in Llica, Potos1 (south of Salinas), according to a Salinas source: *kuna.ri.:na 'how was it?' Here /ri/ is probably analogous to the /-iri-/ that occurs with Remote tenses in certain areas (see 6-3.37). A similar form used in Campi in speaking to an elderly lady, is Kun.jam.iritam.s? "How did it affect you?' 3-+2 RDK La Paz Aymara today has the frozen form kunayman; 'what a lot of', as in Kunayman ch'ama.mpi.w waw uywa.si.s.k.ta. difficulty child raise 1-+3 s 'What a lot of trouble I had raising my child.' PAGE 226 209 Elsewhere, it translates as 'of all kinds, whatever. 1 A form based on kuna which immediately identifies the user as belonging to a Protestant sect or as speaking as its members do is kuna. layku.ti.xa used to mean 'be cause' (see 9-5). kuna is the base for several time interrogatives all glossing 'when'. They include the temporal roots uru 'day', pacha 'time, period', and the Spanish loans urasa (from Spanish horas 'hours') and -wsa (a reduced form of urasa). Examples: kun.u:ru (Salinas) kuna.wru.sa (Huancane) kuna pacha.sa kuna.wrasa.sa kuna.wsa.raki kuna.ws.pacha.sa (La Paz, Calacoa, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) (La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Calacoa, Sitajara) (Huancane) (Huancane) 5-2.12.3 Based on gawg 11 a (and variants) 'how much/many' This root combines with pacha in inquiries about time. gawg 11 a pacha 'how many times' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) PAGE 227 210 gaw"a pacha.ta 'since when' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) + qayq 11 a pacha 'how much time' (Bertonio 1603b: 183) + gayg"a pacha. ta 'since when 1 (Bertonio 1603b) It may also occur with personal possessive suffixes, as in these examples from Huancan~. 9 11 awg 11 a.ja.sa 9 11 awg 11 a.ma.sa 5-2.2 Demonstratives 'how many of theirs' 'how many of mine' 3p /-ja/ lp 'how many of your people' (sic) -ma 2p Demonstratives are deictic pronouns expressing four degrees of distance. They readily enter into de rived formations. In noun phrases they may modify human nouns, but their use as pronouns to refer to human beings is usually considered rude. The root demonstratives, presented in order of relative proximity to a fixed point (e.g. the speaker or writer of a sentence), are aka ~ jaka 'this, here' uka 'that, there' k 11 aya ~ k"a: ~ k 11 a ~ -k"ayu 'that over there, over there' PAGE 228 211 k 11 uyu ~ k 11 u: ~ k 11 u ~ k 11 uri 5-2.21 Variable roots 'that way over yonder, way over yonder• The variant /jaka/ occurs in Morocomarca, in jak.sa tugi.t 11 a 'around here•, but has not been heard elsewhere; /aka/ occurs everywhere. A possible variant of uka, /ukaya/, occurs in Sitajara, in ukay.ti 'is it that?' (See 7-2.21. l for another analysis of this form.) In Jopoqueri and Socca, uwa sometimes occurs instead of uka in combination with -ta, sounding like [wat]. Hardman has suggested (personal communication) that uwa is probably a remnant of a proto-Jaqi demonstra tive *uwa, since the three-way distinction aka uka uwa still exists in modern Kawki and the related form watga occurs in Jaqaru. The base morpheme k 11 aya reduces to /k 11 a:/ when acting as modifier in a noun phrase (by a regular morpho phonemic rule; see 4-3.22. 14) in the following dialects: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancan~, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. In Huancan~, Salinas, and Juli the reduced form with or without vowel length may also occur with complement/ relational suffixes, e. g. in Juli k 11 aya.na ~ k 11 a.na 'over there'; in La Paz only the full form occurs with complement/relationals. In Calacoa and Sitajara the PAGE 229 212 only form which occurred for this root was /k 11 a:/. /k 11 ayu/ occurs in Calacala only. /k 11 uyu/ occurs in Morocomarca. Two La Paz speakers do not recognize /k 11 uyu/ as a demonstrative, but rather as the 3-+3 Simple tense of the verb k 11 uyu.na 'to whistle, to winnow grain'. Huancane has both /k 11 u:/ and /k 11 uri/; Salinas has both /k 11 u/ and /k 11 u:/. Sitajara does not use /k 11 uri/. Ber tonio (1603b) cited +/ku/ (156) and +/kuri/ (225). Ebbing (1965:64) had +/k 11 uyu/ and +/k 11 uri/. It is possible that /k 11 uri/ is a derived form built of /k 11 u(yu)/ plus verbalization vowel length plus -iri nominalizer, but if this is the case it has long been a frozen stem, inasmuch as the base /k 11 uri/ readily takes-:plus -iri (see below). The compound form k 11 a: k 11 uri 'way~ over yonder• occurs in Juli, Huancan~, and Calacoa. Huancan~ has the compound form akawkana, from aka uka.na, meaning 'large community'. 5-2.22 Derived formations Like the interrogative kawki, all demonstrative roots may take-:verbalization plus -iri nominalizer with or without a preceding /-n-/. 3 The only complete paradigms available are for La Paz, as follows: ak.i:ri 'this one here• PAGE 230 213 uk. i :ri 'that one there' k 11 ay. i :ri 'that one over there' k 11 ur. i :ri 'that one way over yonder' ak. n. i: ri 'this one that's cl oser 1 uk.n. i :ri 'that one that's farther away• k 11 ay.n.i:ri 'that one over there that's farther away• k 11 ur.n.i:ri 'that one way over yonder that's farther away• (Compi) kuy.n.i:ri 'that one way over yonder' (Tiahuanaco) Both /uk.i:ri/ and /uka.yri/ occur in Huancan~ (see 4-3.22.13). aka and uka apparently combine with the suffix -ja 'quantity• in the forms ak 11 a 'this much' and uk 11 a 'that much'. The demonstratives also combine with /-ja/ allomorph of -jama 'like', which is not always distin guishable from -ja 'quantity'. Spelling with II or /j/ is arbitrary. ak.ja.naka.ta 'around here' (La Paz) Uta.pa.n uk 11 a.w. 'His house is there.• (La Paz) uk.ja.11 'that one' (Sitajara) PAGE 231 214 The following clearly appears to have -ja 'quantity': uk.ja tagi 1 a great deal 1 (Sitajara) Expressions of time based on demonstratives in clude the following: aka.t 9 11 ipa.ru (La Paz) j i ch II a. t. k II a: . ru . x 'from now on' (Jopoqueri) jich 11 a.t k 11 uy.sa.ru (La Paz) +aka.t.jama.tak 1 a 11 of a sudden 1 ( La Paz) (Wexler 1967:455) Interestingly, k 11 uy.sa.ru was said by a source who re jected k 11 uyu as a demonstrative, showing that a dialect may reject a root form but use a derived form. An expression of space using demonstratives is k 11 ur.sa.r ak.sa.r 'back and forth' (La Paz). The ex pression k 11 a: alaxa 1 heaven 1 is used in Calacoa. Other dialects have alax.pacha (or arax.pacha) or silu (from Spanish cielo) for 'heaven'. By far the most common demonstrative in all dia lects is uka, which occurs alone and in derived forma tions as a syntactic linker and summarizer. uka.t 'then, afterwards' PAGE 232 215 u k. j ama ( u k II ama) 'thus, like that; moreover, also' uka .mpi. sa 'with that, also' The last example has quite a different meaning in the lexicon of members of Protestant sects, who use it dis junctively to mean 1 but 1 (see 9-5). In Huancan~ uka.na is used as a linker in stories, meaning 'at that', 'then'. It has not been encountered as a linker in other dialects. 5-2.3 Personal pronouns All dialects have four personal pronouns not spe cific for gender or number. The only one that shows no variation whatever is 2p juma 'you'; the others show minor phonological variations. lp 'I/me, we/us but not you' occurs as three allomorphs, /na/, /na:/, and /naya/. The allomorph /na/ occurs in all dialects before -naka plural (see 5-3.25). In other environments Huancan~ and Sitajara have /na/ and /na:/. Calacoa has /naya/ as well but uses it less than the other allomorphs. La Paz has /naya/, /na:/, and /na/, as do the remaining dialects. Juli seems to favor /na/ over the other two. In Jopo queri and Salinas /naya/ occurs before the complement/ relational suffix -ru, and /na/ before the complement/ relational suffix -na. Morocomarca prefers /naya/ PAGE 233 216 before those suffixes but has /na:/ as well as /naya/ when unsuffixed. To some speakers of Aymara who are bilingual in Spanish and conscious of the Spanish singular/plural distinction, /naya/, /na:/, and /na/ are always singular, 1 I/me 1 , and na.naka must be used for the plural 1 we/us but not you•. That monolinguals do not make this distinction is clear in a number of examples, as in the following from a free text recorded in Sitajara from a monolingual woman over 60. In both cases the optional verb-pluralizing suffix combination -p.xaoccurs on the verb; number concord is not required in Aymara. Alp 11 a sa.p.x.t na.x. 1 We say alfalfa. 1 Na.ru.xa rispach.xa.p.x.it ya:sta. 1 Dismiss us already. 1 3p /jup"a/ occurs in Salinas and Morocomarca; /jupa/ occurs elsewhere. 4p /jiwsa/ occurs in Calacoa, Sitajara, Surupa (a community across from Socca), and is the form cited by Bertonio (1603b); /jiwasa/ occurs elsewhere. 5-2.4 Numbers Variation in number roots is phonological only. Forms derived from numbers show some lexical variation. PAGE 234 217 5-2.41 maya ~ ma: 1 one 1 and paya ~ pa: 1 two 1 In all dialects maya and~ occur singly or as heads of phrases. Like k 11 aya and naya, their /ya/ sequences reduce to vowel length form when they occur as modifiers, e. g. _/ma:/ in ma: uta 'one house'; and as already noted (4-3.22. 14), in Jopoqueri the vowel length allomorphs also occur in compound numbers. 5-2.41. l maya ~ ma: maya ~ ma: has several derived meanings and forms. In its basic form as modifier /ma:/ means 1 one 1 When modifying a pluralized noun, it translates as 1 some 1 (unos in Spanish), e. g. ma: achachila.naka.x 'some old men'. It may modify another number, as in ma: .P.E._: ch'akura 'some two stakes' (Corque). maya ~ ma: plus -mpi ~ -nti 1 with 1 has the meaning I once more, again 1 Al lomorphs are regionally predictable but will be given here to illustrate their differing phonological shapes, which can cause inter dialectal confusion. For example, a La Paz speaker did not recognize the Salinas voiced variant [ma:.ndi] and resisted accepting it as the equivalent of his /maya.mpi/. /maya.mpi/ /ma: .mpi/ (La Paz, most other dialects) (Calacoa) PAGE 235 218 /ma:.mpi/ {with optional realization [ma:.mbi]) {Calacala) /ma:.mpi ~ ma:.nti/ {Jopoqueri) /ma:.nti/ [ma:.ndi] {Salinas) maya also has two derived meanings: 'suddenly, all at once' and 'another, different'. maya 'suddenly' occurs to modify a verb. Uka.t may puraka.pa.x p"alla.tata.w.j.iritayn. then stomach burst 3+3 RIK 'Then suddenly her stomach burst.' {Calacoa) It also occurs in derived formations. maya.ki 'suddenly' {La Paz) -ki 'just' may.ti 'suddenly' {Juli) -ti frozen suffix ma:. ki 'fast, quickly, at once' (Calacoa) maya.ki may.sa.r 'all at once' (La Paz) -sa 'side' -ru 'to, at' maya 'another, different' has always occurred suffixed or reduplicated or in a compound with uru 'day' in this research. It does not have an allomorph /ma:/ in dialects investigated so far. PAGE 236 219 may.maya 'first one, then the other' (La Paz/Campi) maya.ki may.ja 'different, other' (Calacoa) 'different' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara, La Paz) /-ja/ 'like' may.ja Jlli 'another class of person' (euphemism for dishonest person) (La Paz) may.ja. ta maya. :ma maya. :mu may. ni jagi I person 1 'in a certain way' (La Paz) /-ta/ 'of, from' 'different, other' (Morocomarca) /-:ma/ 'like' 'different, other' (Salinas) /-:mu/ 'like' 1 the other one 1 (human) ( La Paz, Sa 1 inas) -ni 'possessor' may.ni.nha 'my spouse' (Jopoqueri) /-nha/ lp possessive h ll may. n. c ap., ri 'someone, another one' (Jopoqueri) /-ch"api/ 'the one which' -iri nominalizer tagi may.ni.s 'everyone' (La Paz) tagi 'all' -sa sentence suffix may. ti 'different, suddenly' (Juli) may.kip uru 'every other day' (Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio 1603b:173) -kipa 'every other• PAGE 237 may.u:ru 220 'another day• (all dialects); also means 'tomorrow' (Sitajara) uru 'day' (This last contrasts with ma: uru 'one day', showing that maya 'different, other' is a different morpheme from maya ~ -ma: 'one', although it overlaps with maya ~ ma: 'suddenly'.) +maya.jamu 'in one manner' (Bertonio l603b:l74) +may.s.ja 'different' (Sebeok l95la:55) 5-2.41.2 paya ~ pa: paya ~ pa: occurs in derived formations also. pa.ni 'two people' (all dialects) -ni 'enumerator' . 4 pa. n,. sa 'we (4p) two' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b) -sa 4p pay.pacha 'the two [nonhuman]' (Huancan~) pa.cha.si.na 'to doubt, be of two minds' Wexler 1967:455) -cha causative verbalizer -na nominalizer -pacha 1 all, (La Paz; also -si reflexive + h . pa.mp.pac a.n, 'the two [human]' (LaBarre 1950:42) + pay.uru 'two days' (Tschopik 1948:109) same' PAGE 238 221 5-2.42 Other numbers /kinsa/ 'three' occurs in Morocomarca and Salinas, /kimsa/ elsewhere. The variants occur consistently in the compound numbers I eight', 1 thirteen 1 , etc. /p 11 usi/ 'four' occurs in Calacoa, /pusi/ else where. /pisqa/ 'five' occurs in Salinas (and is alleged by Bertonio); /p 11 isqa/ occurs in La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, Sitajara, and Jopoqueri; /pisq 11 a/ occurs in Huancan~ and Morocomarca; /pichq 11 a/ occurs in Calacala. All present-day dialects have suxta, 1 six 1 ; Bertonio cited +chuxta (1603b:167). Orinoca, a town on Lake Poop6 in Oruro, reportedly has */paqaluqu/ 1 seven 15 ; all dialects encountered in this research have pagallgu. The variants /kimsaqallqu/ and /kinsaqallqu/ 'eight' occur as indicated for /kimsa/ and /kinsa/, above. llatunka 'nine', tunka 'ten', and waranga 'thousand' are invariable in present-day dialects, except that in Salinas, where there is an obligatory rule voic ing stops after nasals and before vowels, there are distinctive phonetic realizations: [llatuDga], [tu~ga], and [wara~ga]. Bertonio gave +llallatunka for 'nine' and three different translations for 'thousand': PAGE 239 222 +jachu and +junu (Bertonio 1603b:167) and later +waranga (Bertonio 1612:2. 150). 5-2.5 Positionals Positionals are a class of nouns referring to spatial orientation, real and metaphorical. They often occur as heads in phrases with each other and other nouns, but all may act as free roots occurring alone. They take -kaverbalizer (after the suffix -na) but usually do not take vowel length or -ptaverbalizer. Nouns which are semantically positionals but do not readily combine with full members of the class may be considered borderline members. There is more dialectal variety in these borderline cases than in the six regular and one defective positionals which constitute the class proper. 5-2.51 Regular positionals The six regular positionals are anga 'outside' chiga 'straight(ness), truth' mang"a ~ mang"i 'inside, below' pata 'top, altiplano' g"ipa 'after, behind' (also a temporal; see 5-2.6) taypi 'middle, midst' PAGE 240 223 These are found throughout the Aymara world. All have a high functional load except anga. Bertonio cited +mang 11 a meaning 1 inside 1 and +manq 11 i meaning 1 below' (Bertonio 1603:23). Some present-day dialects have one variant and others the other. La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Morocomarca have mang 11 a; Huancan~ and Sita jara have manq 11 i; Calacoa has both mang 11 a and mang 11 i for 1 inside' and mang 11 a for 'below'. 5-2.52 Defective positional The defective positional is tugi~tugu 'around, in the area of 1 It is defective in that it does not occur as a modifier in phrases, but only as head, like a clitic on the way to becoming a suffix; but it may also occur alone as a root. /tuqi/ occurs everywhere. The alternate form /tuqu/ occurs in Calacoa (the one instance was in a riddle) and in Morocomarca and Calacala. In Morocomarca only /tuqi/ was acceptable before the suffix -na possessive/locational. 5-2.53 Borderline positionals These roots will be listed in alphabetical order with examples of their occurrences and an indication of where they occurred, although their isoglosses are yet to be finally determined. PAGE 241 224 alaya 'above, next• (La Paz) alay pata 1 up there• pata 1 top 1 alay sawaru •next Saturday' sawaru 'Saturday• /alaxa/ 'north' (La Paz) alax.pacha 1 sky, heaven' pacha 'space, time• /araxa/ •north' (Jopoqueri) arax.pacha 'sky, heaven' amsta 'upward' (La Paz, Huancane) awk 11 wa meaning uncertain; occurred in jich 11 a.t awk 11 wa.ru '-from now on• (Salinas) j i ch II a I now 1 -ru 1 to 1 aynacha 'descent, slope, below• (La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, Jopoqueri) chaga ~ chag 11 a I around, in the area of 1 (Morocomarca) chika 'next to, beside' (Juli, Jopoqueri, Calacala, San Andr~s de Machaca) na.mp chik 1 at my side 1 (Juli) na lp -mpi 1 with 1 PAGE 242 225 chika.ta 'next to, beside' (Tiahuanaco) -ta 'from, of' chika 'halfway, middle' (Compi, Juli, Huancane, Calacoa; also a temporal) chika. ta 'half' (La Paz) ch'ina 6 'after, behind' (Tiahuanaco, in folk tale only; also Bertonio 1603b:223) uta ch'in.kat.xa.y 'behind the house' (Tiahuanaco) uta 'house' -kata 'across' -xa sentence suffix :::.1.2_ sentence suffix ji k"a I behind 1 (Huancan~) k"ina 'behind, west• (Jopoqueri) laru 'beside' < Spanish lado 'side' (Juli, Huancan~, Jopo queri, Salinas, Morocomarca) /layra/ 'eye, before, in front of' (Salinas, Morocomarca; also a temporal) /nayra/ 'eye, before, in front of' (La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri; also a temporal) pacha 'space, time, epoch' (all dialects; also a temporal) juk'a pacha.ki 'little amount' (Morocomarca) juk'a 'little amount' -ki 1 just 1 PAGE 243 226 jisk'a pacha.ki 'small' (Morocomarca) jisk'a 'little size' 5-2.6 Temporals 7 This important class contains a number of roots and a few root-like recurrent partials referring to seg ments of time. In all dialects the class has taken in certain Spanish time words which pattern like the Aymara roots. 5-2.61 Full temporal roots Full temporal roots may be defined as potentially occurring as heads in phrases or compounds with jich 11 a 1 now 1 as modifier, or as modifiers in phrases or com pounds with uru 'day' as head. These two roots, which occur in all dialects, themselves belong to the class of full temporal roots as they occur in the combination jich 11 .u:ru as well as in other combinations. Full temporal roots, including those that are Spanish loans, are the following (for dialectal distribution of native Aymara temporal roots, see Figures 5-1 and 5-2): 5-2.61. l Heads with jich 11 a as modifier alwa < Spanish alba 'dawn', 'early, morning' --arama ~ aruma 'night, morning, period from midnight to dawn,before daylight' PAGE 244 227 arumanti ~ arumant 11 i •morning, tomorrow, period from midnight to dawn• arumarji ~ arumirja 1 morning 1 jaypu ~ jayp 11 u jayp 1 u 'afternoon, evening' mara 1 year 1 p 11 axsi 1 month 1 g 1 alta ~ q 11 alt 1 i 'morning, tomorrow• ratu < Spanish rato 1 while 1 simana < Spanish semana 1 week 18 (Bertonio 1603b cited +qalta) tarti < Spanish tarde 'afternoon, evening, late• timpu < Spanish tiempo 1 time 1 urasa ~ -wrasa ~ -wsa < Spanish horas 1 hours 1 uru 1 day 1 By a morphophonemic rule affecting nouns with initial /jV/, jich 11 a may optionally lose its sequence /ji/ (see 4-3.12.1). 5-2.61.2 Modifiers with uru as head chika 'halfway, middle' (also borderline positional) jich 11 a ~ juch 11 a 9 1 now 1 PAGE 245 228 jurpi ~ jurp"i 'day after tomorrow' maya 'another' (homophonous with maya 'one') q'alta ~ q 11 alt 1 i 'morning, tomorrow' q 11 ara 'tomorrow' q 11 ipa 'after' (also a positional) wasa 'another, other' (Bertonio 1603b cited +qalta) Forms with uru as head show the operations of the different vowel sequence avoidance rules characteris tic of the dialects concerned (see 4-3.22. 13). q'alta ~ g 11 alt 1 i 'morning, tomorrow' is included here since a possibly related /qallt.uru/ 'first day (of month)' occurred embedded in a noun phrase in La Paz/ Tiahuanaco (see the end of 5-2.64), even though the first two allomorphs were not found to occur before uru. They are also included here because /q"alt'i/ modifies /jurp 11 i/ 'day after tomorrow' and pacha 'time, epoch' in Salinas. 5-2.62 Rootlike recurrent partials The rootlike recurrent partials that are members of this class occur only as modifier~ in all dialects. They are mar-~ war-~ wal'two (days) ago' (+ uru) PAGE 246 229 mas-~ was'one (day) ago' (+ jayp'u and uru) They occur without final vowels, but may be assumed to have final /a/ by analogy with the root wasa, which + occurs as a free root in La Paz; masawa 'long ago' was alleged by Bertonio (1603b:50). The Spanish days of the week have been borrowed into all Aymara dialects, They occur both as heads with jich"a as modifier, and as modifiers with uru as head. They also frequently occur as heads modified by alaya 'next' and pas.ir 'last' and as modifiers of alwa, jayp'u, and probably others. The days are lunisa < lunes 'Monday' martisa < martes 'Tuesday' mi rkul i sa < mi ~rco 1 es I Wednesday 1 juywisa < jueves 'Thursday' wirnisa < viernes 'Friday' sawaru < s~bado 'Saturday' tuminku < domingo 'Sunday• 5-2.63 Restricted temporal roots Temporal roots which are more restricted in their occurrences than full temporal roots and root-like PAGE 247 230 recurrent partials but formally and semantically belong in the class are alaya 'next•, modifier of days of the week and of p"axsi; a borderline positional also {all dialects) arumara 'another day• {Juli) arunta 'night' {La Paz, Calacala) kuti 'time, occurrence', modified by the interrogative gawg 11 a, demonstratives aka and uka, and numbers, as in ma: kuti 'one time' {La Paz) layra ~ nayra 'before', modifier with pacha, timpu, and frozen suffix -gata; also a borderline positional {all dialects) pacha 'time, epoch', modified by interrogatives kuna and gawg 11 a, demonstratives, layra~nayra, and g 11 alt'i; also a borderline positional {all dialects) Also classifiable as restricted temporals are the hours of the day which in all dialects have been borrowed from Spanish, e. g. una 'one o'clock', las uchu < las ocho PAGE 248 231 'eight o'clock.' They answer questions with kuna.wrasa.sa 'what time'. The Spanish months of the year have also been borrowed into Aymara everywhere. They usually occur modifying p 11 axsi 'month', e. g. awril p"axsi 'the month of April'. The months are iniru < enero 'January' p 11 iwriru < febrero 'February' marsu < marzo 'March' awril < abril 'April' mayu < mayo 'May' junu < junio 'June' jullu < jul io 'July' awustu < agosto 'August' sitimri < setiembre 'September' uktuwri < octubre 'October' nuwimri < noviembre 'November' risimri < diciembre 'December' Bertonio (1603b:181-182) gave names for the Aymara months PAGE 249 232 which according to Vasquez are not months, but rather descriptions of agricultural activities appropriate to different seasons. These do not correspond to fixed months, probably because the agricultural seasons in the Aymara-speaking world vary widely according to alti tude, availability of water, and quality of the soil as well as to annual fluctuations in rainy and dry cycles within areas. Below are given Bertonio's 'months' and his glosses, followed by V~squez' interpretations. + chi nu p 11 axsi I January, month of the ant 1 chinu p 11 axsi 'tying month' chinu.na 'to tie' (La Paz) (Vasquez suggests this may refer to tying the kipu, the knotted string records kept in ancient times.) +marka p"axsi or+ g 11 ull i .wi p 11 axsi I February, month to be in town + + in order to divide fields into those to lie fallow and those to be plowed' marka 'town' q 11 ulli.na 'to plow' q"ulli.wi 'plowing time' (La Paz) llupa.llamayu 'March' llupa.na 'to cover' llamayu.na 'to hoe' l lamay p 11 axsi I hoeing month' (La Paz) amka. llamayu 'April 1 (unknown in La Paz) PAGE 250 233 + i sk I a wati or +kasi. wi 'May, little hunger' +jach'a jisk'a awati 'assumption of duties by new team of shepherds sent to herd and cut wool; in some places may occur in January or March' (La Paz) jisk'a 'little' awati.na 'to herd' *kasi. wi (unknown) jawti 'June, big hunger' jach'a awtji 'big hunger' (La Paz) jach'a awti I big drought' (La Paz) jach'a 1 big 1 awtji 1 hunger 1 awti 'drought' + k 11 asu lapaga 'September' + t . sa a. w, lapaga 'drought caused by the sun' (sequedad del sol) (La Paz) *k 11 asu (unknown) lapaga 'October' sata.w lapaga 'planting drought' (La Paz) sata.na 'to plant' +wana chucha 'November' (unknown in La Paz) + uma chucha 'December' (unknown in La Paz) uma I water 1 ( La Paz) PAGE 251 + 234 chucha pankata: 'kind of beetle that comes in November and December when there is still drought' chucha pankataya 'beetle that comes during heavy rains in December' (La Paz) At least one misinterpretation is apparent in Bertonio's data. In contemporary Aymara awati is 'herding', not 'hunger', which Bertonio gives as +jawti in +jach'a jawti and which is awtji in present-day La Paz. Expressing frustration at not being able to elicit names clearly corresponding to the months as Europeans knew them, Bertonio complained The etymology of these that we have declared is not understood by all the same way; nor do the months begin with the punctuality of ours, because of their lack of sophistication (policia) and knowledge. (Bertonio 1603b:l82) The Aymaras' detailed knowledge of their agricultural cycle was evidently lost on Bertonio. A small set of native Aymara terms for times of day is the following provided by V~squez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco): inti tuyta 'eight a.m.' inti 'sun' jalsu 'six to seven a.m.' (i. e., sunrise) willjta 'five a.m., when the stars fall' Bertonio (l603b:l85) also gave the term +inti sunagi.n.kipa.na PAGE 252 235 for 'noon'. V~squez indicates this means 'on the top of the head'. The following restricted temporal roots do not enter into noun phrases but instead modify verbs: anch"ita 'right away' jink"ara (Jopoqueri) ~ nik"ira (Sitajara) ~ nik"iri (Socca) ~ nink"ara (Salinas, La Paz)~ nink"a:ra (La Paz) ~ nink"ra (Morocomarca) 'a while ago' lO maya ~ may.ti 'all at once' (see 5-2.4) maya.mpi ~ ma.nti 'again' (see 5-2.4) niya ~ na 'already' wasita (La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara) ~ wasta (Juli) 'again' (possibly related to wasa) 5-2.64 Temporals in combination with nouns of other classes In all dialects nouns from other classes combine with temporals. Compound forms with the interrogatives kuna and gawg"a are shown in 5-2.1. The demonstratives and the numbers, especially maya ~ ma: 'one' and maya 'another' (which are simultaneously temporals), may also modify temporals. PAGE 253 236 The normal positional g"ipa 'after' and the bor derline positionals chika 'halfway, middle' and layra ~ nayra 'before' are simultaneously members of the temporal class and modify other temporals in all dialects. Two verbs nominalized with -iri modify temporals. They are jut.iri 'coming, next' and pas.iri 'last, past' (from Spanish pasa'pass'), as in the following. (The examples are from La Paz but probably occur elsewhere as we 11 . ) jut.ir mara 'next year' jut. ir p"axsi 'next month' pas.ir lunisa 'last Monday' pas.ir p"axsi 'last month' The suffix -kama should also be included in a discussion of temporals (see 5-3.32. 1). 5-2.65 Distribution of temporal roots and derived forms Figures 5-1.1 and 5-1.2 give dialectal distribu tion and glosses of full root and derived temporals that show variation, in alphabetical order. Where a slot in the pattern is filled by a different form, it is shown in parentheses. Blanks mean no form was elicited for the gloss shown. Figure 5-2 shows the overlapping glosses of PAGE 254 Roots La Paz jBertonio Juli Huancan~ Calacoa Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca Gloss 1603b aramaaruma aruma (ch'ama) arama aramaaruma night aruma 'dark' aruma rumarjt-1 arama evening arumirja + (q' a lta) arumant i(qa lta) (alwa) (arumanti) aruma arama aruma morning arumJnt"i) aruma o+--aruma~ early morning aruma midnight/dawn jayp"u aruma early night jich"arma(jich"a ~jich"aruma (jich"a jich"a jich"a tonight jich"aruma jayp'u arumanti) arama aruma jich"arma (masayp'u) (jayp"u)__.,. masur last night aruma arumant1+ (mayuru, (q"aru:ru) (q"ara, (q"alt'i) arumantiI (mayllarumanti tomorrow arumant"i arumant"i uru) q'alta) q"alt'i) N arumanti morning w ....... jich"arjich"ar{jich"a (j i ch"ur +-{jich"aq"alt'i) this morning mant"i manti q'alta) aruma). jich"a tonight arumanti arumarj1arumarj1morning arumirja arumi rja jich"arthis morning mirja jaypujayp'u jayp'u jaypu jayp"u jaypu jayp"u evening, night jayp"ujayp'u jich"ayp'u jfch"a (jich"aruma) (jich"a (jich"a (jich"a tonight jayp'u arumant f) arama) aruma) masayp'umasayp'u -jayp"U--+(masur last night wasayp'u aruma) jurpijurpu:ru jurp"u:ru jurpiwru jurp"1 jurpiwru jurpi q"alt'1 (q"aru:ru) day after tomorrow jurp"i jurp"i jurpu:ru day after day after tomorrow Figure 5-1.l. Temporals PAGE 255 Roots La Paz I Bertonio 1603b Julf Hi.:ancan~ Calacoa Sftajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca Gloss mara maymara~ I miymara maymara last year r::ayma:ra~ miymara, k"uri mara jutir q"ipa next year mara mara (Grurnarji + qalta (alwa) (arumi:!nti) q'alta q"alt'f morning q'altaarumirja, q"alt'f aru;r.anti arumant"i) q"ara q"aru:ru I +(mayllq"aru:ru q"arawru (arl!lr.ilnti) (mayuru, q"aru:ru q"ara (q"alt'i} tomorrow uru} q'alta) (jurpu:ru} I (jurpi serf es) q"aru:ru day after tomorrow uru chika uru +chika midday uru~ +chiku:ru jich"u:ru~ I jich"u:ru -jich"awru jich"u:ru today juch"u:ru N jurpu:ru jurp"u:ru jurpiwru (jurp" i) jurpiwru (jurpi) (q"alt'f (q"aru:ru) day after tomorrow w jurp"i) CX> jurpu:ru day after day after tomorrow I + walu:ru walawru• -1aluru(rr,aswarh'alu:ru I ~ialuru waruru maruru day before u:ru} yesterday masu:,u -lI mast:ru I masu:ru masawru -masurumasu:ru yesterday wasu:ru r.iayuru, I I mayuru mayu:ru another day q"ipu:ru q"ipu:ru q" i pa~:ru yaq"a uru yaq"a uru *unattested, but fits pattern Figure 5-1 . 2. Temporals PAGE 256 (to}night (this) morning micn1ght/dawn tomorrow day after tor.l>rrow another day arama Jopoqueri Jopoqueri Sa 1 inas aruma La Paz S1tajara Moroco:r.arca Juli Morocomarca Huancan~ C;:lacoa /1.oroco:r.:irca arumarji arumirja La Paz arumant1 Jo;ioq~er1 La Paz JopOGU.?ri La Paz Juli Huuncan~ Calacoa arumara Juli ar1,;nta La Paz N Calacala C.,.> I+ ~:ilta 8-?rtcr.io 1603bl I.O q iilca Calacca Sf tajara q"alt'i Jopoqueri Salinas Salinas I~ rocor..a rca Morccor.iarca l+rr..iyll uru lililYUfU Bertonio 1603bl Si tajara La Paz mayu:ru Jopoquerf Salfn.:s q"ara Salinas q"aru:ru La Paz Morocomarca Juli Jopoqu~rf q"arawru Huancan~ q"ipu:ru la Paz, Julf q"1pawru Huancane Figure 5-2. Temporals Overlapping Glosses PAGE 257 240 certain root and derived temporals. Forms alleged for Juli by Bertonio {1603b) are boxed to set them off from contemporary forms. 11 5-2.66 Semantics Phonologically identical or similar roots with the same meanings across dialects are the Spanish loans and the following: jaypu ~ jayp 11 u jayp'u 'evening' jich"a 'now' jink"ara {and variants) 'a little while ago' jurpi ~ jurp"i 'day after tomorrow' pacha 'time, epoch' p"axsi 'month' uru 'day' Phonologically identical or similar derived forms with the same meanings across dialects, in their La Paz versions, are may.mara ~ miy.mara 'last year' jurp.u:ru ~ 'day after tomorrow' {except in Morocomarca) PAGE 258 241 mas.u:ru ~ was.u:ru 'yesterday• wal.u:ru 1 day before yesterday• (except in Salinas) As may be seen in Figure 5-2, the semantic field of aruma ~ arama and arumanti still lacks a precise formu lation, but certain outlines are clear. The glosses_at first seemed bewilderingly in conflict: •morning' and 1 night 1 To complicate matters further, aruma means •orange color• in Jopoqueri. Two sources, one from Moro comarca and the other from Jopoqueri, accepted 'time period from midnight to dawn• as a roughly accurate defi nition of aruma (Morocomarca) and arumanti (Jopoqueri). According to a La Paz source, the period begins at bed time: arum chiga.ru is 1 at dusk 1 (Spanish tl atardecer) or •at night' (Spanish ..!:_ noche). A source in Calacoa said the following: Aruma. :.w.x.i.w, 3+3 s iki.nta.w.ja.:tan. bed 4+3 F In La Paz, Calacoa, and Huancane, aruma also means •early morning, before daylight' as in the following: Aruma.t sara.nani.xa. go 4+3 F 1 Let 1 s go early (before it gets light).' (Huancan~) PAGE 259 242 The period thus seems to begin after dark, approximately when people retire for the night, and end before dawn, when they get up. Perhaps it refers to the period when work is normally suspended; it is evidently tied to dark ness. Depending on one's point of reference in time it may be translated variously. The root arumanti overlaps the semantic field of 'tomorrow'. La Paz, Juli and Huancan~ have both arumanti and a q 11 ara form for 'tomorrow'. A q 11 ara form was not elicited for Calacoa, which alone of the arumanti 'tomorrow' group also has g'alta for 'morning'. Salinas and Jopoqueri have q 11 alt 1 i for 'morning' and g 11 ara forms for 'tomorrow'; in Salinas g 11 alt 1 i also means 'tomorrow'. Salinas and Morocomarca have g 11 alt 1 i for both 'morning' and 'tomorrow' and Huancane has arumanti for both meanings. La Paz has ch 11 armant 11 i 'this morning' built on arumanti, and arumanti 'tomorrow'. La Paz and Huancane also have forms based on g 11 ara for 'tomorrow' and La Paz also has arumarji ~ arumirja for 'morning'. Bertonio (1603b) indicated there were separate terms for the two, +qalta 'morning' and +maylluru 'tomorrow'. In contemporary dialects forms built of maya plus uru mean 'another day' rather than 'tomorrow' except in Sitajara, where the form has both meanings. (It may also have had both meanings in 17th century Juli.) PAGE 260 243 In Morocomarca q 11 ar.u:ru means 'day after tomorrow', the slot filled by the jurpi series elsewhere, and jurp.uru means 'day after day after tomorrow', a semantic slot not elicited for other dialects. In La Paz q'alta ~ q 11 alt 1 i were rejected, although a possibly related qallt.uru occurred in the phrase mayu p"axs qallt.uru 'the first day of May' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco). In Salinas arumanti was recognized as used elsewhere but not there. Not all terms were tested in all areas, so some not shown for a given area may in fact be acceptable there. 5-2.7 Ambiguous noun/verb roots A few ambiguous noun/verb roots have been identi fied in this research. The following occur generally unless otherwise noted: aru 'word, language; talk, speak' awati 'herding; herd' ch 11 aqa 'lost; lose' ch I uwa 'transparent, crystalline; be transparent' (said of water, milk) isi 'clothes; put on clothes' jacha 'tear; cry' PAGE 261 244 k 11 ita 'messenger; send a messenger' manq'a ~ mag'a 'food; eat, feed' mink'a 'help; help' (Morocomarca) nink 11 ara 'a while ago; be a while ago' (La Paz) pug 11 a 'full; pay a bill (fulfill) 1 qillga 'letter; write' qinaya 'cloud; cloud' (La Paz) g 11 una 'square stone used to grind corn; grind corn' (La Paz) q'ipi 'bundle; carry a bundle on the back' A special kind of noun/verb root is the syntactic filler inchi, which occurs to fill space while the speaker searches for a word. 12 Examples: Uka.ta.w (inchi) kuna.sa ... 'Then (uh) what .. (Calacoa) inchi.w.iri.x (Calacoa) -waverbal derivational 1 distancer 1 -iri nominalizer inchi.ru.x (Sitajara) -ru 'to, at' inchi.ta (Calacala) -ta 'of, from' PAGE 262 245 Certain verb roots plus derivational suffixes may act like derived nouns. Examples are given in 6-2. 5-3 Noun Suffixes Noun suffixes occur only on noun roots, noun stems, and nominalized themes. Noun suffix classes are four: a class of limited occurrence and three order classes. Class l consists of locationals, diminutives, a posses sor/enumerator, personal possessives, and plural. Class 2 consists of complement/relational (case) suffixes and final noun suffixes. Class 3 noun suffixes are the ver balizers. Figure 5-3 shows the order classes of noun suf fixes. This figure, adapted from my earlier version (Hardman et al. 1975:3.281), shows all noun suffixes and their allomorphs encountered in the research for this study. For general comments on noun suffix morphopho nemics, see 4-2. 5-3. l Class of limited occurrence 5-3. 11 Frozen limited suffixes Frozen suffixes occur most often as recurrent partials frozen in stems that do not occur without them, but some also occur on certain free roots. Their meaning is not usually apparent. PAGE 263 limited Class (Non-frozen) .c.h.?pi '"-ch" api ch'a _cja =~~!pa -:k"a •vlay~u c -rayku •v;;ura c -vqata r.:i -~rara wisa v-wisu Locationals ---------sal-ckata 1 C -kati 1 Diminutives -vcha -ifla lla •ita V •itu •vsitu -/lja •cjftil Pusses,or/ Eriu:nerator •vni Class 3 Verbalizers cja-ka-:-,..pta •v!dpt~ c Adopted from Briggs (Hard~~n et al. 1975:3.281) Figure 5-3. Aymara Noun Suffixes Xill,2 C Class 1 Class 2 I Comp l emcn t/ Possessfves I Plur.11 Relatfcnal Final Suffixes I I •vxa (11r.d var-I c iants) •vmptv .. -nt1 c ma V •vnaka 3 c -:xa2 -vpa c . na •vkama V V c c c •vruv •vpacha •vSa c •vtav -t"a c taki -takuf V V . c c tt.y V fu: Suffixes separated by a dotted line may change places, Suffixes scpdrated by a solid line may r.ot change places, 1 May follow -:,,pi and -,ach~. 2 May s~parate -~pi and -eoch;i. 3 M,!y prcccde .:.!!.!. ar.d location11ls -wj~, -Hta. Horphophor.<:rntcs cf al k:norphs He the sarr.e ts on the first allomorphs shown, unless otherwise noted. cjama (and var16nts) Zero Com;> 1 c.ti.:n t N .i::,. ' PAGE 264 247 5-3. 11. 1 Kinship markers Kinship markers are -chi ~ -ch" i ~ -ch I i, -ku, -la, -ta~ -tta, and~They occur on kinship terms used in certain areas. Both -chi or -ta and -la occur on certain stems, -la always last. 5-3. 11. 11 chi ~ -ch 11 i ~ -ch 1 i C V Kinship terms with this partial are achachi 1 grandfather 1 (Morocomarca, also Bertonio 1603b) 1 old man• (Calacoa) •stupid/dirty old man, old (animal)' (La Paz) achachila 'grandfather' (Juli, Calacala, Jopoqueri) achichi 'stupid old man, old' (Sitajara) allchi 'grandchild(ren)' (most dialects) a 11 ch" i I grandchi 1 d ( ren) 1 (Jopoqueri) + h' apac, 1 grandmother 1 modern Aymara) (Bertonio 1603b; not attested in PAGE 265 248 awkch 1 i 1 father-in-law' (Huancane, Salinas, Morocomarca; awki occurs there and elsewhere, meaning 'father' or 1 old man 1 ) jach'achila 'grandfather' (Morocomarca) jach'a 1 big' taykchi 'mother-in-law 1 ( Huancane) taykch'i 'mother-in-law' (Salinas; tayka occurs there and elsewhere, meaning 'mother• or 'old woman•) This frozen suffix has a preceding vowel in some stems, and a preceding consonant in others. 5-3.11.12 ku vThis has occurred only in mamaku 'mother• and tataku 1 father 1 , terms reportedly used today in the towns of Huatajata and Janco Amaya near Compi (La Paz); they were used in Compi during the childhood of persons who are now middle-aged. The forms mama •mother/ma'am' and tata 1 father/sir 1 are in general use throughout the Aymara area. 5-3.11.13 la vThis occurs as follows: achachila 'grandfather• (Juli, Calacala, Jopoqueri) ch'ammala •grandmother' < jach 1 a mamala (Jopoqueri) PAGE 266 249 jach 1 achila 1 grandfather 1 {Morocomarca) jach 1 attala 1 grandfather 1 < jach 1 a tatala (Jopoqueri) jach 1 a 1 large 1 mamala 'form of address used by mother speaking to daughter• {Vitocota) mamala 1 mother 1 {Calacoa, Morocomarca) jach 1 a mamala 'great grandmother• (San Andr~s de Machaca) jil. ir mama la 1 mother 1 s older si ster 1 {Morocomarca) tatala 'form of address used by mother speaking to son• {Vitocota) tatala 1 father 1 (Calacoa, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) tatala 'offensive term• {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Dios tatala 1 God the Father' {Torata, Moquegua) tiwula < Spanish tfo 1 uncle 1 {previously used in Campi) tiwula 1 fox 1 (La Paz, Socca, Sitajara, Jopoqueri) PAGE 267 250 tiyala 'sister or female cousin of father• < Spanish tfa (Juli) tiyula < Spanish tfo 1 uncle 1 (Morocomarca) 5-3. 11. 14 -vma ~ -mma ~ C This is probably a reduced form of~ 'mother/ ma 1 am 1 It has occurred only in Jopoqueri, in the follow ing: jil.ir.~y 1 father 1 s older brother's wife' tayp.ir.ma 1 father 1 s middle brother's wife' sullk.ir.ma 1 father 1 s younger brother's wife' pichumma 1 father 1 s youngest brother's wife' This suffix basically requires a previous vowel, but it follows the three-vowel rule (4-3.22. 16). 5-3.ll.15 ta~ -tta v----c This is probably a reduced form of tata 'father/ Sir I ipata 1 father 1 s sister' (Jopoqueri) 1 aunt 1 jach 1 attala < jach 1 a tatala 'grandfather' (Jopoqueri) PAGE 268 251 jilata 'brother• (Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas, Morocomarca) jila 1 brother' (most dialects) jil.ir.ttay 1 father 1 s older brother• (Jopoqueri) jil.iri 1 older 1 (most dialects) larita 'uncle 1 (Calacoa) lari 1 fox 1 (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, 1 neighbor 1 ( Compi) 1 father• s brother• (Bertonio 1603b: 202) laritta 1 uncle 1 (Jopoqueri) pichu.r.tta 1 father 1 s youngest brother• (Jopoqueri) pichu. ri I youngest 1 (Jopoqueri) sullk.ir.tta 1 father 1 s younger brother• (Jopoqueri) sullka 1 younger 1 (most dialects) tayp.ir.tta 1 father 1 s middle brother• (Jopoqueri) taypi 1 middle 1 (all dialects) PAGE 269 252 The morphophonemics of this suffix are the same as those of -ma~ -mma. 5-3. 11 . l 6 -v~ This suffix occurs on j il aya 'brother', j i l. i r. may 'father's older brother's wife', and jil.ir.ttay 'father's older brother', all used in Jopoqueri, and in sullka tata.ya 'father's younger brother', used in Sacca. In the last example it may be an allomorph of lp possessive suffix (see 5-3.24.1). 5-3. 12 Nonfrozen limited suffixes The meanings of these suffixes are usually apparent. 5-3.12.l -c_c_h_a~p_i_~_-_c_h_"_a~p_i 'the one which/that' This suffix does not occur in La Paz. It occurs in Huancan~, Sitajara, and Jopoqueri, usually with the aspirated allomorph, on the interrogative kawki, the demonstratives aka and uka, and the derived number may.ni. Examples: kawk.ch 11 api.sa 'which, who is that?' (Sitajara) ak. cha pi 'this one 1 (Huancan~) uk.chapi 'that one' (Huancan~) PAGE 270 253 h ll may.n.c ap. 1r1 'someone' (Jopoqueri) The following examples were cited by Bertonio (1603b) and Tschopik (1948): +kawki.chapi 'which' (Bertonio 1603b:237) +kawk.ch'ap.iri.sa 'which of us' (Tschopik 1948:110) +jach'a.chapi 'the large one' (Bertonio 1603b:193} +.. t h . J1wa. a.cap, 'the one that is dead' (Tschopik 1948:110) + h . w, a.cap, 1 the red one' (Bertoni o 1603b: 192) (The glottalization shown on the second example is probably in error.) 5-3.12.2 ch'a 'size, extent' c-This suffix has occurred on the interrogative gawg 11 a, the demonstrative uka, and the number maya. It is general in all dialects. Examples: gawg 11 a.ti gawg.ch'a.ti 'however much' (Huancan~) uk.ch'a.ki.y 'just that size' (La Paz) Uk.ch'a.ki.w. 'That's all.' (story ending, Juli, La Paz) PAGE 271 254 ma: uk. ch I a I a while 1 ( Jopoqueri) yat may.ch'a.x 1 in some places• (La Paz) + uk. ch' a.:. n. kama. xa 1 meanwhil e 1 (Tschopi k 1948: l 08) 5-3.12.3 j a c'amount, quantity• This suffix occurs on only a few roots and is difficult to distinguish from a homophonous allomorph of the Class 2 noun suffix -jama 'like', except when it (-ja 1 quantity 1 ) occurs before a complement/relational suffix (see jayp'.ja.ru below). It must also be distinguished from the allomorph /-ja/ of lp possessive and from the verbal derivational suffix -jathat may verbalize noun roots. It may be this suffix that occurs in the derived demonstratives ak 11 a and uk 11 a and in the interrogatives kawk 11 a and gawg 11 a. It occurs on wali in wal.ja 1 a lot•, contrasting with wal.jama 'pretty good'. Two other examples, on temporals, are jayp'.ja.ru 1 in the afternoon• (San Andr~s de Machaca) and ur.ja 1 by day• (Salinas). 5-3. 12.4 -ckipa •every other• In contemporary La Paz Aymara, this suffix occurs only on numbers, as in may.kipa •every other one•, pay.kipa •every other two•. It may be identical with the homophonous verbal derivational suffix meaning 'action PAGE 272 255 around the edge, past a point, back and forth' which is known to verbalize one noun root (see 6-2. 15. 1), although the verbal suffix has different morphophonemics, requiring a preceding vowel. Bertonio (1603b:172-173) cited -kipa on numbers and on the following forms which are unaccept able in La Paz today: + II k" k" gayg a. 1pa.n. 1.s 'how far back in line' (gawg"a.n.k.k.i.s means 'how far back in line' in La Paz today) + k" nayra. ,pa 'second in line' + . k. pan,. ,pa 'third in line' 5-3. 12.5 -:ka 'general location' This suffix occurs only on the demonstratives aka, uka, and k 11 aya in La Paz. It also occurred once in Sacca on aka. It was not formally elicited nor did it occur spontaneously elsewhere. Possibly a reduced form of aka, it lessens the preciseness of a location. The following examples are from La Paz/Compi. aka.:ka.n sar.naga.s.ka.:na 'he was going around here' 3+3 RDK k 11 aya.:ka.n 'around there' PAGE 273 256 uka.:ka.n 'around there' *k 11 uri. :ka.n (rejected) The following pair, the second with -:ka, occurred in Sacca. Aka.n.ka.s.ka.ki.ya:.wa. 1 l 1 11 be here in this place.' 1-+3 F Aka.:ka.n.ka.s.ka.ki.ya:.wa. 'I'll be around here.' 5-3. 12.6 -:k"a 'through' Only one example of the suffix :k"a 'through' has occurred, in uta. :k 11 a 'through the house• in Moro comarca, where neither the combination /-n.jama/ nor /-na.ma/ 'through' occurs (see 5-3.32.3). It may per haps consist of -:ka •general location' plus /-ja/ allomorph of -jama 'like'. 5-3. 12.7 -vlayku ~ -rayku 'on account of' C /~rayku/ occurs in Morocomarca, /-layku/ else where. In most dialects use of this suffix in a question implies perplexity and annoyance on the part of the ques tioner, e. g., Kuna.layku.s jut.ta? 'Whatever possessed you to come?' what come 2-+3 s PAGE 274 257 Statements with this suffix do not usually have the strong emotional overtone of the question, as in Manu.layku.w jut.ta. 'I came because of a debt. 1 debt 1+3 s Missionary Aymara uses the term kuna. layku.ti.xa 'because' (see 9-5). This suffix follows the three-vowel rule {4-3.22. 16). 5-3.12.8 -v~ 'between, among' (reciprocal) C This suffix occurs primarily on human nouns. warmi.pura 'among women' (La Paz) mimill waw.pura.tan 'we're just women' (Sitajara) s mimilla 'girl I wawa 'child' Jupa.nak.pura.ki.w. 'They're just by themselves. 1 3p Bertonio used this suffix with body parts, as in +nayra.pura 'both eyes', but in present-day La Paz this is rejected in favor of using the frozen stem purapa 'both' (see 5-3.24) as a modifier, e. g. purap 1 both feet 1 PAGE 275 258 This suffix follows the three-vowel rule (4-3.22.16). This suffix is known to occur on only two roots: nayra 'before' and gE@_ 'only'. The stem nayra.gata 1 in front of' is used in La Paz, Jopoqueri, and probably elsewhere. The stem sapa.gata 'each one' occurs in La Paz. 5-3. 12. 10 ra v'through' Like -:k 11 a, -ra is a suffix occurring in only one dialect, in this case Jopoqueri, with the meaning 'through'. uta.ra.n 'through the house' 5-3.12.11 rara intensifier v-In La Paz this suffix occurs as in the following: lag 1 a.rara 'covered with earth' lag'a 'earth' lichi.rara 'spotted with milk' lichi 'milk' gala.rara 'covered with stones' 'stone' In Irpa Chico, province of Ingavi, La Paz, it occurred in these examples cited by Mart1n (1969:34). PAGE 276 259 +~. II. I dd I n1g 1.rara very mu y nig 11 i 'mud 1 +k 11 uchi.rara 'very dirty' k 11 uchi I pig 1 5-3. 12. 12 wisa ~ wisu v-v-'without' This suffix is no longer productive in any dia lect investigated for this study, although in Bertonio's time it apparently was (Bertonio 1603b:214,215). Its use is now taken over by jani negative plus the possessor/ enumerator suffix -ni, as in jan nasa.ni 'without a nose'. Today the only forms attested with -wisa are for Compi and Tiahuanaco: jinchu.wisa 'hard of hearing' and nayra.wisa 'having bad eyesight' (which would not be said within earshot of the person referred to, as they would be considered rude) and jayu.wisa 'lacking salt'. -wisa occurs in Tiahuanaco, -wisu in Compi. 5-3.2 Class l suffixes 5-3.21 Locationals I have described locational suffixes elsewhere (Hardman et al. 1975:3.287-290). No special effort was made to elicit them in this study, and no variations in their occurrences were noted. They are -cg 'side', -ckata ~ -kati 'across', -vwja 'place', -cjita 'exactly in a place', -cxa 'over, on', and -:xa 'beside'. PAGE 277 260 5-3.22 Diminutives The following diminutives have occurred in this research: -cha, -illa ~ -lla, -ita, -itu, and -situ. The last three are clearly Spanish loans; -illa ~ -lla may be. The first two and -itu are fully productive, -ita is less so, and -situ occurs only frozen in stems but is included here because of its structural and semantic closeness to the others. The diminutives do not usually co-occur with the locationals. 5-3.22. l cha v-This suffix, which may be related to the Jaqaru -cha limitative (Hardman 1966:87), occurs in Calacoa and Huancan~ on any noun that is limited or qualified as small. uka.cha.x 1 then 1 (Huancan~) marka. cha I little town 1 (Cal acoa) nasa.cha 'little nose• (Calacoa) It is used on kinship terms and in forms of address as a mark of affection and/or courtesy. tiyu.cha.ja 'my uncle' (Calacoa) .9!!]j_ suma.~ mama 'dear good lady' (Huancan~) jisk 1 a llugalla.cha 'little boy' (Calacoa) PAGE 278 261 It may occur with other diminutives, as in the following, which has -cha followed by -itu reduced to /ch.tu/ by the three-vowel rule (see 4-3.22. 16). papa.ch.tu.ja 'my daddy' (Huancan~) 5-3.22.2 illa ~ lla c----v-/-lla/ diminutive, which occurs in Huancan~, Sita jara, Corque, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, is to be distin guished from /-lla/ lp possessive which occurs in Vito cota and from /-lla/ allomorph of -ya~ -lla politive final (sentence) suffix, which occurs in some of the dia lects that have /-lla/ diminutive. Both the diminutive /-lla/ and the final suffix /-lla/ may occur on the same stem, and they are clearly distinct in meaning. /-illa/ has occurred in the speech of one source from Salinas who also uses /-lla/, but the latter is more common. It may reduplicate for emphasis. A speaker from Jopoqueri used both pisag.ita and pisaga. lla 'little partridge' in the same story. Other examples: Uk.jama. lla.ki .w. 'It's just like so. 1 (Salinas) may.illa 'just one little one' (Salinas) Sik'a.lla.lla.wa. 'It's tiny.' (Salinas) sik'a 'little' Jisk'a. lla.ki.w. 'It's very small.' (Huancane) jisk'a 'little' PAGE 279 262 jamach'i.lla 'little bird' (Salinas) jila. lla.naka 'brothers' (Corque) tayka. lla 'little old lady' (Salinas} 5-3.22.3 ita c-This suffix is the borrowed Spanish diminutive -ita. It occurs infrequently and usually only in frozen forms such as mamita 'mother' (a term of endearment used to one's own mother}. It also occurs on a few roots ending in /a/. kullak.ita 'little sister' (Calacoa) kullaka 'sister' nas. ita 'little nose' (Salinas} nasa 'nose' pisag.ita 'little partridge' (Jopoqueri} 5-3.22.4 itu c-pisaga 'partridge' This suffix is the borrowed Spanish diminutive -ito. It is not used in Calacoa but is elsewhere more productive than -ita, occurring on nouns without regard to the gender of the referent, as in tawag.itu 'young woman' (Juli), although in this case the choice of -itu rather than -ita may be influenced by the fact that the root tawaqu ends in /u/. PAGE 280 5-3.22.5 situ v-263 This is a variant of -itu, from Spanish -cito. It occurs rarely, like -ita, and appears frozen to the roots on which it occurs, which are all kinship or age terms. papa.situ 'father, daddy' < Spanish papacito (La Paz) allchi.situ 1 grandchild 1 (Huancan~) awki.situ 'little old man' (Juli) 5-3.23 -vni possessor/enumerator This suffix is in general use in all areas. The following is a summary and revision of my earlier treatment (Hardman et al. 1975:3.291-294). The semantics of -ni are further discussed in 8-2.24. 5-3.23.l -ni possessor The suffix -ni turns a noun into a possessor of that noun, except as noted in 5-3.23.2. A noun stem with -ni may be verbalized with the verbal derivational suffix -cha causative as well as by-:verbalizer. qullqi.ni 'one who has money' qullqi.n.cha.na 1 to make someone win' (La Paz) PAGE 281 264 The negative jani modifying a noun with -ni means 1 with out1, as in jan chacha.ni 'without a husband' (Jopoqueri, La Paz). 5-3.23.2 -ni enumerator -ni is used in forming certain numbers, for count ing, and when the following classes of nouns are used with reference to human beings: numbers, quantity nouns (such as g_g_i_ 'all', tag.pacha 'all', wal .ja 1 a lot, much, many', and juk'a 'a few'), or the interrogative gawg 11 a 'how much, how many'. 5-3.24 Personal possessives There are four personal possessive suffixes corresponding to the four personal pronouns (5-2.3) and occurring on the item possessed. All refer exclusively to human possessors except the third person, which is unmarked for human or nonhuman (i. e., it may refer to human or nonhuman possessors, animate or inanimate). There is no phonemic variation in the mor phemes of 2p, 3p, and 4p, which correspond to the last syllable of the corresponding personal pronoun: 2p -ma, 3p ~, and 4p -sa. However, as already indicated in 3-4.32, there is considerable variation in the allo morphs of lp. The 3p suffix is unique in that it occurs frozen in certain stems. PAGE 282 265 5-3.24. l Allomorphs of lp suffix /-ja/ /-xa/ /-:/ /-lla/ (La Paz/Campi, Juli, Sacca, Huancane, Calacoa; also alleged in Bertonio 1603b) (la Paz) (La Paz [rarely], Sacca) (Vitocota) /-nha/ (Sitajara, Jopoqueri; reportedly general throughout most of the provinces of Tarata [Tacna] and Carangas [Oruro]) /-na/ + /-ya/ (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) (Ross 1964:Addendum, n. 4 top. 25; locale not indicated) The allomorphs above correspond to some of the allomorphs of 1+3 Future tense (6-3.32), but the corre spondence is not exact within all dialects. 5-3.24.ll Complete correspondence ( 1 l 1 11 go to my house.') Uta.nha.r sar.xa.nha. (Sitajara, Jopoqueri) Uta.na.r sara.na. (Salinas) Uta.ja.r sara.ja. (La Paz/Campi, Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa) *Uta. : . r sara.:. (Sacca; not elicited) uta 1 house 1 sara'go' PAGE 283 266 5-3.24. 12 Incomplete correspondence Uta.ja.r ~ uta.xa.r sara.:ja ~ sara.: ~ sara.:xa. (La Paz) Sara.:. ut.na.ru. {Morocomarca) *Ut.na.r sara.ya. {Morocomarca; not elicited, but likely) *Uta.ja.r sara.ja: ~ sara.ya. {Socca; not elicited, but likely) In general there are more different allomorphs of F than there are of lp possessive, in a given dialect. 5-3.24.2 Convergence of lp and 4p In Sitajara lp and 4p have fallen together in the speech of some persons, but not completely, giving such anomalous possibilities as jiwsa.n uta.nha, literally 'our {4p) house-my', where the person is /jiwsa/ 4p 1 our 1 in clusive, but the possessive suffix is /-nha/ lp exclusive. The intended meaning is 'our {4p) house'. How widespread this convergence may be is not known at this time. 5-3.24.3 Frozen 3p suffix .:...I!E_ The 3p suffix .:...I!E_ is frozen in certain stems, most of them containing base forms which may occur inde pendently as noun roots but may not take other personal possessive suffixes. In two cases the base forms without occur as noun suffixes rather than as roots. Below, the base forms are given first. PAGE 284 267 jaq 11 a'other' (see yag 11 a below} jag 11 apa 'another person' kij1 same' (Sitajara; also Bertonio 1603b:192} kij~ 'same, identical' (Jopoqueri} kiki 'same' This occurs in La Paz with all four personal posses sive suffixes, e. g., 4p Jiwas kiki.sa.w. 'It's we ourselves.' The frozen stem with _:.2! is kikpa 'same, identical 1 kiRka 'same, identical' (La Paz} (La Paz, Sitajara; metathe sized form) -pacha 'same', Class 2 noun suffix pachpa 'same, unchanged' (La Paz, Calacoa, Jopoqueri; also Bertonio 1603b:266) pachpa 'right there' (Sitajara} -pura 'between, among', limited noun suffix purapa 'both' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:267) tagi 1 all 1 tagip ~ tag~ 'all' (Morocomarca; this acts morphopho nemically like a root plus posses sive suffix, see 5-3.24.4) PAGE 285 268 yaq 11 a 1 other 1 yag 11 apa •another person, some people' yag 11 ipa •another person, some people' (Vitocota; also Bertonio 1603b:195) (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:195) The /p/ that occurs in the following is probably also a frozen form of the 3p suffix~= kawki.p.iri.s 'which?' (Calacala) kawk.p.iri.s 'which?' (Morocomarca) 5-3.24.4 Morphophonemics of personal possessive suffixes In most dialects the morphophonemics of personal possessive suffixes are variable (see 4-5.3 and below). In Sitajara 4p -sa always takes a preceding con sonant in a manner analogous to the shape of the 4p pro noun in that dialect, jiwsa, and the other three personal possessives require a preceding consonant when occurring on certain forms nominalized with -ta (see 7-4.21.3). In Morocomarca the four personal possessive suffixes require a preceding consonant unless a stem-final consonant cluster would thereby result, in which case the suffixes require a preceding vowel. That is, allomorphs requiring a preceding vowel occur in zero complements (see 5-3.33) and in the case of lp and 2p suffixes, in PAGE 286 269 modifiers of other nouns. In both cases the vowel re stored before the possessive suffix prevents the occur rence of a stem-final consonant cluster. Examples: Subject: Yap.na jaya.n.k.i.wa. 'My field is far away.' lp 3+3 s Zero complement: Yapu.n0 sata.ni.:. 'I'm going to plant my field.' "'fp plant 1+3 F Modifier in noun phrase: Tatala.n yap.pa.wa. 'It's my father's field.' lp 3p ('my father his field') Tatala.m yap.pa.wa. 'It's your father's field.' 2p 3p ('your father his field') Modifiers with 3p or 4p as the final morpheme do not occur in this context in Morocomarca. *Tatala.p yap.pa.wa. 3p *Tatala.s yap.pa.wa. 4p PAGE 287 270 If the possessive suffix -na {see 5-3.31.2) follows the lp or 2p suffix in Morocomarca, the vowel before the personal possessive drops by the regular morphophonemic rule for personal possessives. Tatal.na.n yap.pa.wa. lp Tatal.ma.n yap.pa.wa. 2p Tatal.pa.n yap.pa.wa. 3p Tatal.sa.n yap.pa.wa. 4p 'It's my father's field. 1 'It's your father's field. 1 'It's his/her father's field.' 'It's our father's field.' The order of the rules and the conditioning may be stated as follows. Zero complement l. + -cposs. --> yap.na yap.ma yap.~ yap.sa 2. yap.na + zero complement--> *yap.n~ 3. *yap.n + vowel restoration--> yapu.n Conditioning Morphological Syntactic Phonological PAGE 288 271 Noun modifier l. tatala + poss. --> tatal.na etc. C 2. tatal.na as modifier of another noun loses final vowei by three-vowel rule: tatal.na --> *tatal.n 3. tatal.n + vowel restoration--> tatala.n Conditioning Morphological Syntactic & Phonological Phonological In Calacala, Jopoqueri, and Salinas personal possessive suffixes may take a preceding consonant unless a final consonant cluster would thereby result, but they often take a preceding vowel even though no con sonant cluster would otherwise occur. In other words, in those dialects there seems to be some free variation in the morphophonemics of the suffixes, except when avoidance of final consonant clusters is a factor. In Huancan~ personal possessive suffixes require a preceding vowel on two-vowel nouns but a consonant on nouns or noun stems having more than two vowels. That is, the three-vowel rule operates before personal possessives. The examples are all of single noun subjects; what happens when the nouns lose their final vowels as zero comple ments or modifiers is not known. Examples: kuntu.ja 'my story' < Spanish cuento awich.ja 'my grandmother' awicha 'grandmother' PAGE 289 272 kuna.s isi.pa.s wali.k.i.t ni un.nag.pa.s suma.k.i.t 3+3 s sa.sa 'none of his clothes were good, nor was his appearance attractive, saying' isi 'clothes' un.naga 'appearance' In stems frozen with 3p .:...P_! (see above) the mor phophonemics of the personal possessive vary, some forms having .:...P..! with a preceding consonant, some with a pre ceding vowel. A relic of a rule of vowel loss before possessives, with no final consonant-cluster avoidance, is found in a term used in La Paz for the Virgin Mary. Tayk.s Mariya.x 'Our Mother Mary' tayka 'mother' In Morocomarca, the /n/ of lp /-na/ may be realized as [9] (a palatalized velar nasal) in certain environments, and in Calacala the /p/ of 3p .:...P..! may be realized as the voiced labial fricatives [v] or [e]; these alternations result from phonologically-conditioned morphophonemic rules (see 4-3.21.2 and 4-3.21.32). 5-3.25 -vnaka plural This suffix occurs in all dialects. As indicated in 5-2.3, number is not obligatorily marked in Aymara. In the speech of monolinguals, plural may be marked on PAGE 290 273 some, all, or none of the following: a verb subject, a verb complement, or the verb itself (with the suffix .:...Q.:.. alone or in the combinations /-p.ka-/, /-p.ja-/, or /-p.xa-/; see 6-2.26). Absence of a plural mark does not mean singular in Aymara. Writers of Aymara grammars frequently maintain that plural is a category in the language, insisting that regular and consistent use of -naka and the verb pluralizer is the norm. It is true that bilinguals translating from Spanish into Aymara tend to reflect Spanish plurals in Aymara, but most plural concord in the speech of bilinguals is merely evidence of syntactic borrowing from the dominating language. As shown in the following examples from the speech of a monolingual from Sitajara, such regularity is not natively Aymara; rather, -naka is used as an optional emphatic or intensifier. In the first example -naka occurs on the subject, but there is no plural mark on the verb. Alp 11 irawu.naka.w ut.j.i. 'There are alferados.' alferado 3+3 S {? N 3p Everywhere this suffix requires a preceding vowel. It keeps its final vowel before the independent nonfinal suffix -raki in Huancan~. Elsewhere it loses its final vowel before a following suffix unless the latter requires a preceding vowel. It may keep or lose its vowel word finally. 5-3.31.3 taki ~ -tak 11 i ~ beneficiary/purposive V V C /-tay/ occurs in Sitajara; /-taki/ occurs elsewhere. Some Salinas speakers have /-taki 11 i/ in free variation with /-taki/. When the verbal derivational suffix -rapi occurs on a verb stem, the complement is a beneficiary PAGE 303 286 of the action, and if that complement is expressed by a noun in the sentence, it is suffixed with -taki ~ -tak 11 i ~If there is no -rapi in the verb stem, the verb complement is not a beneficiary, but there may be a noun marked by -taki ~ -tak 11 i ~ -tay expressing a goal or pur pose of the action. Jupa.x naya.tak law ay.ta.s.i. 3p lp stick pick up 3+3 s 'He picked up a stick for me (i. e. to hit me with).' (La Paz) Here~ lp is not the complement of the verb inflection, which is 3+3 .:...i, but rather is the goal of the action. The foregoing example was inspired by an example in Bertonio (1603b:294) which was intended to have the above meaning but has -rapiverbal derivational suffix on the verb. For contemporary speakers, this makes the /-taki/ complement the beneficiary, changing the meaning of the sentence to 'He picked up a stick on my behalf'. That is, -rapialways implies a beneficiary in Aymara today. It seems unlikely that the meaning has shifted since the 17th century; rather, Bertonio's translation was probably in error. Additional examples of /-taki/ and /-tay/ are the following: Na.tay.wa. 'It's for me.' (Sitajara) PAGE 304 287 yapu.nha.tay 'for my field' (Sitajara) kuna.tay.s 'why, what for' (Sitajara) Na.taki.wa. 'It's for me.' (Huancan~) Jiwas.taki.wa. 'It's for us (4p).' (Huancane) kuna.taki.rak ~ kun.taki.rak 'what for' {Compi) Occurrences of -taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay on stems ending in -na nominalizer (the purposive subordinator) are discussed in 7-4.21.23. In Campi /-taki/ permits either a preceding vowel or consonant after the interrogative kuna but requires a preceding vowel in other environments. In Jopoqueri /-taki/ permits either a preceding vowel or consonant after the nominalizer suffix -na but otherwise requires a previous vowel. In Huancan~ /-taki/ follows the three-vowel rule. Elsewhere /-taki/ requires a preceding vowel. It keeps its final vowel before following suf fixes, except consonant-requiring final noun suffixes. It may keep or lose its final vowel, word-finally. /-tay/, which occurs only in Sitajara, requires a preceding vowel. It is parallel in shape to /-ray/, the Sitajara allomorph of -ra 'yet' and/or -raki 'aggregate/ complainer' independent nonfinal suffixes (see 7-2.21.3 and 7-2.21.4). PAGE 305 288 5-3.32 Final Class 2 suffixes The last suffixes to occur on a noun stem or theme before verbalization, if any, are -kama aggregate/ attainer, -pacha 'all, same', -jama 'like', and zero complement vowel drop (which may not be followed by verbalization). -kama may occur before the complement/relationals but usually does not. -pacha may occur before all complement/relationals except -mpi ~ -nti, and its meaning is tied to its position of occurrence. -jama may follow -kama on a stem, but not vice versa. -pacha has not co-occurred with either -kama or -jama except on the stems frozen with -jama: ak 11 ama and uk"ama. 5-3.32. 1 -vkama aggregate/attainer C This suffix means 'among, all, each' on human nouns, as in warmi.kama 'among women'. On nonhuman, inanimate nouns -kama refers to spatial and temporal orientation. An example of spatial orientation is the following from La Paz/Tiahuanaco: Juli.mpi.r Ch'ugi.yap.kama.mpi.ru.w pur.i. s 'He arrived as far as Juli and Chuquiago. 1 Usually, however, -kama occurs after the complement/relational PAGE 306 289 suffixes -mpi ~ -nti, -ru, etc., as in the following example from La Paz/Campi: Ch 1 ugi.yapu.r.kama.ki.w. 1 It's just as far as Chuquiayago.' This suffix occurs with temporal orientation on time words and nominalized verbs, most often as a form of leave-taking with the prospect of another meeting. arumant.kama 'until tomorrow' (La Paz, Huancan~) ,~Gi, may.ur.kam 'until tomorrow' (Sitajara) g 11 ar.u:r.kama 'until tomorrow' (La Paz, Juli) jiki.si.n.kama 1 until (we) meet again' (La Paz) +jich 11 a.kama.sa 'until now• (Tschopik 1948:113) In Salinas the variant /-ka:ma/ was heard, but this may have been paralinguistic: ratu.ka:ma 1 so long•. -kama is subject to the three-vowel rule. 5-3.32.2 -cpacha 1 all, same' This suffix was originally considered two sep arate homophonous suffixes because it has different mean ings in two positions of occurrence. When it occurs before the complement/relationals it means 'all'; PAGE 307 290 when it occurs after them, it means 'the same, the very, itself'. However, it never co-occurs with itself, and when it occurs without a complement/relational, it may have either meaning or may act as an intensifier of the meaning of the root it occurs on. This suffix must be distinguished from the verbal inflection -pacha 3+3 Inferential and from the restricted temporal root pacha 'time, epoch' (5-2.6). The frozen stem pachpa 1 same 1 is evidence that -pacha suffix was once a root. The suffix -pacha may occur on certain temporal roots (but not on pacha}. mar.pacha 'all year, the same year' (La Paz) ur.pacha 1 by daylight 1 (La Paz) An example of a temporal root plus pacha 'time, epoch' i s q" al t 'i pa ch a I i n the morn i n g 1 (Sal i n as ) , i n w hi ch the vowel of the modifier is retained. Other examples of -pacha suffix are puq 11 .pacha 'full up 1 (Salinas) laka.r.pach laka.r.pach 'gasping for breath' (Corque) mouth to In Juli, La Paz, and Calacoa -pacha occurs on naya ~ na: lp pronoun, meaning 1 myself 1 ; elsewhere it PAGE 308 291 is rejected in that context. -pacha occurs frozen on the roots g_g_j_ 1 all 1 and liju 'all' in stems having the same meaning: tag.pacha and lij.pacha, which then act as roots, taking Class 1 noun suffixes. 5-3.32.3 -cjama (and variants) 'like' This suffix has a number of different allomorphs in different dialects. It occurs on all classes of noun roots, stems, and nominalized themes. It is unique among the noun suffixes in occurring on the nominalizer subordi nating suffixes -iri, -sa, and -sina. -jama combines with the complement/relational suffix -na possessive/ locational with unpredictable meanings. The sequence /jama/ or a reduced variant /ja/ may occur in certain inflected verb stems, and -jama on nouns may be preceded by the independent suffix -ki. These facts suggest that the suffix -jama should be classified as an independent nonfinal suffix. However, while such an analysis works well for some examples, it does not for others. These complexities are discussed in more detail in 6-2. 11 and 6-2.3. Bertonio (1603b:241) cited the following example showing +jama as a separate root: +K . am1sa how na lura.t"a, lp do 1+3 s jama.ki tffiis 'As I did, thus you will do. 1 juma.naka 2p pl. lura.jata. do 2+3 F PAGE 309 292 In present-day La Paz/Tiahuanaco dialect this is ren dered as Kamisa.ti.x how naya.x lur.k.t.xa , lp do 1+3 s uk 11 ama.rak thus also lura.p.xa.m. do pl. 2+3 I 1 As I did, thus do you also. 1 Here -jama occurs in the frozen demonstrative uk 11 ama 1 thus 1 In contemporary Aymara jama does occur as a noun root, but only with the meaning 1 excrement 1 15 The suffix -jama is distinguished from the homophonous root by always requiring a preceding consonant, while the root does not. Syntactic homophony is rare but possible. Achak.jama.w. 1 It's like a mouse. 1 Achak jama.w. 1 It 1 s mouse dung. 1 In the second example the final vowel of achaku 1 mouse 1 drops by the three-vowel rule. The allomorphs of -jama are given below with geographic areas of occurrence and examples. /-jama/ (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara) kun.jama.sa ~ kun.jam.sa 1 how, like what• kuna 1 what 1 PAGE 310 293 uk 11 ama I thus 1 uka I that 1 nay.jama 'like me' naya lp wal.jama 'pretty good' wa l i I we 11 , good 1 risa.s.jama 'while praying' (La Paz) pray -sa subordinator +risa.sin.jama 'while praying' (Bertonio 1603b:234) -sina subordinator /-ja:ma/ (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) kun.ja:ma.sa 1 how 1 (La Paz, Jopoqueri) .. yaq 11 ama 'different' (Morocomarca) /-ja/ (La Paz, Sacca, Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas) kun.ja.sa 1 how 1 (Sitajara) kun.~.t.s 1 how 1 (Sacca) Uk.ja.w. 'They are like those.' (Huancan~) may.ja 'different' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara, La Paz) may.~.ta 'in a certain way' (La Paz) +. t . rn 1.Ja 1 like the sun 1 (Bertonio l603b:263) PAGE 311 294 /-k 11 a/ (Jopoqueri) Naya.x lp ak. k"a.n. k.j. iri. t.wa. here 1+3 s 'I'm from around here, more or less.' /:ma/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) ku na . : ma . s ' how, 1 i ke what 1 maya.:ma 'different' uta. :ma 'like a house' Awt.ja.ta.:ma.k.:.it.sa. 1 I 1 m sort of hungry.' hunger of >V 3+1 s (literally, 'Of hunger like is to me.') One example of /-:ma/ was heard for Juli, as follows: juma.ki.ki.:ma.s 'just like you• 2p /-vma/ (Morocomarca) uta.ma 'like a house' awayu.ma 'like an awayu• (a kind of shawl) /-:mu/ {Salinas) maya.:mu 'different' PAGE 312 295 Bertonio (1603b:174) gave a similar variant with final /u/, +/-jamu/, occurring only on numbers. +maya.jamu 'in one manner' +paya.jamu 'in two manners' (etc.) The suffix -na possessive/locational occurs with -jama and variants in the following combinations having various meanings. /-n.jama/ layi. n.jama 'through the irrigation ditch' (Calacoa) p"axsi.n.jama 'like on the moon' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) uru.n.jama 'like in the day' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Bertonio (1603b:231) gave the following examples: + . mara.n.Jama 'every year' + k . mar a.n.Jama 'in every town' + . . pags1.n.Jama 1 every month 1 + . uru.n.Jama 'every day' PAGE 313 296 /-na.ma/ uta.na.ma 'through the ilis jak'.na.m 'near house' } the church' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ilisa 'church' jak'a 'near' Two other related variants have occurred. /-:ma/ 'through' occurred in San Andres de Machaca, giving the following contrast: ut.jama 'like a house' uta. :ma 'through the house' The contrast in Tiahuanaco is ut.jama 'like a house' uta.na.ma 'through the house' Also in Tiahuanaco, /-jama/ may occur after /-na.ma/ on a stem. ak.na.m.jam 'by this (same path)' aka 'this' The above evidence would seem to indicate that /-na.ma/ in Tiahuanaco and /-:ma/ in San Andres de Machaca should be considered suffixes in their own right, the unitary morphemes -nama and -:ma. In Morocomarca the combinations of -na with -jama are rejected, and 'through the house' is translated into PAGE 314 297 Aymar a as u ta . : k II a ( 53 . l 2 . 5) . In Jo po q u er i i t i s trans lated uta.ra.n (5-3.12.10). Present-day allomorphs of -jama beginning with /j/ or /k 11 / require a preceding consonant; those beginning with vowel length of course require a preceding vowel. Bertonio 1 s inconsistent spelling precludes certainty about the morphophonemics of the allomorphs in his day. The morphophonemics of -nama are variable, sometimes requiring a preceding vowel, sometimes a preceding con sonant. The various allomorphs keep their final vowels except before /-jama/ itself (which may occur after -nama and may reduplicate on itself) and when zero complement final vowel dropping occurs. 5-3.33 Zero complement vowel drop In Aymara each verb root or stem has many poten tial zero complements. These are noun roots, stems, or themes whose occurrence with a given verb root or stem depends on semantic constraints inherent in the verb root and in the verbal derivational suffixes which may occur in the verb. As these suffixes change, the zero comple ments change also. They are called zero complements because they are marked by obligatory loss of the final stem vowel before final sentence suffixes, if any, except -lla ~ -ya. The loss of vowel may occur on an independent suffix, if any occurs on the noun root, stem, PAGE 315 298 or theme. This vowel loss, the mark of zero complement, is not actually a suffix at all, but rather the result of a phonological deletion rule, morphologically and syn tactically conditioned, and belongs in a discussion of Aymara morphophonemics and syntax. It is being included among the noun suffixes because it occurs only on noun roots, stems, and themes and is thus a part of the Aymara noun system. It is inflectional, closing a stem to further class change. Noun roots, stems, and themes, singly or in phrases, may serve as zero complements. They usually occur directly before the verb to which they correspond. KunflLs taq".i? 'What's he looking for?' (La Paz) what look for S uk.ja. 110 lluchch'u.wa.chi.xa.y 'that, he robbed' (Sitajara) that rob NI jani kuntrula.n0 puyri.wa.k.t.ti.x. no control able s 'I am unable to control . {Sitajara) Waw0 pirti.si.y.itu. child lose s Kull aka. n0 wank. j. t 11 a. sister lp await s 'She made me lose (my) children.' (Socca) 1 I 1 m waiting for my sister. 1 (Morocomarca) PAGE 316 299 A noun stem or theme with an independent suffix, for example -ki 'just, only', may be a zero complement. Inklisa.k0.xa.y parla.p.x.s.t.xa. English speak 1+3 s 'We speak only English. 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:3.406) A zero complement may occur after its verb. Na.x lp suy.t 1 a.s.k.t 11 a wait 1+3 s jich 11 a.x chacha.j0.wa. now husband lp 1 1 am waiting now for my husband. 1 (Huancane) Kuna.mpi. ra(ki) what mag'a.si.: ch'un0.ka? eat 1+3 F 'What am I going to eat chuno with?' (Morocomarca) This type of word order is more common in Aymara transla tions of Spanish elicitation sentences (as was the case with the two previous examples) than in nontranslated, free texts. In translating from Spanish to Aymara some speakers pronounce the final vowel of zero complements, even when placing them before the verb, in a kind of citation-form delivery. Jin marka.sa sara.w.ja.tana. town 4p go 4+3 F 'Let's go to our town. 1 (Calacoa) PAGE 317 300 In normal speech contexts the vowel drops unless a pause separates the zero complement from the verb. uwija sheep ana.k.t na.x. herd 1+3 s . . sheep . . . I was herding. 1 (Sitajara) The following shows retention of the final stem vowel before :::J/..2.. final suffix: 5-3.4 Uma.ma.y wax.t'a.si.nani. water 2p invite 4+3 F 'Let's invite someone to have some of your water.' (La Paz/ Campi) Class 3 suffixes (verbalizers) There are four noun suffixes that verbalize noun roots, stems, and themes: two defective verbalizers and two full verbalizers. The full verbalizers create a normal verb stem that may be inflected for all verb person/tense suffixes (6.3). The defective verbalizers take the four persons as subjects only. not as comple ments, and are also restricted in the verbal deriva tionals they may take. 5-3.41 Defective verbalizers These are of very frequent occurrence. PAGE 318 301 5-3.41.1 ja~ -kac~---In all dialects studied, the suffix -ja~ -ka occurs only after -na possessive/locational (which does not occur before the other verbalizers, although it may be verbalized with the verbal derivational suffix -cha(see 6-2. 11). This suffix turns a possessive or a loca tion into a verb. In Jopoqueri the allomorph /-ja-/ is more common than /-ka-/, which occurs in all dialects. Examples: Kawki.n.ka.rak.ta.sti? 'And where are you?' (Huancane) where 2 5 3 Naya.x Lima.n.k.t.wa. 'I'm in Lima.' (Huancane) lp 7+3 s Kawki.n.k.i.sa? 'Where is it?' J+3 s Kawki.n.ka.rak.i? 'Where is it?' 3+3 s (La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara) (Salinas, Morocomarca) t h tll u a.n a.n.Ja.s.J. a 1 I 1 m in my house' (Jopoqueri) house lp 1+3 s j_ K"iti.s uta.n.~a.ni? 'Who will be in the house?' (Jopoqueri) k 3+3 = F PAGE 319 302 In Jopoqueri the allomorph /-ka-/ usually occurs before /-ja-/ allomorph of -ja~ -kaverbal derivational in completive. Misa.x jani naya.n.k.j.i.ti. 'The table isn't mine.' table no lp ~+3 s In other dialects /-ka-/ verbalizer followed by /-ka-/ incompletive results in a geminate /kk/ cluster, as in Jani.w naya.n.k.k.i.ti 'It's not mine. 1 (In speech, /kk/ reduces to /k/.) Another allomorph occurring in Jopoqueri is /-k"a-/. Compare the allomorph /-k 11 a/ of -jama (5-3.32.3), which occurs first on the following stem: Naya.x lp ak.k 11 a.n.k 11 .iri.t.wa. here 1+3 s A variation of the above is Naya.x ak.ja.n.j.iri.t.wa. 'I'm from around here, more or less.• This implies a certain consonant harmony; further study is needed to determine whether or not this is idiosyncratic to one speaker. PAGE 320 303 5-3.41.2 -:As in the case of zero complement vowel-drop, vowel length is more properly a morphophonemic process than a suffix, but as it occurs to verbalize noun roots, stems, and themes, it is here included with the other verbalizers. When vowel-length verbalization is followed by a suffix that requires a preceding consonant, the length may be somewhat reduced, or the vowel in question may revert to simple length, or it may remain somewhat lengthened; length appears to vary from one speaker to another. A timed spectrographic analysis of texts con taining vowel length verbalization is needed to define the length in different contexts. In this study some examples containing the morpheme of vowel-length verbali zation show the notation/:/ before a consonant-requiring suffix, if more than one vowel-length was perceived to occur. If only one vowel-length was perceived, the notation/:/ is usually omitted from the transcription, the presence of a vowel before a consonant-requiring suffix being sufficient to indicate the underlying pres ence of the vowel-length morpheme in that context. This suffix is in complementary distribution with -ka~ -javerbalizer, never occurring after -na possessive/locational. Examples: PAGE 321 304 kawk.i:ri 'which' (La Paz, Socca, Huancan~, Jopoqueri; see 5-2. 1) kawk.n.i:ri 'which' (La Paz, Juli; see 5-2.1) Kuna.:.chi.x? 'Why should it be? (Sitajara) NI Aruma.:.x.iritayna.w. 'It was already night.' {Juli) 3-+3 RIK A story told in Huancan~ yields several examples of the use of verbalization vowel length on verb stems nominalized with -ta resultant. Yati. ta. : . x. chi. 1 They got to know each other. ' know NI Jani jiq"a.ta.:.n muna.tayna.t. 'He didn't want to meet him.' no meet want 3-+3 RIK An example of verbalization of a noun phrase is the following from La Paz: Ma: jisk'a uta.ni.:.t.wa. 'I have a little house.' one little house -1+3 s -ni possessor {'A little house owner am I.') PAGE 322 305 According to Herrero et al. (1971-2:1.126), an + allomorph of vowel length verbalization, /-ya-/, occurs in Omasuyos province of La Paz, but only in certain contexts: on the nominalizer suffix -iri before and Future affirmative, but not negative. Glosses for the following were not given, but the verb is yati.cha.na 'to teach'. + t h .• ya 1.c . ,r, .ya.: .wa F + t h . . t ya , . c . , r, .ya. : a. wa F The negative forms are the following, with/-:-/ ver balizer: +jani.w yati.ch.iri.:.ka.:.ti F +jani.w yati.ch.iri.:.ka.:ta.ti F Since /-ka-/ incompletive requires a preceding consonant, the negative forms could contain +/-ya-/ also, reduced to /y/ homophonous with /i:/, that is *jani.w yati.ch.iri.y.ka.:.ti F PAGE 323 306 *jani.w yati.ch.iri.y.ka.:ta.ti 2+3 F However, the other affirmative forms in the paradigm are given with/-:-/ before vowel-requiring suffixes, e. g. + t h . . . ya 1 c . 1 r1 : . m . wa 5-3.42 5-3.42. l 3+3 F Full verbalizers This suffix is of less frequent occurrence than -kaand -:verbalizers. Hardman has pointed out (Hardman et al. 1975: 3.402) the relationship of -ptaand the verbal derivational suffix -ta'up, inceptive', whose cognate in other Jaqi languages is -pta-. In present-day Aymara -tadoes not usually verbalize, except in La Paz/ Tiahuanaco where it was found in free variation with -ptaon one root. Ch'iyar.ta.s.k.i.w. } 3+3 Ch'iyara.pta.s.:.i.w. 'It turned black.' PAGE 324 307 Bertonio (1603b:305) said Some Indians say that E.1,! and g are not distinguished on nouns but rather mean the same thing. This implies that the two were in free variation in 17th century Juli, but Bertonio does not indicate whether they both occurred on verbs. + -ptaas verbal derivational has been cited in two published sources (see 6-2. 16) but has not occurred in the spoken data investigated for this study. Since -tausually does not verbalize and -ptausually is not a verbal derivational, it has been decided to treat -ptaas the verbalizer and -taas the verbal derivational, recognizing that they overlap but seem to be diverging. The combination -ptaverbalizer plus -na nominalizer implies a human subject in the following examples from La Paz/Tiahuanaco: k'umara.pta.na 'to become healthy' k'umara 'healthy' qullqi.ni.pta.na 'to progress, to become rich' gullgi.ni 'one who has money' llamp'u.pta.na 'to humble oneself, repent, change character' 11 amp ' u ' c 1 ear ' If a verb stem does not permit a human subject (because of Aymara semantic constraints), a noun plus the PAGE 325 308 combination -pta.na will be rejected, e. g. *muxsa.pta.na 'for a person to turn sweet'. However, with a nonhuman (usually inanimate) subject, an inflected form of a verb created with -ptamay be acceptable. laranja.x muxsa.pt.i 'the orange turned sweet (ripened)' 3+3 s Until this situation was understood, a number of nouns that actually take -ptaverbalizer were thought not to. 5-3.42.2 kiptaaccelerated verbalizer V c Contrasting examples with this suffix and with -ptaare the following, all from La Paz. (The suffix -kiptawas not found in other dialects and should be looked for in future research.) janq'u.kipta'turn white suddenly' janq'u.pta'turn white' achach.kipta.na 'to become old' qam.ir.kipta.na 'to win a lottery' (get rich quickly) qam.iri,e,na 'to get rich' As may be seen, usually -kiptaseems to accelerate the verbalization. At first the /ki/ of the suffix was thought PAGE 326 309 to be the independent nonfinal suffix -ki but morpho phonemics eliminate that possibility, as the morphopho nemics of -kiptafollow the three-vowel rule, while -ki independent suffix takes a preceding vowel. Morphopho nemics also distinguish -kiptaverbalizer from the verbal derivationals -kipaplus -ta(see 6-2. 15. l and 6-2. 16). 5-4 5-4. l Summary and Conclusions Types of variation in the noun system In general, variation in the Aymara noun system is not extensive. There are two main types: internal and external. Internal variation includes differences in the phonological shape of morphemes (roots and suf fixes) due to instability of certain phonemes and to operation of different phonotactically conditioned rules. Other kinds of internal variation are found in the morpho phonemics of suffixes and in the inventory and meaning of certain roots and suffixes. External variation in the noun system involves the introduction of Spanish loans. These have entered the open class of noun roots freely and continue to do so. Some dialects may use a Spanish loan where others may use a native Aymara term; some examples of this are given in 8-3.1. The only closed classes of Aymara nouns PAGE 327 310 that have taken in Spanish loans are the kinship terms and the temporals. The only Aymara suffixes that are Spanish loans are the noun diminutives. The following sections summarize internal variation in the noun system. 5-4.11 Variation in noun roots 5-4. 11. l Closed classes Variation in shape occurs in all the closed noun classes, e. g. the interrogatives kamisa ~ kama and gawg"a and variants, the demonstratives of third and fourth degrees of distance, the personal pronouns except the second person, and several numbers, positionals, and temporals. Some temporals have different shapes attributable to different morphophonemic rules, e. g., those affecting jich 11 a and uru (loss of initial /jV/ in the first case, and different vowel sequence avoidance rules in the second case). Variations in inventory and semantics are few. The demonstrative uwa apparently occurs in a few dia lects. The temporals show the widest variety in inven tory, some terms occurring only in certain dialects and not others, or with different meanings (see 5-4.2). 5-4.11.2 Open class The majority of noun roots in the open class are the same everywhere, with a few differences in shape ~~ted PAGE 328 311 in examples in Chapter 3. Examples of shifts of meaning across dialects are given in 8-3.12. 5-4. 12 Variation in suffixes Suffixes that show variations in phonemic shape are the lp possessive, the complement/relationals (except -ru and -na), -jama 'like', and the verbalizer -ja~ -ka-. Those that show variation in morphophonemics are the per sonal possessives, the complement/relationals, and three suffixes that follow the three-vowel rule: -layku 'on account of', -pura 'among', and -kama 'until 1 Suffixes that occur only in certain dialects are -chapi ~ -chap"i 'the one which/who' {which also shows phonological vari ation), -ra 'through', and -cha diminutive. 5-4.2 Dialectal patterning Dialectal patterning in the noun system is most evident in the temporals and in the shape of per sonal possessive suffixes. The following dialect groups may be distinguished on the basis of the morphemes indi cated; there is, however, a good deal of isoglossic overlapping. 5-4.21 Juli, Sacca jayp'u 'evening/night' PAGE 329 312 5-4.22 Juli, Sacca, Huancan~, Calacoa, La Paz aruma 1 night/early morning• arumanti 'tomorrow' Initial velar or postvelar fricative in lp pos sessive 5-4.23 Calacoa, Sacca, and Sitajara g'alta •morning' (also means •tomorrow' in Calacoa and Sitajara) 5-4.24 Calacoa and Sitajara No forms based on g 11 ara (all other dialects have them) 5-4.25 Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca g 11 alt 1 i 'morning/tomorrow' jayp 11 u 'evening/night' (also Calacoa) 5-4.26 Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala, Sitajara Initial nasals in lp possessive suffix: Jopoqueri and Sitajara: /nh/ Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala: /n/ 5-4.27 Huancan~, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala Variable morphophonemics for personal possessive suffixes PAGE 330 313 5-4.28 La Paz/Campi and La Paz/Tiahuanaco Invariable morphophonemics for personal possessive suffixes PAGE 331 314 Notes 1 For a fuller description of the Aymara noun system in Campi and Tiahuanaco, see my Chapter 8 in Outline of Aymara phonological and grammatical structure {Hardman et al. 1975:3.246-394). 2 The sequence /mana/ exists today only in this frozen form. Bertonio (1603b:247) alleged +kawki.mana 'wherever', but this was rejected by V~squez. 3 As in the case of kawk.n.iri ~ kawk.n.i:ri, the /n/ which may occur is probably an instance of -na possessive/locational frozen to the root. It intensi fies the meaning of the demonstrative. 4 Any personal possessive suffix may occur in the stem. 5 Javier Alb6 (personal communication). 6 In Tiahuanaco and elsewhere today ch'ina means 'human posterior, ass' and by extension metaphorically 'base' (e. g. of a pot, a cup). In La Paz/Campi ch'in.kata means 'a place to sit inside the house'. As ka tai s a verb a 1 de r i vat i on a 1 s u ff i x , i t may be that ch'ina is an ambiguous noun/verb root (see 5-2.7). 7 some members of the temporal class were identi fied by Hardman et al. (1975:1.152-166). The present analysis presents the first full description of the class and is therefore longer than sections on other noun classes, which have been described previously. Bertonio cited only a few temporals (1603b:50). 8 In La Paz three compound forms of uru occur together with the meaning 'week': jich 11 .urg 11 ar.ur jurp 11 .ur (literally 'today, tomorrow, day after tomorrow'). Paz). 9 juch 11 .u:ru 'today' occurs in Achocalla (La PAGE 332 315 10 In La Paz nink"ara is a noun/verb root. An example of its occurrence as a verb is Nink 11 ara.tayna.w. 1 It was a while ago. 1 nink 11 ara also occurs with the verbal derivational suffixes -t•amomentaneous and -jadivider, but without subsequent verbal inflection, ~-, as nouns: Nink 11 ar.t 1 a.w ~ Nink 11 ar.ja.w. 'It was a while ago. 1 (The latter may instead be a case of /-ja/ allomorph of -jama 'like' on the root acting as a noun.) Other examples of verb roots plus verbal derivationals forming stems that serve as nouns are given in 6-2. 11 Temporals were not obtained for Sacca until very late in the research; they are not included in Figures 5-1 and 5-2. Those obtained are the following: alwa 'morning' aruma 'night' arumanti 'tomorrow' g'alta 'morning' g 11 ar.u:ru 'tomorrow' suji.suji 'gray time before dawn' suj.s.t"aei 'dusk' 12 The Spanish demonstrative este 'this', which serves a similar filler function, hasbeen borrowed into Aymara as isti and occurs in variation with inchi, as in the following: (isti.x) naya.xa lp (inchi.w) sara.ki.tayna.x go 3+3 RIK 1 (uh) I (uh) he just left . . 1 (Juli) 13 As we have seen, the personal possessive suf fixes also have differing morphophonemics across dia lects. 14 certain verbs take -ta~ -t 11 a rather than -ru complements, e. g. mayi.na 'to borrow'. PAGE 333 316 15 rt is possible that some relics of *jama 'like' as a root still occur. In Calacala an old lady was heard to say jama.ch.i.xay 'so it may be' rather than uk 11 ama.chi.xa.y, the normal expression in La Paz and elsewhere. For other possible relics of a noun *jama 'like', see 6-2.3. PAGE 334 CHAPTER 6 VARIATION IN THE VERB SYSTEM 6-1 Introduction The verb system of Aymara consists of verb roots and verb suffixes, which together form verb stems. A verbalized noun root or stem is a verb theme. Verb roots, stems, and themes are usually cited with the nominalizing suffix -na, unless the resulting form implies a seman tically unacceptable human subject. (See 8-2.25 for more on -na semantics.) The verb sa.na 'to say• (see 6-4) is set off from all others by its phonological structure (it is the only monosyllabic root in the lan guage) and by its function as a syntactic subordinator. Most Aymara verbs have two-vowel roots; a few (mostly Spanish loans) have three-vowel roots. Spanish verbs enter Aymara freely, e. g. puyri.na 'to be able' from Spanish poder. There is also a class of ambiguous noun/verb roots, as noted in 5-2.7. Verb suffixes are of two types: derivational and inflectional. Both types are closed classes that do not admit loans. Verbal derivational suffixes modify 317 PAGE 335 318 the action or the persons involved in the action. A special kind of derivation is nominalization, which changes a verb root or stem to a noun theme. The suf fixes that nominalize verbs are discussed in 7-4.2 as they are used in morphosyntactic subordination. Verbal in flectional suffixes indicate person and tense, and these suffixes close verb stems to further derivation. Verbal inflectional suffixes may be separated from derivational suffixes by the class of independent nonfinal suffixes that occur on both nouns and verbs. Verbs of carrying and placing belong to covert classes according to manner of motion and attributes of the item moved {Tate 1970). Some examples from La Paz are included in the elicitation list, Appendix A. 6-2 Verbal Derivational Suffixes The basic data and analysis on which this section is based were provided by England {Hardman et al. 1975: 3. 148-208) and have been supplemented by my analysis of additional data obtained in my field work and from Bertonio (1603b); see Figure 6-1. Class l suffixes affect the action of the verb {e. g., its direction, intensity, duration) and are tied to the selection of its zero complements. Class 2 suffixes affect the in flection {the persons involved in the action and/or the tense or aspect of the verb). Suffixes occurring on the PAGE 336 "' Ill .. u N Ill "' ., .... t I I .;.vst1 2 Ill •vtha I •cjaKey: I Suffixes which can verbalize certain noun roots, ff Suffixes which can ver balize certain noun roots tnd stems. Ill Suffix which can ver b~lize noun roots, stems, and themes with {-~a} 2 3 4 3 I SU• C 4 6 I •vra11 •ct"ap1 II vPtll• f •eta5 I -/1pa- ••vnuqa-nuqu •vqa- •cxata• -xfta7 l•cjata-kata-k"ata •vnaqac I •vnta• 8 •cCh'11k"11•cCh'ukf ,, •ct'aI -,rxha• - •l:IUCllu- •rTPJku-nuchu-nuku f •vtata •cxaru •cxa:si• •cxaya-xa:• 9 . •vpaya •vrpay11-. -rpa:7 8 I yYII• I •vn1- •vwa-way11-w11:• •wf-w1ya5 •vrapf •vraqa6 •cJII• •kll• •cxa-qaAdapted from Eng1and fHardmanet-a1~75:3--:75fJ Figure 6-1. Aymara Verbal Derivational Suffixes: Order Classes Class 3 w ..... PAGE 337 320 border of Class l and Class 2 (-t'amomentaneous, -si reciprocal/reflexive, and -ya-~-:causative) share attributes of both classes. Members of both classes may determine, in ways as yet little explored, the semantic features of verb subjects and complements (see 8-2.25). Class 3 consists of a group of semantically related suf fixes all containing the phoneme /ch/ and forms deriving from the suffix -jama 1 like 1 1 Certain verb roots never occur without deriva tional suffixes. Two are *ana'herd' and *ma'go'. The nonoccurrence of the plain root *anawas noted by Bertonio (1603b:271). The root *mawas apparently productive in Bertonio's time, but in contemporary Aymara it occurs only in a few frozen stems, such as manta.na 'to enter' {with the verbal derivational suffix -nta 'into') and mak 11 ata.na 'to go across' {with the deriva tional suffix -k 11 ata'across'), both used in La Paz. Certain verb roots plus derivational suffixes may occur as derived nouns. Examples are ana.nta 'concentration of people or animals; herd' (Jopoqueri) -nta'into' arum.t'a 'greeting; greet' {La Paz) -t'amomentaneous irpa.ga 'betrothal; take a person down' (general) -ga'down' PAGE 338 321 g 11 uma.nta 'hug; embrace' (Juli) -nta'into' un.naga 'appearance; appear' (Huancane) -naga'around' See 4-2 for general morphophonemic rules that affect verbal derivational suffixes beginning with voiced consonants and specifically with nasals. Verbal deriva tional suffixes beginning with the fricatives /j/ or /x/ require a preceding consonant. The morphophonemics of the remaining suffixes are unpredictable and must be specified for each suffix. Suffixes subject to the three-vowel rule are listed in 4-3.22. 16. 6-2. l Class l suffixes The 22 suffixes 2 of this class are discussed below in the order of their occurrence in stems. Thirteen of these suffixes can verbalize noun roots. Four can also verbalize certain noun stems, and one of the four can verbalize noun themes ending in -na nominalizer. 6-2.11 chaverbalizer, causative v-In all dialects chaoccurs most often as a v-verbalizer of noun roots. Examples: isi. cha. na 'to gradually acquire a lot of clothes over a period of time' (La Paz/Campi) jiwg'i.cha.na 'to cause smoke' (Calacoa) PAGE 339 322 junt'u.cha.na •to heat• (Calacoa) kama.cha.na 1 what to do 1 (all dialects) kama 1 how 1 1 fat-maker' (Salinas) niya.cha.na •to be nearly finished 1 (La Paz) suma.cha.na 'to make amends, decorate• (La Paz) In contemporary Aymara -chadoes not verbalize animate nouns. Bertonio (1603b:273) gave the example +gawra.cha3 1 to create llamas• (said of God), but Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) rejected it in favor of gawr uywa.na 1 to llama-raise• or gawr un.s.ta.ya.na 1 to make llamas appear• (metaphorical). -chamay also occur as a verbalizer of noun stems ending in certain suffixes: -na possessive/ locational and -ni possessor. It is not always possible to tell which of the two is occurring, because on such stems the three-vowel rule applies (see 4-3.22.16), causing the vowel of the noun suffix to drop before -cha-. The following examples cited by Bertonio (1603b: 273) have the same meanings in La Paz today: uma.n.cha.na 'to mix something dry with water' gullgi.n.cha.na 'to make someone win (money)• PAGE 340 323 Some other examples used today in La Paz/Tiahuanaco are asukara.n.cha.na 'to add sugar' jayu.n.cha.na 'to add salt' jinchu.n.cha.na 'to put ears on' The last example refers to a practice attributed to Catholic priests, of having sexual intercourse with a pregnant woman; the woman is allegedly told by the priest beforehand that it is necessary 'in order to make the baby's ears'. A nickname for such a priest is jinchu.n.ch.iri 'ear-maker'. -chaas verbalizer may also occur on verbs nominalized with -na. Again, the vowel of -na drops by the three-vowel rule. When it occurs on -na, -cha is usually followed by the sequence /jama/ (or a re duced variant /ja/) that is best analyzed as the suffix -jama occurring primarily on nouns (see 5-3.32.3). All the following examples are from Compi: Juta.n.ch.itu.w. 'It seems that it comes to me. 1 come 3~ s Juta.n.ch.jama.k.itu.w. 'It makes me want to come/ I would like to come. 1 juta.n.ch.ja.k.itu 'I think I'll just come' PAGE 341 324 Lup'i.n.ch.ja.ki.rak.itu.wa. think 'I'm thoughtful/It makes me want to think/I want to be thoughtful.' Literal translations would be 'to come, like, is to me' or 'to think, like, is to me', given the inflections. Set 3 verbal derivational suffixes all contain the phoneme /ch/, which may in some cases be a frozen form of this suffix (see 6-2.3). -chaoccurs as a verbal derivational causative on only a few verb roots. 6-2.12 yati.cha.na 'to teach' yati.na 'to know' waki.cha.na 'to prepare' waki.na 'to provide' (Socca) 'to provide mutually' (La Paz/Compi) verbalizer, divider C This suffix is to be distinguished from /-ja-/ allomorph of -kaverbalizer (5-3.41. 1), from -ja 'amount' (5-3.12.3), from /-ja-/ allomorph of the Class 2 verbal derivational incompletive (6-2.25), and from /-ja/ allo morph of the suffix -jama (5-3.32.3). In all dialects this suffix occurs frequently as a verbalizer of noun roots. PAGE 342 325 lup.~.si.na 1 to heat with sunlight' .l.!!ej_ 'sunlight' t ll ~ ay. J a. : . s 1 na 'to catch cold 1 (La Paz) -:causative uma.t p 11 ar.j.itu 1 I 1 m thirsty• (La Paz) uma 1 water 1 p 11 ara 1 dry 1 uma. t wan.j. itu 1 I 1 m thirsty• (Calacoa) On verbs -jais also frequent everywhere. ayw.ja.ra.na 1 to spread out all over' (La Paz) 'for many to go to different places' (Bertonio 1603b:279) mang'.ja.na I t ~ p a .Ja. na aywi.na 'for many to go together' (Sacca) 'to chew• (La Paz) 1 to give to eat' (Bertonio 1603b:279) mang'a.na 'to eat• 1 to grab and pull in various places• (Campi) p 1 ata.na •to grab and pull with teeth or beak' 62 . 13 cs u 1 out ' , completive lows: In these data, -suhas verbalized only as folII t ~ g aw.s. a.na 'to shed its skin' (La Paz) g"awa 'snake skin, tiger skin; dance costume' PAGE 343 326 + g 11 aw.su'to take off shirt' {Bertonio 1603b:302) + g"awa I shirt 1 {Bertonio spelling: caua) On verb roots the meaning of this suffix is either l i t er a 11 y I out of I or a comp l et i v e, or met a p ho r i ca l . ar.su.na 'to babble, be barely able to speak; to decide' {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to describe something orally, reveal: bring out' {Bertonio 1603b:302) ar.su.ya.na 'to cause to say' (Salinas) aru 'word, language, speech, speak' -yacausative 6-2. 14 -raand -t"api6-2. 14. l -vraserializer, reverser {noun/verb root) -raoccurs infrequently as a verbalizer. Example: kaka.ra.si.na 'placetodefecate' (Corque) < Spanish caca 'feces' As noted by Bertonio {1603b:292), and still the case today, on verbs of carrying and placing the suffix usually reverses the action; on other verbs it signifies serial or repeated action. PAGE 344 apa.ra.na iga.ra.na 327 'to take away' (Sitajara, Salinas) apa.na 'to carry' 'to take off clothing, pull at a cloth' iqa.na 'to carry cloth' (Juli, La Paz) jist'a.ra.na 'to open' (La Paz) jist'a.na 'to close' uma.ra.na 'to have a party' 'to drink a little' uma.na 'to drink' (La Paz) (Bertonio l603b:292) willi.ra.na 'to throw things down or off' (e. g. contraband off a bus, by customs agent) (La Paz) 'to spill a little water' (Bertonio l603b:292) willi.na 'to spill, pour' (La Paz)" usu.r.ta.si.na 'to get pregnant' (Calacoa) usu.na 'to be sick' 6-2. 14.2 -ct"apigatherer -t"apiverbalizes infrequently. In available examples, all from La Paz, it may verbalize roots, stems, and themes. In the following example, it verbalizes a nominalized verb, lunt"a.ta 'stolen': lunt 11 a.t.t 11 api.na 'to steal from various places' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) 'to steal with other people' (Ebbing 1965:245) lunt 11 a.na 'to steal' This suffix occurs most often as a verbal derivational. PAGE 345 manq I• t"api rJa 328 'to eat everything--a banquet' (La Paz) 'to eat together' (Ebbing 1965:245) ampar ay. t 11 api na 'to bend the arm, to have a paralyzed (La Paz) aya.na 'to carry a cylindrical, rigid arm' object 1 + a:. t 11 api. na 'to bend the arm' (Bertonio 1603b:304) ampar qun.t 11 api.na 1 to sit down together' (two people); 1 to sit up' (bringing two halves of body closer together) ( La Paz) A use of a verb stem with -t 11 apiin a metaphorical sense is the following from La Paz: 6-2. 15 6-2.15.l iki.n t 11 al.t 11 ap.i 'youngest child', literally, 'shakes the bed' t 11 ala.na 'to shake' -kipa-, -nuqa~ -nuqu-, ~, and -xata~ -xita -v_k_i~p_a_'past a point', verbalizer This suffix may verbalize, as in uru.kipa.na 'to delay, be late' uru 1 day 1 (La Paz) 'to delay a day or morT (Bertonio 1603b:291) But it is more common as a verbal derivational. Origi nally thought to be in the 6-2. 17 order set, it has been found occurring before -ta1 up 1 (6-2. 16) in La Paz. PAGE 346 329 In combination with -ta'up' it is to be distinguished from the verbalizer -kipta(5-3.42.2). parla.kipa.na 'to communicate information' (La Paz) parla.na 'to talk' qillga.kipa.na 'to transfer information from one book to another' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:290) gillqa.na 'to write' t h k . . . ~ 4 u a.c. 1pa.s1.n1.na 'to fix the roof of a house' (La Paz) uta.cha.na 'to build a house' (la Paz) 'to again build houses around something, like an inherited property' (Bertonio 1603b:320) The following show occurrences of -kipaand of -kip.ta on the same roots, all from La Paz: jagu.kipa.na 'to turn over clothes' jaqu.kip.ta.na 'to pass near (a town); turn over in bed' jaqu.na 'to throw' muyu.kipa.na 'to turn around' muyu.kip.ta.na 'to turn; pass a hill' muyu.na 'to turn' pasa.kipa.na 'to pass to the other side' pasa.kip.ta.na 'to pass a person' pasa.na 1 to pass' < Spanish pasar PAGE 347 330 6-2. 15.2 -vnuqa~ -vnuquplacer,cessation of action ~ C The consonant-requiring form of /-nuqa-/ is the more common, but the vowel-requiring form is acceptable. /-nuqu-/ occurred only in Jopoqueri, which also has /-nuqa-/. /-nuqa-/ verbalizes infrequently but occurs often on verbs. Examples: ali.nuga.na 'to sprout' ali.na 'to sprout' (Corque, Salinas) iki.nuga.na 'to sleep' (Jopoqueri) iki.na 'to sleep' ik.nuga.na 'to spend the first night of a trip; or the first night in the grave' (said of a corpse) (La Paz) 'to be born, give origin to' (Juli) 'to fling oneself down to sleep or to sleep flung out' (Bertonio l603b:286) {j)iki.nuqu.na 'to be born' (Jopoqueri) nuwa.nuqa.na 'to hit, beat up; to give someone what's coming to them' nuwa.na 'to hit' (La Paz} t'axlli.nuga.na 'to pummel' (La Paz; also Bertonio l603b:276) 6-2. 15.3 -vga~ -xa'down', remover This suffix, which does not verbalize, occurs often with carrying verbs and other verbs of motion. PAGE 348 331 A variant /-xa-/ occurred in Salinas. jagu.x.ta.na 1 to whip' jaqu.na •to fall 1 Elsewhere the allomorph is /-qa-/. ala.ga.na •to buy• ala.na 1 to buy• {Calacala, Morocomarca) asa.ga.na 'to remove plate or hat, down from above• (La Paz) asa.na 1 to carry a plate-like object• (La Paz) ima.ga.na •to save food for someone• ima.na 'to keep' (La Paz) •to hide something• (Bertonio 1603b:272) 62 . l 5. 4 c x a ta ~ c x i ta 1 on to p of , u p to 1 This suffix does not verbalize. /-xita-/ occurred in Salinas. Examples: ik.xata.na 1 to sleep on top of something• (La Paz, also Bertonio 1603b:283) ig.xita.na 'to carry a saddle-bag' {Salinas) iga.na 1 to carry a cloth' pur.xata.na 1 to arrive (rain, hail, etc.) 1 (La Paz) puri.na 1 to arrive, to come• PAGE 349 6-2. 16 332 ta1 up 1 inceptive c-, -tararely verbalizes in any dialect. Other homophonous suffixes, distinguished by morphophonemics from this one and each other, are given in 5-3.31.4. Examples of -taverbal derivational in combination with -kipaare given in 6-2. 15. 1. Other examples with -ta-: pur.ta.na sar.ta.na 'to arrive' (Sitajara) puri.na 'to arrive' 'to get up' (La Paz); 'to leave, set out' {Salinas) sara.na 'to go' jala.g.ta.na 'to fall down from above' (La Paz) jala.na 'to run' jaqu.g.ta.na 'to fall down from a height' (La Paz) jagu.na 'to fall' junt'u.ch.ta.wa.na to heat up (an oven)' (Calacoa) junt'u 1 hot 1 As indicated in 5-3.42. 1, this suffix is related to -ptaverbalizer of noun roots and stems. The allo morph /-pta-/ has not occurred as a verbal derivational in the spoken Aymara analyzed for this study, but it does occur in two examples from published texts. PAGE 350 333 + l t . Ja a.p a.s.1 1 jumped up' (Sebeok 195la:69) jala.na 'to run' 3+3 s +tuku.pt.x.i.wa 'changed suddenly 1 (Ebbing 1965:241) 3+3 s tuku.na 1 to finish 1 The first is reportedly from the city of La Paz, the second from La Paz department. Bertonio (1603b:308) cited in addition to +-ta the variants +/-uta-/ 'up' and +/-(u)talta-/ inceptive. Forms with these are unacceptable to present-day speakers. One speaker in Juli used /-tu-/ instead of /-ta-/, but this may have been idiosyncratic. Examples: un.tu.t 'seen' una.na 'to see' jal.tu.w.j.iri.tayn 'he had flown' jala.na 'to fly' 3+3 RIK 6-2.17 -jata~ -kata~ -k"ata-, -naga-, -nta-, -mucha~ -muchu~ -muku~ -nuku-, -tata-, -xaru-, -xa:si-, -xayaThese suffixes precede -t'amomentaneous and do not co-occur with suffixes 6-2. 13, 6-2. 14, and 6-2. 15. 6-2.17.l jata~ -kata~ -k"atac=-------'------'across' This suffix verbalizes infrequently. /-jata-/ was used by one speaker from Salinas and one from PAGE 351 334 Jopoqueri; /-k 11 ata-/ occurred in a song sung by speakers from Jopoqueri and in variation with /-kata-/ in La Paz. Examples: it.kata.na 1 to put (a rock) up against (a wall)' (La Paz/ Compi) itu.na 1 to carry a heavy object' (general) ma k 11 ata.na 1 to come/go up in front of someone, to go across• (Compi/Jopoqueri) *ma1 go 1 in.jat.ka.p.x.ista 'you are looking across at us 1 (Salinas) 2+1 S ina.na 'to look' (Salinas) 6-2. 17.2 -vnaqa'around, aimlessly' ~ C The suffix -nagadoes not verbalize. In contem porary La Paz Aymara this suffix is preceded by a vowel on some roots and by a consonant on others; on some roots either form is acceptable. Examples from Calacoa and Sita jara have a preceding vowel; examples from Calacoa, Huan can~, and Salinas have a preceding consonant. Examples: sar.naqa.na 'to go around, get along, live• (La Paz, Calacoa) sara.naqa.na 1 to go around, get along, live' (Calacoa, Sitajara, Bertonio 1603b: 284) sara.na 'to go 1 PAGE 352 335 suma un.naga.s.iri 'having a good appearance' (Huancane) una.na 'to look' suma 'good' pur.naga.na 'to turn over and over' (Salinas) puri.na 'to arrive, to come' In one instance, two stems with -naga-, one with a preceding vowel and the other with a preceding consonant, are distinguished in meaning. ira.naga.na ir.naga.na 'to handle' (La Paz) ira.na 'to handle small objects' 'to work the fields in the morning• (La Paz) 'to work (in general)' {Missionary Aymara; see 9-6.2) In the second example above, the root iris probably not identical to the iraof ira.na, since the meanings are quite distinct. 6-2. 17.3 nta'into' slow inceptive v-, -ntacan verbalize, as in link'u.nta.na 'to zigzag' (La Paz) link'u link'u 'zigzag line' k'ari.nta.na 'to spread lies' (La Paz) k'ari 'lie' In dialects having the morphophonemic rule voicing prevocalic PAGE 353 336 stops after nasals (Corque, Salinas, and northern Potos1), the suffix is phonetically [nda]. The meaning on verbs of motion is usually 'into', while on other verbs it is usually an inceptive. iki.nta.na 'to go to bed' (everywhere) iki.na 'to sleep' manta.na 'to enter' (everywhere) *ma1 go 1 manta.nta.na 'to enter' (Socca) (mantaas frozen stem) ~uri.nta.na 'to arrive' (Tara ta, Jopoqueri) puri.na 'to arrive' sara.nta.na 'to enter' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:287) sara.na 'to go' [wina.nda.na] 'to put in' (Corque, Salinas) *wina.na rto put' (unattested) yati.nta.na 'to learn by oneself' (Calacoa) yati.na 'to know' An interesting use of -ntawith the meaning 'not on purpose, by bad luck' is the following: uta nak 11 a.nta.ya.s.iri 'a person whose house burned down through bad luck' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) nak 11 a.na 'to burn' PAGE 354 337 Without -ntathe above would imply the houseowner burned the house down on purpose. 6-2. 17.4 mucha-muchu~ -muku~ -nukuv----------------'away, off' This suffix can verbalize, but it is more often found as a derivational. The preferred form in certain La Paz dialects, including Jesas de Machaca, is /-muku-/, which is the only allomorph cited by Bertonio (1603b:283). /-nuku-/ is preferred in Campi and Tiahuanaco; a speaker from La Paz/Tiahuanaco also uses /-muchu-/. /-mucha-/ occurs in Salinas. A La Paz speaker reports having heard /-nuchu-/ somewhere, but it is not included here since its provenance is unknown at present. Examples: 1 . h ~ 5 1 k ~ a 1.s.muc u.na ~ a is.nu u.na 'to throw out' ali.s.mucha.na 'to throw out' {Salinas) (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) al i. si. na I to run after someone 1 (La Paz/ Campi) apa.nuku.na 'to abandon, cast off (a person); to throw away' (San Andr~s de Machaca) apa.na 'to carry' iki.nuku.na 'to sleep away from home, without notifying one's family 1 (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:283) iki.na 'to sleep' jagu.nuku.na 'to throw off' jaqu.na 'to throw' (La Paz) PAGE 355 338 jayta.muku.na 1 to abandon• jayta.na 1 to leave• 6-2. 17.5 -vtatascatterer (Jes(ls de Machaca) This suffix may verbalize. In La Paz, if a stem with -tatacannot take a human subject, but only a non human one, it cannot be nominalized with -na. In this respect stems with -tataresemble stems with -ptaver balizer. Some examples given by Bertonio (1603b) with either human or nonhuman subjects may take only nonhuman subjects in La Paz today, as follows: Chullu. tat. i .w. 'The ice melted.' chullu I ice• (La Paz) -3+3 s Jang 1 u.tata.s.k.i.w. 1 A soiled thing is becoming clean.' (La Paz) janq 1 u 1 white 1 k 1 umar.tata.na 6 1 to be cured' (La Paz) k 1 umara 1 healthy 1 Q 11 ana.tata.s.k.i.w. 1 It 1 s clearing up (after rain).' (La Paz) 3+3 S q 11 ana 1 clear 1 Uma. tat. i .w. 1 It melted.' (La Paz) uma 1 water 1 ---:3+3 1 He sweated/It began to melt! (Bertonio 1603b:305) s The following are examples of -tataas derivational: alli.tata.na 1 to fall outward' (e. g. walls of a building) (La Paz) 'to spread out grain, potatoes, etc.' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:304) alli.na 'to dig' (La Paz) PAGE 356 339 aru.s.tata.na 1 to say• (Salinas; not used in La Paz) aru 'word, language' jacha.tata.na 1 to begin to cry suddenly' (La Paz) 'to begin to cry' (Bertonio 1603b:305) jacha.na 'to cry' manq'a.tata'bite suddenly 1 (said of a dog) (La Paz) 'begin to eat• (Bertonio 1603b:305) mang'a.na 'to eat' (La Paz) tuki.tata.na 'to faint' (San Andr~s de Machaca) tuki.na 'to stretch out' 6-2. 17.6 xarupreparative of motion c--This suffix occurs only on verbs. It has occurred only on verbs of motion, especially carrying verbs. In Sitajara it occurred on verb stems used to translate plain carrying verbs, without any preparative connotation. Examp 1 es,: an.xaru.na 'to get ready to herd' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b: 282) *ana'herd' way.xaru.na 'to carry by handle' (Sitajara) wayu.~a 1 to carry by handle' 6-2. 17.7 -cxa:sistatic, cessation of motion This suffix does not verbalize, and is of rather infrequent occurrence. It is not listed as a suffix by PAGE 357 340 Bertonio (1603b), although it occurs in a few examples. + Judas aycha.xas.i 'Judas hanged himself.' (1603b:300) +.. . J1rp.xas1---:3-+3 s 'to take someone with one (as a master his servant)' (l603b:313) In La Paz the above are today rendered as follows: Judasa.x jaych.xa:s.i. jaycha.na 'to quarrel' irp.~a:si.na 'for an adult to be responsible for a minor; to have a child with one' irpa.na 'to take a person' 6-2. 17.8 -c_x_a~y_a_accompanier This suffix does not verbalize and does not occur with verbs of carrying. Bertonio (1603b:280) gave it as +/-xa:-/. Examples: ar.xaya.na 'to talk with someone' (Jesus de Machaca) aru 'word, language' parl.xaya.na 'to deceive, to declare love falsely' (Calacoa) parla.na 'to speak' ik.~.na 'to sit up with a sick person' (La Paz) iki.na 'to sleep' PAGE 358 341 +.k 1 xa :'to sleep with a sick person' (Bertonio l603b:280) 6-2. 18 ch 1 ak 11 a~ -ch 1 uki-, t•ac---------c--6-2. 18. l ch 1 ak 11 a~ -ch 1 ukisustainer of action, teaser c---------The first allomorph occurred only in Sitajara. un.ch 1 ak 11 a.n.ititu.x '(the dog) stared at me' 3+1 S una.na 'to look' /-ch 1 uki-/ occurred in La Paz, Calacoa, and Socca. Examples: un.ch'uki.na 'to look at steadily, or frequently' (La Paz, Calacoa) is.ch 1 uk.t 1 a.na 'to listen• (Sacca) is.t 1 a.na 'to listen' jag.ch'uki.na 'to throw (stones) at someone teasingly' (La Paz) jagu.na 'to throw• lar.ch'uki.na 'to pull someone's leg' (La Paz) laru.na 'to laugh' 6-2. 18.2 t 1 amomentaneous c-This suffix occurs as verbalizer of noun roots and stems, on most verbs, and is of very frequent occur rence everywhere. The meaning is sometimes a politive. Examples: PAGE 359 342 warm.t'a.si.na 'to have a mistress' (La Paz) warmi 'woman' wayn.t'a.si.na 'to have a lover (male)' (La Paz) wayna 'young man' An example on a noun stem ending in -ta nominalizer is wayk' iya.t.t'a.si.tayna 'pepper has been ground' (Jopoqueri) 3+3 RIK iya.na 'to grind' An example on a noun stem ending in -ni possessor is jan punchu.n.t'a.ta 'without poncho' (Huancan~) The following are examples on verbs: ampar jamp'at.t'a.na 'to kiss the hand' (La Paz) irp.t'a.na jamp'ati.na 'to kiss' 'to give a child back to his own mother or father' (La Paz) irpa.na 'to take a person' jirt.t'a.na 'to make mazamorra' (a corn-based soft drink) (Sitajara) jirta.na 'to move' The suffix occurs frequently as a softener with imperatives, as in the following examples from Calacoa: PAGE 360 say.t'a.ki.m 'stand up' 2+3 I 343 saya.na 'to stand' almus.t'a.wa.tana 'let's eat lunch' almusa.na 'to lunch' 4+3 I yanap.t'.ita 'help me' yanapa.na 'to help' 2+1 I parl.t'a.p.xa.m 'you (plural) talk' parla.na 'to talk' 2-+3 I 6-2. 19 -paya-, -rpaya~ -rpa:6-2. 19. 1 ~vpayahelper, mocker This suffix is very infrequent and was not identi fied by England. Certain forms cited with it by Bertonio (1603b:287} are not acceptable in La Paz today. Other forms with the suffix do occur in La Paz, some of them with -payafrozen to the root. Examples: k 11 uya.paya.na 'to have mercy, give help' (La Paz) *k 11 uya.na (does not occur) yat.xa.paya.na7 'to imitate in order to mock' (La Paz) yati.na 'to know' muyu.paya.na 'to take a look around, like a guard' (La Paz) muyu.na 'to turn around' PAGE 361 344 ali.s.paya.na 'to throw someone out' (La Paz, Salinas) ali.si.na 'to run after someone' (La Paz/Campi) In the last two examples the meanings are closer to some examples of -rpaya-. 6-2. 19.2 -v-r~p_a~y_a_-_~_-_r~p_a_:_multiplier of action, intensifier This suffix does not verbalize. /-rpaya-/ occurs in most dialects; /-rpa:-/ occurs in Sitajara, Corque, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, and was cited by Bertonio (1603b: 297). Both variants occur in Campi. The suffix occurred more frequently in Salinas and Jopoqueri than elsewhere. One speaker in Corque voiced the /p/ after /r/, giving the phonetic rendition [rba:J in rapid speech. In Corque this is not a regular rule like that voicing prevocalic stops after nasals in Salinas, but rather an optional rule like the one that voices stops intervocalically (see 4-3.21.31). Examples: jamu.rpaya.na +. Jamu.rpa:'to select chuno from a pile, to be ground into smaller pieces' (La Paz) *jamu.na (does not occur in La Paz/Campi) 'to understand something well' (Bertonio l603b:l08) jaqu.rpa:.na 'to throw away' (Jopoqueri, Sitajara) PAGE 362 6-2.2 345 jaqu.rpaya.na 'to throw away• {La Paz, Salinas) jaqu.na 'to throw• jara.rpaya.na 'to untie' {La Paz) [jara.rba:.na] 'to untie' (Corque) jara.na 'to untie' jat'i.rpa:.fia 'to pick up thorns and thistles' {Salinas) jat'i.rpaya.fia 'to scratch' {La Paz) jat'i.na 'to scratch' k 11 ita.rpaya.fia 'to send' {Salinas) k 11 ita.na 'to send' p 11 ichu.rpa:.fia 'to untie' (Salinas) p 11 ichu.na 'to tie up' Class 2 suffixes These suffixes occur in all dialects on almost any verb root, stem, or theme and are more closely tied to the inflection than to the preceding part of the verb. Of the nine suffixes in the class, four affect case rela tions of the subject and complement person contained in the inflection: -sireciprocal/reflexive, -ya-~-: causative, -rapibeneficiary, and -ragavictimary. -niapproacher and -wadistancer {and its variants) indicate spatial relations {physical, temporal, or meta phorical) of the person(s) involved in the action. The incompletive and completive suffixes are aspects of the PAGE 363 346 tense, which is also contained in the inflection . .::..Q.:. is a pluralizer of persons. -siand may reduplicate on a stem. If -ja~ -kaincompletive or -xa~ -gacompletive occurs before .::...Ee. on a stem, it may reduplicate after .::..Q.:_. 6-2.21 sireciprocal/reflexive 8 v-This suffix is of very frequent occurrence, especially in La Paz. It focuses upon the persons of the inflection and may be translated as a reciprocal, a reflexive, or an emphatic. 9 Reciprocal: parl.t'a.si.na 'to talk to each other' (La Paz) talk jay.cha. si. na I to quarrel 1 (La Paz) quarrel nuwa.si.na fight Reflexive: asa.ga.si.na gama.si.na 1 to fight each other' (La Paz) 'to take off one's own hat' (La Paz) asa.ga.na 'to take off a hat' 1 to stay 1 ( Corque) gama.na 'to do nothing, to rest' PAGE 364 ala.si.na buy Emphasis: 347 'to buy oneself something' (everywhere) ala.na 'to buy' ar.naga.si.: 'I will yell 1 (Calacala) yel 1 1+3 F jaws.kat.t'a.si.: call 'I will call someone' (La Paz/Campi) The following examples of verbalization with this suffix have occurred in La Paz: p'inqa.si.na 'to be ashamed, embarrassed' p'inga 'shame' warmi.si.na 'to take oneself a mistress' warmi 'woman' wayna. s i . na 'to take oneself a (male) lover' wayna 'young man' This suffix occurs frozen in a few verb stems that act as roots, taking suffixes normally occurring before -si-. ali.si.na 1 to sprout 1 ( La Paz/Ti ahuanaco) 1 to run after someone 1 ( La Paz/Campi ) ali.s.muchu.na ~ ali.s.nuku.na 'to throw out' (La Paz/ Tia huanaco) PAGE 365 348 ali .s.mucha.fia 'to throw out' {Salinas) ali.s.paya.fia aru.si.na aru.s.tata.fia una.si.na ufia.s.t'a.na 'to throw someone out' {La Paz, Salinas) 'to complain, protest, speak against someone' {La Paz); 'to speak' {Bertonio 1603b:327) aru 'word/speak' 'to say' {Salinas) 'to look at each other' {La Paz) 'to wait for someone' {Calacoa, Sitajara) -sidoes not co-occur with -rapibeneficiary or -raga victimary. -simay occur before or after the suffixes -ya-~-:causative, -niapproacher, and -wadistancer {or its variants). -sioften occurs in combination with -ja~ -kaincompletive, resulting in its at first being considered a continuative. However, it may also occur with -xacompletive. When it precedes -vaon a stem, -siusually glosses as a reciprocal. -sifollowing~ usually glosses as a reflexive. When -sioccurs twice on a stem, separated by ::Y.A.::., the first -siis a reciprocal, and the second, a reflexive. When two -si-'s occur in succession, the second is usually followed by the incom pletive suffix -ja~ -ka-. PAGE 366 349 Examples of -siwith the other Class 2 suffixes mentioned above are the following: jay.cha.si.ya.na jay.cha.ya.si.na 'to cause others to argue with each other' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:317) jay. cha. 21 na 1 to argue disrespectfully with someone to whom re spect is due• (La Paz) 'to allow someone to argue (talk) disre spectfully with one' (La Paz/Campi) +jay.cha.:.si.na 'to get oneself beaten up' (Bertonio 1603b: 317) jay.cha.si.ya.si.na 'to allow someone to go on arguing dis respectfully with one• (La Paz) nuwa.si.ya.si.na 1 to referee a fight 1 (La Paz) fight Ma.nta.si.n.ka.ki.m. 1 Come on in. 1 (La Paz) enter 2+3 i Ma.nta.ni.s.ka.ki.m. 1 Come on in.' (La Paz) usu. r. ta. si. w. x. i 'she became pregnant' ( Calacoa) 3+3 S usu.na 'to be sick' PAGE 367 350 jay.cha.wa:.s.ta 'I scolded him' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) quarrel s Aka.n.ka.s.k.i.ti? 10 'Is he here?' (most dialects) ~-+3 s Aka.n.ka.s.j.i.ti? 'Is he here?' (Jopoqueri) mag'a.nta.s.xa.tayna 'he ate it up' (Salinas) eat RIK Qullg apa.s.xa.m. 'Take the money again. 1 money take 2-+3 I ala.s.xa.:ma 1 I 1 ll buy you' (Corque) buy F nuwa.si.s.t 11 a 1 I 1 m fighting' (Calacoa) fights (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b: 301) Nuwa.si.s.k.t.wa. 1 I 1 m fighting.• (Juli, La Paz, Huancan~) 1-+3 s arma.si.si.p.k.itasma 'you might forget us' (Juli) forget D-1 PAGE 368 351 In Morocomarca -sioccurred where the nominalizer -na would occur in other dialects, in the following type of sentence: Kuna.mpi.rak maq'a.s.i ch'unu.ka? what with eat -:3+3 chuno s 'With what is chuno eaten?' This use of -simay be due to the influence of Spanish, from which the sentence was translated: Con gue se come chuno? The possible influence of Spanish g reciprocal/ reflexive on the incidence of -siin Aymara needs fur ther investigation. 6-2.22 -ya-~-:causative This suffix has been found to verbalize few noun roots, and only in la Paz. jayp'u.ya.na evening uru.ya.na day 1 to get late' (nonhuman subject); 1 to spend the day waiting in one place' (human subject) (la Paz) 'to celebrate a wedding or a birthday by giving someone a party' (la Paz) Bertonio (1603b) gave examples similar to the above, but with phonologically conditioned allomorphs: +/-wa-/ after PAGE 369 352 + /u/, /-ya-/ after /i/, and either vowel length or + /-ya-/ after /a/. In contemporary dialects these alterations have not been found to occur. Most dialects use /-ya-/; Compi uses both /-ya-/ and/-:-/; /-:-/ has also been found in Huancan~ and in northern Potosf. Examples: apa.:.na 1 to cause someone to carry• (Calacala) carry apa.ya.na •to cause someone to carry• (elsewhere) ar.su.ya.na 1 to cause someone to say• (Salinas) say chura.ya.na 1 to cause someone to give• {general) give The following has/-:-/ reduced to simple vowel before a consonant-requiring suffix: Amu.s.t 1 a.g.i.lla. 1 He made him be quiet. 1 (Calacala) 3+3 S /-cqa-/ completive (see 6-2.25) The Compi equivalent of the above has /-ya-/ reduced to /y/. Amu.s.t 1 a.y.x.i.ya. 1 He made him be quiet. 1 PAGE 370 353 In the foregoing examples the verb stem takes a human subject and a human agentive complement (the person who is caused to do something). 11 Some verbs that do not take a human subject may take one if is added to the stem. If it is desired to have a human agentive complement as well,~ must be reduplicated. Examples: achu.na 'for a field to produce' (nonhuman subject) (La Paz) achu.ya.na 'to cause a field to produce' (human subject) (La Paz) puqu.na 'for a field to produce' (nonhuman subject) (Jopoqueri) puqu.ya.na 'to cause a field to produce' ( human subject) (Jopoqueri) uma.pta'for something to melt' (nonhuman subject) (La Paz) uma.pta.ya.na 'to cause to melt' (human subject) (La Paz) uma.pta.ya.ya.na 'to make someone melt something' subject and complement) uma 'water' (human Some examples of~ on stems with -siwere given in 6-2.21. See also the examples in 8-2.25. 6-2.23 ni v--' -vwa~ -waya~ -wa:~ -wi~ -wiyaThese suffixes appear to be semantic opposites, but they may co-occur on one stem with a meaning different PAGE 371 354 from either alone. When both occur, -nialways precedes -waor variants. 6-2.23. l niapproacher v-This suffix has only one allomorph in all dialects. It reduces spatial, temporal, or emotional distance be tween the persons of the inflection (who may be the speaker, hearer, both, or neither) or between person(s) and place (s). Examples: jir.ta.ni.na 'to go to move something' (Sitajara) 'to go to move something with a stick' jiru.na, jir.ta.na 'to stir' (La Paz/ Campi) iki.ni.na 'to go somewhere to sleep' (La Paz; also Bertonio l603b:285) i k i . na I to sleep I mang'a.ni.na 'to approach to eat' (La Paz) 'to go to eat, to have just eaten' (Bertonio 1603b:285) mang'a.na 'to eat' gillqa.n.ch. itasma 'you could write to me' (La Paz) gillqa.na 'to write' In Calacoa -nioften occurs with sa.na 'to say', with the Imperative, Future, and Desiderative tenses. PAGE 372 Waka.nunu cow udder 355 sa.ni.p.xa.sma.lla! 2+3 D-1 'You should say cow's udder!' 6-2.23.2 -vwa~ -waya~ -wa:~ -wi~ -wiyadistancer This suffix increases spatial, temporal, or emo tional distance between the persons of the inflection, or between person(s) and place(s). There may be a change of location, or several locations, for the person(s). The suffix may imply action before leaving for somewhere else or while on the way somewhere else. The suffix may serve as a softener or emphatic with such meanings as 'quickly', 'at once', or 'by the way'. The most common shape of this suffix is /-wa-/, which reduces to /w/ before consonant-requiring suf fixes. This variant occurs in Juli, Huancan~, Sacca, Calacoa, Sitajara, and Calacala. The allomorph /-waya-/ occurs in La Paz, reducing to /way/ before consonant requiring suffixes. It may reduce to /wa/ before vowel requiring suffixes. Parts of La Paz also have an alter nate form /-wa:-/ (also attested in Bertonio 1603b), which reduces to /wa/ before consonant-requiring suf fixes. In Sitajara /-waya-/ (reduced to /way/) occurs before -i 3+3 Simple tense; /-wa-/ (reduced to /w/) occurs before other /if-initial suffixes; and /-wa:-/ occurs elsewhere, reduced to /wa/ before consonant requiring suffixes. PAGE 373 356 /-wiya-/ occurs in Salinas and Corque. /-wi-/ occurs in Jopoqueri. In Morocomarca /-wi-/ or /-wiy-/ occurs before /i/ (resulting phonemically in /wi:/ or /wiyi/), and /-wiya-/ occurs elsewhere, reducing to /wiy/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. Examples: Ap.xaru.way.ma. I Chura.waya.m. give I Chura.way. ita. I 1 Take it away. 1 ( San Andres de Machaca) apa.na 'to carry• 'Give it to him quickly, at once, on the way.• (La Paz) 'Give it to me (as you're leaving right away). 11 (La Paz) Iskula.y jala.g. ta.way. i .w .. 'He played hooky.' (stayed out school of school) (Sitajara) Mang'a.waya.m. eat I M I ang a.way.1.wa. s s jala.ga.na 'to fall 1 'Eat and go right afterwards. 1 (La Paz) 'They ate (somewhere else). 1 (Sitajara) ch 11 aga.way.i 'he got lost (somewhere out there)' (Sitajara) S ch 11 aga.na 'to get lost' PAGE 374 357 waxcha. t I a. si.way. t.xa: 1 I was left an orphan 1 (Achocalla) orphan Puri.wa.ta.ti? s s 'Did you arrive (today)?' (Sitajara) taS -c(This example is an instance of /-wa:-/ reduced to /wa/ before the inflection.) sara.wa.:xa 'I'm going to go' (San Andr~s de Machaca) go F sara.w.xa.: 1 I 1 m going' (Juli) F jayta.wa.p.ka.taytu l~ave RIK '(our grandparents) left us (our language)' (Juli) pa:.t'a.si.wa.nani 'let's cook' (Sitajara) cook F Sa.w.ma. lla. 'Tell him on the way.' (Sacca) say I t 11 ugu.wa. :ta.x 'you will dance (there) 1 (Sacca) dance F j ayta. wiya. : tan leave -F 'we will leave (the sheep with him while we go to church) 1 (Salinas) PAGE 375 358 ar.t 1 a.wiy.i call 'he called (the birds to him, from the sky)' (Salinas) s t ll t ag. a.w1ya.:ma.x 'I will look for you (there in La Paz) (Salinas) look for F yapi.nta.wiya.tay tie up RIK Chura.wiy.t.wa. give s 'she tied her up (before going off) (Corque) 'I left it for him (and went away again). 1 (Morocomarca) way.xaru.wi.na 'to carry water in a pail' (Jopoqueri) way.xaru.na 'to carry by handle' The combination of -niplus -wa(or its vari ants) is common in all Aymara dialects. In many instances it means action on the way back from another place. ao.ta.ni.wa.: 'on my way back I'll bring X' (Juli) bring F sara.ni.waya.na go 'to stop off somewhere on th~ way back from a farther point• (La Paz) England found that this combination could also PAGE 376 359 .•. express discrepancies between where the speaker was at the time of an action and where he is when he tells about it. (Hardman et al. 1975:3. 177) An example of this from my research is the following said by a young man from Socca who had left his town as a boy: mist.su.ni.wa.sn leave ak 11 am thus jayt.ja.ni.w.t 11 a leave 1+3 s . leaving (my community) ... thus, I left (everything) I The combination may also be used to express discrepancies between the location of a person or persons involved in an action, and the location of a hearer, as shown in the following examples which occurred in a recorded message from a man in Juli to his nephew in another city. The message concerned the author's visit to Juli, during which the nephew was not present. Parl.t'a.ni.w.i.w. 'She spoke. 1 speak "-3+3 s graba.g.t'a.si.ni.w.k.i 'she made tape recordings' 3+3 < Spanish grabar 'to record' s Ap.s.t'a.ni.wa.rak. 'And she took photographs. 1 take PAGE 377 360 wali sum gued.t 1 a.ya.ni.wa.p.x.sma very good 1+2 s 1 we did well by you, we left a good im pression' < Spanish guedar 1 to leave• In Calacoa the combination /-w.ja-/ occurs very frequently, apparently as a softener since none of the other meanings of the distancer seem to apply. The com bination seems to occur on any verb stem and with a variety of tenses. Examples: Chura.w.j.sma.w. 'I gave it to you. 1 give 1+2 s sa.w.j.iri.tayn 1 he said' 3+3 RIK sara.w.ja.tan 'we will go' go 4+3 F Yati.w.ja.ma. lla. 'You learn, then. 1 know 2+3 I The /-ja-/ in this combination is not identical with /-ja-/ allomorph of the incompletive suffix (see 6-2.25. 1). In Calacoa the allomorph of the incompletive is /-ka-/ PAGE 378 361 and /-w.ja-/ may precede it on a stem. */-w.ka-/ has not occurred in Calacoa. Jan puyri.w.j.k.t.ti. 'I have not been able to.' no able S puyri< Spanish puede 'is able' It is possible that /-wja-/ is a unitary suffix identical in shape to the noun locational suffix -wja(see 5-3.21). ~~hen occurring before the completive ~' /-wj .xa/ re duces to /w.xa/. Aruma.w.x.i.w, night s iki.nta.w.xa.tan. bed F 'It's already late, let's go to bed.' On verbs /-wja-/ is rejected in Socca as 'sounding like baby talk.' /-w.xa-/ is, however, of frequent occur rence in Sacca and Juli. A series of verbs with /-w.xa-/ occurred in an account of the death and burial of the archbishop of Juli. pasa.w.xa.tayn 'he passed' (died)< Spanish pasar RIK jiw.t'a.w.xa.tayn 'he had died' yati.w.xa.sin 'having learned' know jiwa.na 'to die' PAGE 379 362 amuk.t'a.w.xa.p.x.i 'they were silent' amuki.na 'to be 3+3 silent' s /-w.xa-/ also frequently occurs with /-iritayna/ (-iri plus 3+3 RIK) and other compound forms with -chi NI, in stories told in Juli and Sacca (see 6-3.36. l and 6-3.37.2). /-w.xa-/ occurs with the Imperative in Sacca, meaning 'do it this minute! 1 on sara.na 'to go' and sa.na 'to say' but conveying a gentle, friendly plea on chura.na 'to give', thus illustrating the different connotations verbal derivational suffixes, even those of Class 2, may have on different verbs. In Morocomarca /-wiy.xa/ and /-xa.wiya-/ both occur. In some instances one order is preferred. Examples occurred with the Simple tense. 1+3 Chur.xa.wiy. t.wa. 1 I left it for him. 1 2+3 Chur.xa.wiy.ta.wa. 'You left it for him. 1 3+3 Chura.wiy.x.i.wa. 'He left it for him.' 4+3 (not elicited) 3+2 Chura.wiy.x.tma.wa ~ chur.xa.wiy.tma.wa. 'He left it for you. 1 3+1 Chur.xa.wiy. itu.wa. 'He left it for me. 1 --Chur.xa.wiv.istutu.wa. 'He left it for us.' PAGE 380 363 The source rejected a 3+3 form with a preceding -xa-. (For a discussion of ordering -xadirectly on verb roots, see 6-2.25.2). Further research will be needed to determine how best to describe the above. These suffixes are mutually exclusive. 6-2.24. l -rapibeneficiary The presence of -rapiin a verb stem indicates that the verb complement expressed in the inflection is a beneficiary of the action. 12 This suffix is of frequent occurrence and no dialectal variation in its use has been noted. 6-2.24.2 -vraqavictimary The presence of -ragavictimary in a verb stem indicates that the verb complement expressed in the in flection is the victim of action by the subject against a possession of the complement person. That is, the complement person is adversely affected indirectly, through his possession. 13 This use of the suffix -raqa is general, although it is of less frequent occurrence than -rapi-, and no variation in its use has been noted. PAGE 381 364 6-2.25 -cja~ -ka~ -k 11 aincompletive, -cxa~ -ga completive The incompletive and the completive may occur before and/or after.:...::_ plural. They usually do not co-occur on a stem; when they do, the incompletive pre cedes the completive. 6-2.25. l ja~ -ka~ -k 11 aincompletive c~-------This suffix must be distinguished from the par tially homophonous -ja~ -kaverbalizer (5-3.41.1) and -jaClass l verbal derivational suffix (6-2. 12). The form /-ka-/ occurs in most dialects, but not in Corque and Jopoqueri, which instead have /-ja-/. In Salinas, a morphophonemic rule (4-3.22.23) reduces -kato /j/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. The allomorph /-k 11 a-/ occurred sporadically instead of /-ka-/ in the speech on one Salinas source. Both /-ka-/ and /-ja-/ occur in Calacala and Morocomarca, where it appears that the two morphs may have separate morpho phonemic status, -ja'ahead of! and -kaincompletive. This brings us to the semantics of this suffix. In some contemporary Aymara dialects the suffix usually translates 'ahead of 1 when it occurs directly on a root. ap.ka.na 'to carry ahead of someone' (La Paz) apa.na 'to carry' PAGE 382 365 sar.ka.na 'to go on ahead' (La Paz) sara.~a 'to 90 1 sar.ja.na 'to go on ahead' (Jopoqueri) However, in some dialects this suffix translates as a continuative. Chur.k.t.wa. 1 I 1 m giving it to him.• (Morocomarca) give s Chur.ka. :t.wa. RDK 1 I was 91 vrng it to him. 1 (Morocomarca, San Andres de Machaca) Chur.j. t.wa. s 1 I 1 m 91v1ng it to him. 1 (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Corque) Chur.ja.ya:t.wa. RDK 'I was g1v1ng it to him. 1 (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Corque) In La Paz the continuative is usually expressed by -si plus -ka-. Mang'a.s.k.i.w. eat She's } 'He's eating.• It's s Aka.n.ka.s.k.i.w. here She's} 1 He I s here. 1 It's s PAGE 383 366 Elsewhere the continuative may be so expressed also, with /-ka-/ or /-ja-/. Jacha. s. k. i .way. 'They are crying. 1 (Calacoa) -:3+3 s Uta.nha.n.ka.s.ka.:n.wa. 'He was in my house.• (Sitajara) house lp 3+3 RDK Aka.n.ka.s.j.i.w. 1 He 1 s here.• (Jopoqueri and Corque) here -:3+3 s One speaker in Salinas, whose Aymara was probably in fluenced by that of La Paz, used both /-ja-/ and /-s.ka-/ continuative in the same sentence in a story. Aka.n.x here na. x sawu. n. j. t 11 w, weave 7+3 s sawu.si.s.k.t na.x. weave -,+3 s 'Here I'm weaving, it's weaving I am. 1 A popular song in Calacoa has /-s.ka-/ in one stanza and /-ka-/ alone in another. Jacha.s.k.i.way. 'They are crying. 1 cry ~+3 s PAGE 384 367 ( Jach. k. i . w) ~+3 s.i.way. 3+3 111 They are crying, 11 they say.• s s Although this suffix frequently occurs with nega tive expressions, some negatives occur witbout it, or with the completive -xainstead. Negative expressions are discussed in 7-4.5. With the Inferential -pacha, /-ka-/ incompletive may occur with the meaning 'instead of. 1 The following example was inspired in a La Paz/Tiahuanaco speaker by Ebbing (1965:100): Uka chacha.x jach.k.pacha.:n.x l a ru . s . xa . k. i . w. that man cry 3+3 laugh 3+3 RDK s 'That man instead of crying is just laughing. 1 However, in an example from Jopoqueri /-ja-/ with -pacha is simply a continuative. Jun.j.pacha.w. 'He must be pecking. 1 junu.na 'to peck, pierce' This suffix occurs often on subordinated verbs to indicate action ahead of the action of the main verb or incompleted actio~ (see 7-4.24). PAGE 385 368 6-2.25.2 -xa~ -gacompletive In view of the /k/ ~ /j/ alternation for the in completive, the possibility that a similar alternation of /q/ ~ /x/ exists for the completive--or may have existed in the past--must be kept in mind. Tschopik (1948:109) gives one example of a /q/ which is probably a variant of this suffix, but /-xa-/ also occurs in his transcrip tion, which in any case is not completely phonemic. In Calacala there occurred a /q/ which may be a realiza tion of the completive. It could not be .:..92...:.. 1 down 1 , as it occurred after the causative suffix -ya-~-: (here reduced to plain vowel). Amu.s.t 1 a.g.i.lla. 'He made him be quiet.' s The Campi equivalent of the above has /-xa-/ (see 6-2.22). Further investigation will be needed to see if /-qa-/ completive is a productive suffix in Calacala and else where. Examples of the completive are given below with different tenses. Simple: Chur.x.t.wa. give 1 I 1 ve already given it to him. 1 (La Paz) PAGE 386 369 Sar.x. i.w. 'He left. 1 (La Paz) go ~+3 Jani.w mun.x.i.ti. 'It doesn't want to.' (La Paz) no want---:3-+3 Future: sar.xa.: 1 I 1 m going home 1 (La Paz) 7-+3 Imperative: chur.x.ma 'give it to him' (Socca) 2-+3 apa.n.x.ita 'bring it to me' (Huancane) 2+1 Desiderative: Jiw.xa. sma.wa. 'You may die. 1 (Salinas) die 2+3 In Huancane /-xa-/ occurred on many verbs used in telling a story. The tenses used were RIK, Simple, and -chi NI. Examples of /-s.xa-/ and /-w.xa-/ are given in 6-2.21 and 6-2.23.2, where it was noted that /-xa-/ some times occurs before /-wiya-/ in Morocomarca. It appears that /-xa-/, like -si-, may occur directly on a root, forming a stem which may take other suffixes that usually precede /-xa-/. England considered this /-xa-/ a dif ferent suffix of limited occurrence (Hardman et al. 1975: 3. 152). Other examples are PAGE 387 370 Atip.xa.s.ka.k.i.w. 3+3 'It (the headache) overcame her.' (Compi) s atipa.na 'to overcome' yat.~.paya.na 'to imitate in order to make fun of' (La Paz) yati.na 'to know' + sar.xa.way.xa.tayna 'he left' (LaBarre 1950:43) go 3+3 RIK In the last example /-xa-/ reduplicates on the verb stem. The combination /-ka-/ incompletive plus /-xa-/ occurs infrequently. sar.k.xa.tayna.x 'he had gone (for good)' (Huancane) go 3+3 +J . an,.w no RIK sar.t.ir.jama. :.k.xa.:n.ti. get up 3+3 RDK 'He could not get up (and never would again).' (Wexler 1967:456) Other examples of incompletive and completive suffixes, sometimes with reduplication, are given in the next section. PAGE 388 6-2.26 ..:. plural V 371 No dialect has been found in this research with the form of this suffix cited by Bertonio (1603b): + . k -pis a-. Examples from different regions bear out the contention earlier expressed that the suffix .:..P..:. is optional in Aymara. It may express plurality of the subject, the complement, or both. There are some ex amples of its occurrence when no plural appears in translation, or conversely, there may be plural in trans lation but no .:..P..:. in Aymara (this latter is the more common possibility). When the noun plural suffix -naka occurs on a subject or complement, .:..P..:. may or may not occur on the verb, and vice versa (see 5-2.3, 5-3.25, and 8-2.4) . .:..P..:. occurs without a following incompletive or completive in Calacoa, Sitajara, and Morocomarca. 14 /-p.ka-/ and/or the variant /-p.ja-/, where applicable, and /-p.xa-/ occur everywhere, including those areas that may have .:..P..:. alone. The following are examples of .:..P..:. without a following incompletive or completive: Puri.t.ma.taki p 11 uya.p.t.wa. arrive 2p for cook 7+3 s 'For your coming I've cooked (a lot). 1 (Morocomarca) Juma.x 2p na.naka.r lp un.kata.p.itta. look at 2+1 s 'You are looking at us.' (Sitajara) PAGE 389 Juma.naka 2p 372 un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x. look at 2+1 s 'You (pl.) are looking at me. 1 (Calacoa) The combination /-p.ka-/ frequently occurs pre ceded by -si-. Chik.t'a.,i.p.k.t.wa. 'We are asking.' (Salinas) ask 7-+3 t . . k t 11 u .Ja.s, .p. . a live 1-+3 s s 'we are living together' ala.si.p.k.t 11 a 'we buy' (Calacala) buy 1-+3 s k l k . usa.s,.p .. , chic ha J-+3 s 'they are making chicha' (Sitajara) (Sitajara) sar.xata.si.ni.p.ka.k.itasman go 2-+ l D-1 'you should come up to us, that's all' (Juli) In the following examples /-p.ja-/ is preceded by /-ka-/ or /-ja-/: ina.si.n.ka.p.j.ista 'you are looking at us' (Morocomarca) 2-+l s PAGE 390 373 ina.si.n.ja.p.j.ista 'you are looking at us• (Jopoqueri) By far the most common combination with .:..E..:.. is /-p.xa-/, often preceded by -sior other suffixes. sara.p.xa.ta.pa 'their departure• (La Paz) go 3p tuk.t 1 a.p.x.chi 'they played music' (Juli) tuka.na > Spanish tocar 1 to play• wisita.p.x.itu 'she visited us 1 (Salinas) visit 3+1 S wisita.na < Spanish visitar 1 to visit' lura.si.p.x.ta 1 I have done• (Sacca) do 7+3 s amt. t I a. s i. p. xa. tayna. x I they agreed 1 (Huancane) agree 3+3 RIK nuwa.si.p.x.ta 'you are fighting' (Morocomarca) fight 2+3 s parla.si.p.xa.nani 1 let 1 s talk' talk 4+3 parla.na > Spanish parlar 1 to talk' PAGE 391 374 sa.ta.:.si.p.x.t 1 we call it 1 (Sitajara) say 7-+3 s Apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y. 1 Please have them sent to me. 1 send 2-+l F In the following, /-p.xa-/ occurs preceded by /-ja-/ or /-xa-/. 6-2.3 Kuna.ma.:.s.ja.p.x.ta.s? 1 How are you?' (Jopoqueri) 2-+3 s Sar.xa.p.x. i .wa. 1 They left. 1 (Morocomarca) 3-+3 s sara.na 'to 90 1 Class 3 suffixes This class consists of a group of related suffixes all containing the phoneme /ch/ (or a reduced form /s/) and the sequence /jama/ (or reduced forms thereof) re lated to the noun/independent suffix -jama 1 like 1 They have so far been found only in La Paz (Tiahuanaco and Campi) and are attested by Ebbing (1965). The following allomorphs occurred in spoken texts: /-cchjama-/ La Paz/Campi (Hardman 1975:1.305) /-ichja-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco (also Ebbing 1965:209) PAGE 392 375 /-vsmach-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco /-vsmachja-/ La Paz/Tiahuanaco The following occurred in examples which V~squez (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) reported having heard; their geographic origin is unknown: /chja-/ C /sja-/ C /-vsjamach-/ (also Ebbing 1965:223) The following was cited by Ebbing (1965:223): The meaning of these is expressed by a number of glosses, including 'I think', 'it seems that', 'it looks as if', 'it looks like', 'it is likely that'. They are here classified as verbal derivationals because they occur as units after Class 2 verbal derivationals and before independent or verbal inflectional suffixes. Bertonio (1603b) and Ebbing (1965) have pro vided evidence which permits speculation about the probable derivation of some of these forms. (In the following analyses, presumed underlying morphemic, or PAGE 393 376 partial boundaries are shown for clarity even though the forms are synchronically unitary.) As indicated in 5-3.32.3, a free root +jama occurs after an inflected verb in a sentence cited by Bertonio (1603b:204). In the following example (Bertonio 1603b:104) +jama occurs followed by /cha/, perhaps the verbal derivational suffix -chawhich may verbalize noun roots. +Chura.sina jama.cha.sma. 1+2 s 'It seems to me that I gave it to you. 1 A more literal translation might be 'I having given to you, like' as -sina is a suffix which turns a verb root or stem into a subordinated verb (a kind of nominalization; see 7-4.22. 1). In the above example, although the verbal inflectional suffix -sma 1+2 Simple tense occurs on +jama.cha-, the relation of subject and complement is actually tied to the verb root chura-. This indicates that the whole phrase functions as a syntactic and morphological unit. With corrected morphophonemics it would be *chura.sin.jama.cha.sma. In this analysis the suffix -chareverbalizes the nominalized theme *chura.sin.jama, permitting it then to take a verbal inflection. PAGE 394 377 In modern Aymara -jama does occur on the subordi nators -sa and -sina, e. g. sa.s.jam 'saying, like' (Hardman et al. 1975:3.408). The following is an example given by Ebbing (1965:223) that resembles the Bertonio example cited above and is acceptable to V~squez: jallu.s jama.ch.i 'it looks like it's raining' 7+3 s Written as a unit, it would be jallu.s.jama.ch.i. Ebbing said the form was archaic and that the following was to be preferred: +Jallu.s.ka.s.ama.ch.i.wa. 'It looks like it's raining.' 3+3 s V~squez renders it as follows: Jallu.s.ka.s.ma.ch.i.wa. Ebbing heard a stress on the vowel before +/sama/, e. g. /jallu.~.k~.s.ama.ch.i.wa/ This can be explained by assuming a double /s/ which would tend to lengthen the preceding vowel. PAGE 395 378 */jallu.s.ka.s.sama.ch.i.wa/ We may assume the following derivations: *jallu.s.ka.~.jama . .f.h_.i.wa --> *jallu.s.ka.~.sama.E!!_.i.wa --> +jallu.s.ka-=---~-ama.ch.i.wa The phonological rules, briefly, are /s + j/ --> /ss/ --> /:s/. 15 Other examples, from La Paz/Tiahuanaco todays are the following: T 1 aq.s.ta.s.ma.ch.ja.k.i.w. 1 1 think (the donkey) broke loose. 1 3+3 s t 1 aqa.na 1 to break 1 t 1 ag.su.na 1 to break loose• Ut.ja.s.ka.s.ma.ch.ja.k.i.w. 1 It looks like there is some there.• The /-ja-/ after /-s.ma.ch-/ appears to be a reduplica tion of -jama in its reduced allomorph /-ja-/. If we consider /-s.ma.ch-/ as three morphemes, then the final /-ja-/ acts like an independent suffix, coming after the verbalizer -chaand before the verbal inflection -i. PAGE 396 379 However, other combinations of fch7 and fjamaf (or fjaf) cannot be analyzed as above. These other combinations may be divided into two types: those in which a verbal inflection occurs before /-c~/ and those in which it occurs after fen/. Examples of / /-tana/ 4p Forms with /-na/ or /-na/ alone are marked only for lp, while those forms preceded by /-s-/ (not to be confused with the /-s-/ or /-sa-/ marking D-1 and D-2) are marked for 4p and lp. 20 6-3.22 Tense markers The following partials are associated with tense: S Unmarked PAGE 406 389 F Homophonous with lp possessive, with exception of reduplicative bilabial nasal in 1+2 in some dialects I Unmarked. Forms homophonous with personal possessive suffixes for subject, except 2+1 which is unmarked for subject D-1 and D-2 /iri/ forms: /-s-/, /-k-/, /-ks-/, /-j-/, /-js-/ /sa/ forms: /-s(a)-/ (D-2 is marked also for Remote: /iri/ forms: /-:-/ /sa/ forms: /-:na/) RDK /-ya-/, /-:-/, and /-n(a)/ (in different combinations) RIK /-ta:-/~ /-tay-/ ~ /-taw-/; some 3+3 marked also with /-:na/; forms reduplicative of inflection, 2+1, 3+1, 3+4 only 6-3.3 Tenses 6-3.31 Simple tense Spanish used to elicit: to him/her. 1 6-3.31.l Morphophonemics l +3 Yo le d 1. 'I gave All consonant-initial suffixes except Calacoa 4+3 /-vsna/ require a preceding consonant. All allomorphs of 1 + 3 except Ca 1 a co a /-t II a/ 1 o s e the f i n a 1 vow e 1 before PAGE 407 390 final suffixes except the vowel-requiring suffix -lla ~ -ya. Only in Calacoa may the distinction between 1+3 Sand 2+3 S be made solely on the basis of the pres ence or absence of aspiration: 1+3 /-ct"av/, 2+3 /-ctav/. Elsewhere the distinction is made primarily by morpho phonemics: 1+3 /-ctac/ ~ /-ct"ac/, versus 2+3 /-ctav/ That is, 2+3 keeps its final vowel before all following suffixes. Other suffixes in this tense do also. 6-3.31.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-2) 1+3 /-t"a/ is found everywhere but in La Paz and Huancan~, which have /-ta/. In Calacoa the aspirated form appears to be more common in the speech of women, and the unaspirated in the speech of men. 2+3 /-ta/ everywhere. 3+3 /-i/ everywhere. 4+3 Morocomarca has /-sna/, identical to the 4+3 D-l found in all dialects except Calacoa. For 4+3 S Calacoa has an alternate form /-vsna/ identi cal in shape, but not morphophonemics, to its 4+3 D-1. /-tana/ occurs in Sitajara and was cited by Bertonio. Sacca has /-tan/ alternating with /-tna/. Elsewhere the allomorph is /-tan/, except that in La Paz /-tana/, with antepenulti mate stress on the word, was heard in a Protestant sermon (see 4-3.33). PAGE 408 L4 Paz I Bert:m1o I Juli Socca Huancan~ Cal..coa S1 tajilra Jopoquer1 Salinas Morocomarca ll03b 1+3 I I -t"a -t".1 -t"a -t"ll •t"a -t"a -t"a -ta -ta -ta V 2+3 -ta (all dialects) I 3+3 -1 (all dialects) ~3 -tan •-tana -tan -tan-tan -tan -tana -tan •tan -vctana -tna -vsria -sna 1+2 + -s .. .a -sri.J -s:r.J -sr..l -Sr.l.l Sm4 -sr..a -sma -sr, .. -ma w •-taro I U) 3--2 -_tam I -tam -tam ... -tam -tar..i •to:ma -tam -tama -tma _. tr.oil 2 sta I I •ista •ista -1sta -1sta -1s ta -1sta -1sta -1tt.s '3+1 -1tu (a11 dia!ects) 3+4 -istu -1stu I -situ -1stu •Stu -stu -lstu -1stu -1stu -chltu -schitu -ch1stu -sch1stu Figure 6-2. Simple Tense PAGE 409 392 1+2 Salinas has /-ma/, homophonous with 2+3 I in Juli, Sacca, Huancane, and Calacala. Huancane has /-sna/, identical to Morocomarca 4+3 Sand to all 4+3 D-1 except Calacoa. Elsewhere the allomorph is /-sma/; the variant /-sman/ also . T. h 21 occurs ,n ,a uanaco. 3+2 Sitajara has /-ta:ma/; Morocomarca has /-tma/; Sacca has /-tam/ alternating with /-tma/. Else where the allomorph is /-tam/, except that in La Paz /-tama/, with antepenultimate stress on the word, occurs at times in radio announce ments (see 4-3.33). 2+1 /-ista/ everywhere except Sitajara, which has /-itta/, the form attested by Bertonio. (The former has /-s-/ marker of 4p, and the latter /-it(a)/ marker of lp complement and /-ta/ marker of 2p.) 3+1 /-itu/ everywhere. 3+4 /-stu/ in Calacoa and Sitajara; /-situ/ in Sacca; four variants frozen with r(s)ch-/, Juli. Else where /-istu/ (also attested by Bertonio). 6-3.31.3 Dialectal patterning Several dialects have idiosyncratic allomorphs of one person/tense suffix in this tense. In Huancane 1+2 /-sna/, in Calacoa 4+3 /-sna/, in Salinas 1+2 /-ma/, PAGE 410 393 and in Morocomarca 4+3 /-sna/ are each identical to a suffix found more commonly in another tense and/or person, usually in a different dialect. In Sitajara, 2+1 /-itta/ corresponds to the form cited for the same person/tense suffix by Bertonio but not found in any other contemporary dialect investigated. 6-3.32 Future tense Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 darle 'I'm going to give him'. 6-3.32. l Morphophonemics Except for 3+4 forms starting with /s/ or /ch/, suffixes beginning with a consonant require a preceding vowel. Although collection and analysis of data regard ing behavior of suffix-final vowels for this tense is not yet complete, it appears that in most cases vowels are retained before most suffixes. An example of a suffix needing further study is 1+3 /-nha/ which loses the /a/ before -ti (and probably before certain other final suffixes) but keeps it before -wa, -xa, and -lla ~ -ya aforesaid. 6-3.32.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-3) The distinctive mark of this tense is a long vowel, a glide, a nasal, or a velar or postvelar fricative. PAGE 411 L.s P.:iz llcrton1o Ju11 Socca 1603b 1-+3 + -: -: -: -: +.ja -Ja -da +-ja: 1 -ja: -ja: -:xa -:.xa -ya: -y11: 2-+3 -:ta + -Jata -:ta -:ta 3 -n1 (illl dialects) 4-+J -iianf •-tana -iianf -iian1 1-+2 -ma -:ma -:ma .;r,.m 5 + -mama -mama •m.lma 3+2 -tm.s -: tma -:tam •-jatpa •:tam -:tam 2-+1 -it.l:ta + -1tajata -1ta:ta -lta: ta 3-.1 -1tan1 (all dialects) 3+4 -~tant -lstant + -tstant -s 1t11nf -ch1stan1 -sch1tan1 -sch1stan1 Figure 6-3. Aymara Future Tense Huancan6 Calac011 S1tajara -: -: -: -ja -j11 -ja: -Ja: -:x11 -:xa •nha -:ta -:ta -jata -ja: ta -nta nha:ta -iianl -iiant -tar.a -:ton -:rr.a -ma: -m.1ma lllilma -ma:m4 -trr,c1 -natpa -natma •nhata :rr.a -lta:til -ttanta -itanhata -s t11nt •stunt -Is tanf Jopoquert Sal!nas -: -: -r,ha -iia -iia: -:ta -:ta -nta 4 [ •nda J -nan! -iiant -tan -:tan -:ma -:ma -ntam -nrr.a -1tanta 6 [-ltanda) •fstanf -1stan1 f,'.orocomarca -: -ya2 -ya -:ta 3 -nant -tna -:tna -:ma -:tma -ita: ta 7 -tstant w I.O PAGE 412 length. 395 Notes to Figure 6-3 1 original written with stress (accent) rather than 2 calacala h / ~ / as -:na . 3 calacala has/-:ta/and [-nda]. 4 some speakers have [-nda]. sc . omp1 6 some speakers have [-itanda]. 7 calacala has /-ita:ta/ and [-nda:ta]. PAGE 413 396 The tense is thus an excellent example of nonstop consonant instability in Aymara. 1+3 /-:/ (vowel length) everywhere; voiceless frica tives22 in La Paz, Calacoa, Juli, Socca, Huancan~; voiced nonstops elsewhere: velar nasal, Sitajara and Jopoqueri; palatal nasal, Salinas; palatal glide, La Paz, Socca, and Morocomarca. 23 2+3 /-:ta/ everywhere except Sitajara; preceded by voiceless fricative, Calacoa (also cited by Bertonio); preceded by velar nasal, Sitajara; preceded by alveolar nasal, Corque and Salinas. /-ni/ everywhere. /-tana/ and /-:tan/, Calacoa (+/-tana/ also cited by Bertonio); /-nani/, /-tan/, and /-:tan/, Salinas; /-nani/, /-tna/, and /-:tna/, Moroco marca; /-nani/ elsewhere. 1+2 Peruvian dialects, /-mama/ and variants; Bolivian dialects, /-:ma/. (Vitocota, near Ayata, pro vince of Munecas, in the department of La Paz, also has /-mama/.) The following also have /-:ma/: Juli, Sacca, and Huancane. Sitajara has /-ma:/; La Paz has /-:man/ in addition to /-:ma/. 3+2 /-:tam/, La Paz, Sacca; /-:tam/ and /-(:)tma/, Juli; /-(:)tma;, Calacoa and Morocomarca. Forms PAGE 414 397 with initial alveolar nasal are found in Huan cane, Jopoqueri, and Salinas; with initial velar nasal, in Sitajara; Bertonio cited a form with initial velar fricative. /-ita:ta/ La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Moroco marca; alveolar nasal instead of vowel length, Huancane, Jopoqueri, Salinas; velar nasal between two vowels, Sitajara; velar fricative between two vowels, cited by Bertonio. /-itani/ everywhere. /-stani/ La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara; /-istani/ La Paz, Huancane, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Moroco marca, and cited by Bertonio; /-sitani/ Socca. Juli has forms frozen to preceding /-(s)ch-/. 6-3.32.3 Dialectal patterning 6-3.32.31 Phonological l. Dialects with initial or medial alveolar, velar, or palatal nasals in and Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas. Huancan~ lacks a nasal form of but has the others. Calacala may lack a nasal form for (no information is available) but has the others. 2. Dialects with a voiced palatal glide in La Paz, Socca, and Morocomarca. PAGE 415 398 3. Dialects with voiceless fricatives in 1+3: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancane, Calacoa. 6-3.32.32 Morphological l. Dialect having /-tana/ and /-:tan/, but not /-nani/, for 4+3: Calacoa. 2. Dialects having /-(:)tan/ or /-(:)tna/ and /-nani/ for 4+3: Salinas and Moroco marca. 3. Dialects using /-nani/ for 4+3, but not /-tana/ or variants thereof: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancan~, Sitajara, Jopoqueri. 6-3.32.33 Semantic Dialects having only /-nani/ for 4+3 F perceive /-tana/ and variants as past, not future. An attempt was made to discover whether dialects having both /-tana/ (or a variant thereof) and /-nani/ distinguish them semantically in some way, but the evidence so far is inconclusive. Either form may gloss, depending on con text, as vamos 1 we 1 re going to• or as a plain future •we will 1 In Salinas only /-nani/ was given for 4+3 Imperative, which is identical in form to 4+3 Future, but it may be that /-tana/ could also occur for the Imperative, as both forms do in Calacala. PAGE 416 399 6-3.33 Imperative tense Spanish used to elicit: 2+3 Daselo a el. 'Give it to him.' 6-3.33. l Morphophonemics For forms homophonous with the Future (see below), see that tense. 2+3 varies as indicated below and in Figure 6-4. 3+2 (except the Juli form homophonous with 3+3) requires a previous vowel. 3+3 requires a previous consonant. Imperative suffixes usually take no final suffixes other than -lla ~ -ya. 6-3.33.2 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-4) 1+3 All forms are homophonous with the Future. 2+3 La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas have an allomorph that requires a preced ing vowel and drops its own vowel except before the final suffix -lla ~ -ya. Examples: Chura.m. 'Give it to him/her/them.' Chura.ma.y. 'Please give it to him/her/them.' An allomorph requiring a preceding vowel and retaining its own final vowel, with stress on PAGE 417 1 .. 3 z.,.3 3 4--3 1 3+2 2-> 1 :}.1 La Pez Berton1o 1603~ -: 1 + d'l '11/l +.c:na -vcCa V -pa(n) + -pa(na) -iiani -:1;.'1 -:ta!!! -:tpa(n) -fta fail d!Jl2cts) -ttr.~3 I -ltr-a(n) •-itpa(na) •fstiia(n) 1 san Andres de Hachaca 2 Horocomarca Julf Soeea -: -ja: -:xa •cm(a) er.?(~) •vm -pana -p•ana -iianl -iiani -rr .. :1ma •r.'.ilm! -trna -:tma -: t:r.a -:tam -pa(n&) -1tpana -i tp 11 11n11 -sitpa:ia -sap"anll -s lstpana -chlstpar.a -schistpana 3 cor.ipf (not fn Hardi:ian et al. 19i5) Figure 6-4. Aymara Imperative Tense l-luancen1' Ca1a-:oa S1tajara -: -:xa •nh~ •cr.i(a) •vm •yffl •VC'./1r,1 •Pt1 •Sl,pa:na -pan -iianl -nan! -tan •l'Mr:i~ -mama -ma:1!1-l -tm(a) -tma . -nhata:rna -tp(a) •ltm(a) -1 tar.I -itp(11) -itpan -star;! -ltp(a) -ftpan Jopoquarf -nha •vm -pan -iian1 -:ma -mpa -:::1pa -1tpan -fstpan Salinas -: -iia •vm -pan -iian1 -:ma -nma -Hpan -fstpan Calacala rna2 C ? •vrr'" -iianf -tana -tina 2 .i::,. 0 0 PAGE 418 401 the antepenultimate vowel of the word, occurs infrequently in Sitajara and La Paz (see 4-3.33). In Sacca, Huancan~, Juli, and Morocomarca 2+3 I usually requires a preceding consonant, but when -kaincompletive occurs before 2+3 I on the stem, 2+3 I requires a preceding vowel. Chur.m(a). 1 Give it to him/her/them.• Jani. w chur. ka.m. ti. 1 Don I t give it to him/her/them. 1 Generally, allomorphs of 2+3 I that require a preceding consonant may keep or drop their own vowel, while allomorphs that require a preceding vowel drop their own vowel except before the final suffix -lla ~ -ya or when preceded by antepenultimate stress. 3+3 The full form is found in Juli and Sacca (with aspiration). The form without final vowel occurs in Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. Forms optionally losing the final nasal are found in La Paz (also cited by Bertonio). Calacoa /-sapa:na/ is identical in shape, but not morpho phonemics, to its 3+3 D-2 /-vsapa:na/. 4+3 All forms are homophonous with the Future. 1+2 All forms are homophonous with the Future. PAGE 419 402 La Paz, Juli, Socca, Calacoa, Sitajara, and Salinas have forms homophonous with the Future; the last four have only those forms. La Paz and Juli also have forms with /-pa-/. The fullest allomorph of the Juli /-pa-/ form, /-pana/, is homophonous with its 3+3 I. Jopoqueri has only forms with /-pa-/ (also cited by Ber tonio). Huancane has a form that looks like the Future form of other dialects but is not Future in Huancane, plus a /-pa-/ form. /-ita/ everywhere. Huancan~ and La Paz also have /-itma/. These suffixes follow the pattern of 3+3, except in Calacoa which has forms homophonous with the Future. In Huancane and Sitajara 3+4 has fallen out and 3+1 does duty for both. 6-3.33.3 Dialectal patterning 6-3.33.31 Morphophonemic l . ~ V La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas. PAGE 420 403 6-3.33.32 Morphological l. and peculiar to the Imperative, and and homophonous with the Future: All dialects. 2. and peculiar to the Imperative: All except Calacoa. 3. peculiar to the Imperative Future form not used): Huancane, Jopoqueri (also cited by Bertonio). 4. Only and homophonous with the Future: Huancane, Jopoqueri. 5. homophonous with the Future: La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas. 6. No form peculiar to the Imperative: Sacca, Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas. 7. Both Future and Imperative forms for La Paz and Juli. 6-3.33.33 Semantic In Huancane and Sitajara and 3+4 have fallen together and only the 3+1 form survives. In analyzing the Imperative it must be kept in mind that it overlaps the Future both formally and semantically to a large extent. The Future rather than the Imperative will often be used as a polite command, PAGE 421 404 especially for 1+2, 2+1, and 2+3 (the suffixes involving the first and second persons in the relationship of subject/complement, or the second person as subject). However, as pointed out by Hardman, in La Paz Aymara the overlap is not to be interpreted as indicating an incomplete Imperative paradigm filled with Future forms, as the Imperative is morphosyntactically marked by a morphophonemic rule: When stated, the subject of an Imperative verb drops the final vowel and carries no sentence suffix, except in the case of 3+2, where the subject 3p must retain the final vowel and carry a sentence suffix (Hardman et al. 1975:3.226). Example: Jum jupa.r chura.m. 'You give it to him/her/them. 1 2p 3p give 2+3 I As a person subject often is not expressed by a noun or pronoun in an Aymara sentence (since it is already expressed in the person/tense suffix on the verb), in this research it was not always possible to elicit an expressed pronoun subject which might be checked for presence or absence of its final vowel. In Sitajara, the only dialect for which pronoun subject forms were obtained with the Imperative for most person/tense suffixes, the vowel drops for 1+3, 3+3 and 4+3 but is retained and followed by a sentence suffix for 1+2, 3+1, PAGE 422 405 and 3+4; information is lacking for 3+2 and 2+1. In the case of 1+2 it may be that the Future, rather than the Imperative, was elicited. 24 In Morocomarca, the vowel was retained on the 2p subject with 2+3 I. Juma chur.x.ma. 'You give it back (to him/her/them).' 2p give 2+3 I 6-3.34 Contrary-to-fact tenses: Desiderative (D-1) and Remonstrator (D-2) Each of these tenses consists of two incomplete and (in some dialects) partially overlapping paradigms, one built on the recurrent partial /-sa-/ (the mark of contrary-to-fact tenses) and the other built on the . l . . ff. . . 2 5 l th t. l / / ( nom,na 1z1ng su 1x -1r1 pus e par ,a -saor other phoneme sequences replacing it; see below). Ber tonio (1603b) distinguished the two sets, calling the /-sa-/ paradigms the 'Optative' and 'Pluperfect Preterite Optative' tenses, and the -iri paradigms the 'Subjunc tive' and 'Pluperfect Preterite Subjunctive' tenses. However, the gaps in the paradigms and the semantic identity of the examples given show that in fact the four 'tenses' had already collapsed into two in B~rtonio's time. PAGE 423 406 In the following sections the -iri and /-sa-/ paradigms will be discussed, first with reference to the Desiderative tense and then to the Remonstrator. The forms will be referred to as /iri/ forms and /sa/ forms. 6-3.34.l Desiderative tense (D-1) Spanish used to elicit: 1+3 Yo~ daria el/Yo puedo darle. See Figure 6-5. 'I ~!~ht give to him/her/them. 1 { ~y } could 6-3.34.11 /sa/ forms of D-1 6-3.34. 11. 1 Morphophonemics 1+3 and 4+3 require a preceding consonant; 2+3, 3+3, and 3+2 require a preceding vowel. All /sa/ suf fixes retain final vowels before following suffixes. 6-3.34.11.2 Structure and distribution No spoken dialect was found to have a /sa/ form for 1+3. 2+3 and 3+3 end in the partial corresponding to the personal possessive suffix for the subject person. In Calacoa 4+3 is marked by /-na/, which corresponds to one allomorph of lp possessive (but not that used in Calacoa); elsewhere 4+3 is marked by /-na/, a partial PAGE 424 La Paz I Bertonio Juli Socca HuancanA Calacoa S1tajara Jopoquer1 Salinas ~rocomarca 1603b hl r1sta I -tr1sta -1r1st"a + -irlkt"a r1ksta -trtksta -irtkst•a r1kta -1r1ktwa -1r1kt"a -tr1Jt"a -1 rlj t"a -1rljt"a -irfjt"a 2+3 !-lrlkta -1r11ta -sma -sir.a2 -sma -sma -sma -sma -srr.a -sma -sma -:sm.1 3+3 -1rjl + -tr1jf -1r1j1 -frfjf -spa -spa(na) -spa -spa -spa -spa -spa -spa -(:)sp"a(na) 4+3 -sn_a 4 -sna(n) + .sna •SM -sna -sna -sna -sna -sna -sna 1-+2 -trfsma + -1rf ksma -irisma -1rfsma -1r1ksma -1 r1 ksir.a -1 rlks!!_a -trlksma rljsma -1rljma -lrljr.ia 3+2 -_1r1 sta.n I I -1r1 strl\d .i:,. -trlktma -lrlktma rlkstam •lrlkstam 0 r1Jstc1m rljtam -lrljtam -....J +-:spa -1rijta:ma 2+1 tmu(n) -ltasma(n) -1tosma -1 trrnna -1tasma •ltusma -1tasma -Hasrr.l -1tasma 3+1 rJ1tu -lrjltu + -lt;:ispa -1rlj I tu -irijltu -tt~spa -ltaspa -ttaspa taspa •ltaspa -itaspa •I tasp"a l+4 •Sta spa 5 rj1stu -1r1J1stu -i: rij I stu -1rik"a + -tstaspa -,taspa -tstaspa -chltaspa -sttaspa •htaspa -1s taspa -1s tasp"1 stuspa -schitaspa •chistaspa -schlstaspa Figure 6-5. Aymara Desiderative Tense (D-1) PAGE 425 408 Notes to Figure 6-5 1 Ebbing (1965:124). 2 Bertonio (1603b:335) indicates these shapes change when the inflections are followed by certain sentence suffixes. 3 used with the verb sa.na 'to say'. 4 Identical in shape but not morphonemics to 4+3 S /-vsfia/. Two examples of /-ysna/ as 4+3 D-1 were al so obtained, one in Calacoa and the other from nearby Torata, and both occurred after -t'averbal derivational suffix: un.t'a.sna 'we might get to know each other' mant.t'a.sna 'we want to go in' However, it is possible that the two examples contain -si reciprocal/reflexive reduced to /s/ before /-csna/, wittlthe geminate /s/ reduced to one, e.g.: un.t'a.s.sna mant.t'a.s.sna 5 Ebbing (1965:149); he also attests +/-istaspa/. PAGE 426 409 resembling in its initial nasal various lp possessive allomorphs, although none has yet been found with the alveolar nasal. Ebbing (1965:124) attests +/-sa/ for D-1 (La Paz). Bertonio (1603b:335) cites +/-sna/ for both and D-1. There is no /sa/ form for D-1. is rep resented by two forms attested only by Bertonio, both similar to and are built on the recurrent partial /-ita-/ mark of lp complement, plus D-1 /-sma/ or D-1 /-spa/. is based on plus the 4p mark /-s-/. In order to account for variations between /sa/ forms for the D-1 and D-2 tenses, an underlying vowel /a/ may be assumed after /s/ in the D-1 forms. In D-1 the vowel drops by morphophonemic rule; in D-2 it is retained. 6-3.34. 12 /iri/ forms of D-1 6-3.34. 12.1 Morphophonemics These suffixes all end in Simple tense forms which lose or keep their final vowels as indicated for the Simple tense. 6-3.34.12.2 Structure and distribution The mark of contrary-to-fact which occurs with /iri/ forms varies regionally. The possible combinations PAGE 427 410 are /s/, /k/, /ks/, /j/, and /js/. For D-1 the appropri ate Simple tense suffix follows. /i ri + ( s ) ( s) I + Simple tense Each dialect employs characteristic variants of the con trary-to-fact mark, as indicated below. La Paz Huancan~ Juli Socca Calacoa Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca Bertonio (1603b) /s/ /s/ ~ /ks/ /k/ ~ /ks/ /k/ ~ /j/ /k/ ~ /ks/ /j/ ~ /js/ / j / /j/ ~ /s/ /s/ ~ /k 11 / In order to account for variations between /iri/ forms for D-1 and D-2, an underlying vowel /a/ (or in one or two cases /i/) may be assumed. The underlying full forms for both D-1 and D-2 /iri/ forms may then be stated as follows: PAGE 428 411 sa /iri + k~ ( s) l I j~ (s) l The comparative incidence of /sa/ and /iri/ forms of the D-1 tense in different dialects is discussed in 6-3.34.3. 6-3.34. 13 Semantics of D-1 In the affirmative, the meaning of D-1 is of possibility or desirability. Examples from Bertonio indicate, however, that 2-+3 /-sma/, 2-+1, and sometimes 3-+3 were used as a cautionary. + chura.sma 2+3 mira no des ---'be careful not to give' (Bertonio 1603b:249) +K"iti.mpi kasara.si.ja s.ta uka marmi who with marry l-+3F say 2-+3S that woman ~ 26 apa.na.ma.spa. carry 2p 3-+3 Mira no sea tu parienta la mujer con guien te guieres casar. 'Be careful the woman you want to marry is not your relative.' (Bertonio 1603b:160) The examples above are perceived by present-day Aymara speakers not as warnings not to do something but PAGE 429 412 as statements of desirability or possibility, e. g. 'Why don't you give?', 'You should marry your contem porary'. For these speakers the Desiderative is not a cautionary unless the independent suffix -raki also occurs in the sentence. Compare the following from a folk tale about a fox and a lake bird (wallata) told in Campi in the late 1960s: Sikuya.ya pik.t' .itasma, thorn pierce 3+1 D-1 kayna.raki spine pik.t'.itasma. pierce 'Thorns don't you pierce me, spines don't you pierce me. 1 (L. Martin-Barber, Hardman et al. 1975:3.97) In editing the story for publication another speaker from Campi replaced the sentence suffix =ft on the first word with another -raki, giving the following: Sikuya.rak pik.t' .itasma, kayna.raki pik.t'.itasma. (L. Martin-Barber, Hardman et al. 1975:3. 101) Another example from the La Paz area is Jagi.ru.rak people ach.ja.ya.s.ka.sma. bite cause z.+3" 0-1 'Be careful you don't let them bite people.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.208) PAGE 430 413 An example from Sacca is Ch 11 ag.xa.p.xa.raki.sma. 'Don't get lost.' lose D-1 Bertonio used +/-irikta/ as distinguished from +/-sma/ to indicate possibility or ability, as in +gillg.irikta puedes escribir 'you can (are able to) write' (Bertonio 1603b:108) + But Bertonio also used /-spa/ to imply possibility or ability, rather than as a cautionary. 6-3.34.2 Remonstrator tense (D-2) Spanish used to elicit: Yo le hubiera dado a ~l. 'I should have given to him.' See Figure 6-6. 6-3.34.21 /sa/ forms of D-2 6-3.34.21.l Morphophonemics All /sa/ forms of D-2 require a preceding vowel except in Sitajara and forms starting with /s/ or /ch/. 6-3.34.21.2 Structure and distribution Most D-2 forms built on /sa/ consist of the corre sponding D-1 inflection, sometimes with the vowel /a/ PAGE 431 La Pu ~rtonto I Juli Socca Huancand Calacoa S1tajara Jopoquert Salinas M:irocomarca 03b 1 -1 rlskaya: tal I -1r1ka:ta -trtska:ta + rtkstan -trtkat"a -trtka:t•i -trka:t"a -1rja:t"a -trtk"at"a •sa:na 2 -1rlja:t•a r1ja:ta -1rljat"a -sanal -sajana 2+3 rja:ta 3 -sama:na +-samana -sama:na -sama:na -sama:na -slsama:na -sama:na4 -sama:na -sama:na •sma:na -sma:na5 -sma:na •sma :na -sma:na rlkta:n1 6 -1 rlja :na •lrtja:na7 -1rlja :na -sapa:n1 +-sapana -sapa:na -sapa:na •slsapa:na -spa:na 8 •spa:na -sp"a:na 4+3 -sria:na2• 9 + -trt ka tana I -sa :na -stilana •csna:na -sna:na -sna:na -sa:na -sa:na •sa:na -sa:na -sa:na -sa:sna 1--Z -trlsmana 10 I -lrlsma:n 11 .J:::, -1tlskasama:na -lrtkasma -~r1ktya:sma -1rlka:sma -trkasma :na -trljsma:na -trtjasma:na -trtk"asma:na ..... •lrljma :na -trljma:na .J:::, -ta :sna I I 3+2 -trlstatam 12 -trlskatam121+ -trlklya:tama rtka:tam rtjstama:na -1rlskatama:na 12 -1rlk(a)tairuna -trkatama:na •trijatama:na -trljtama :na -trlk"atma:na -1rlskasapa:na + -Jaspana •taspa:na 2+1 I -trttasama:na -ttasama:nd •-ttasamana -ttasama:na -1tasma:na -ttasma:na •ltasma :na •ltasma:na -ttasma:na -ttasma:na J.1 -ttasapa:na I 1-1 tasapa:na •lrtjsta:na r1J1ta:na 13 -trtj1ta :na -1t11s11p11 :na -1taspa:n11 t11sp11:n11 taspa:na •ltasp"a:na J.+4 stasapa:na •lrljst1:n1 -1r1Jtsta:na -trljista:na -chltasapa:na -s1tasapa:na •lstasapa:na •lstusapa:na -schltasapa:na -1s taspa:na -tst11sp11:n1 -1s taspa:na -tstasp"a:na -tstuspa:na -schlstasapa:na Figure 6-6. Aymara Remonstrator Tense (D-2} PAGE 432 415 Notes to Figure 6-6 1 Ebbing (1965:124). 2 Ross (1963:155); attributed to Iquipuni, between Ancoraimes and Puerto Acosta, Province of Camacho, Depart ment of La Paz. 3 used with affirmative. 4 used with negative. 5 one speaker had /-csma:na/. 6 An unusual shape for this person/tense, resembling as cited by Bertonio. 7 used with affirmative and negative. 8 used with negative by one speaker who used /-irija:na/ for affirmative. 9 Tiahuanaco, with the verb sa.na. lOEbbing (1965:149); probably has vowel length on the penultimate vowel and probably submorphemically /-irissma:na/. 11 submorphemically probably /-irissma:n/. 12 Ebbing (1965:149); these probably have vowel length on the penultimate vowel. 13 ;-irij~ta:na/ attested by one speaker. PAGE 433 416 reinstated and usually followed by two marks of the Remote Direct Knowledge (RDK) tense: /-:-/ plus /-na/. D-2 D-1 1-+3 /-sa:na/ /-sa/ 2-+3 /-s (~)ma: na/ /-sma/ 3-+3 /-s(~.)pa:na/ /-spa/ 4-+3 /-sna:na/ /-sna/ /-s~sna/ /-sna/ 2-+l / -i tas (~)ma: na/ /itasma/ 3-+l /-i tas (~)pa: na/ /-itaspa/ 3-+4 /-istas(~}pa:na/ /-istaspa/ Calacoa forms differ in having /si/ before the /sa/ form, or replacing it, in the following: D-2 D-1 2-+3 /-sisama:na/ /-sma/ 3-+3 /-sisapa:na/ /-spa/ 4-+3 /-sina:na/ /-sna/ PAGE 434 417 The remaining two forms, both of which occur only in Huancane, differ from the others in beginning with /-ta-/ marker of 2p. They may be analyzed as follows: /-ta:sna/ = /-ta-/+ RDK */-:sna/ 27 /-taspa:na/ = /-ta-/+ D-2 6-3.34.22 /iri/ forms of D-2 6-3.34.22.l Morphophonemics The behavior of the final vowels of /iri/ forms of D-2 corresponds to that of the final vowels of the RDK (see 6-3.35. l) or D-2 /sa/ suffixes with which they end. 6-3.34.22.2 Structure and distribution As indicated for D-1, /iri/ forms are followed by a phoneme or combination of phonemes that mark the contrary-to-fact tenses. The contrary-to-fact mark is not exactly the same in D-2 as in D-1, even allowing for reinsertion of vowels. La Paz Juli D-2 /-iri~ iriska-/ /-irik~-/ -1 D-1 /-iri~-/ /-iri!_~ -iriks-/ PAGE 435 Sacca Huancane Calacoa Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas Morocomarca I Bertonio (1603b) D-2 /-iri~ -irika-/ /-irik ~ -iriks-/ /-irka-/ /-ir_j_a~ -irij-irijs-/ I ... a / -1 r1J~-1 418 /-irij(a)~ -iri~-/ /-irika~ -irik 11 a/ (l+i~ 3+2) D-1 /-irik~ -iri_j_-/ /-iri~~ -iriks-/ /-irik~ -iriks-/ /-irij_-irijs-/ /-irij~ -ir_j_-/ /iri_j_~ -iri~-/ /-irif'a-/(3+4) ~ /-iri~-/ When, as is usually the case, there is more than one /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact form in a given dialect, there may be switches from D-1 to D-2 in one person/ tense, e. g. Morocomarca 1+3 D-1 /-iri~ta/ and 1+3 D-2 /-iri~at 11 a/. In La Paz D-2 forms, /sk/ appears where only /s/ appears in D-1. The form with /k/ may represent a meta thesis of the combination /ks/ that occurs frequently in other dialects. PAGE 436 419 Following the contrary-to-fact mark, /iri/ forms with 3p complement have the appropriate RDK (non /-ya-/) inflection, as shown in the following examples: RDK D-2 1+3 La Paz /-iriska-/ + /-:ta/ = /-iriska:ta/ 2+3 Sitajara /-irja-/ + /-:ta/ = /-irja:ta/ 3+3 Jopoqueri /-irija-/ + /-:na/ = /-irija:na/ 4+3 Bertonio +/-irika-/ + +/-vtana/=+/-irikatana/ {1603b) Ebbing (1965:124) cites a 1+3 form for La Paz with RDK /-ya:ta/, +/-iriskaya:ta/. /iri/ inflections for 1+2 and 3+2 D-2 are more complex, as may be seen below. 'Part l I is an abbrevia tion for 1 /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact mark'. 1+2 Part l + 1+2 S + /-:na/ (Sitajara) 1+2 S (reduced)+ /-:na/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas) 1+2 RDK (/-ya-/) (Juli) 2+3 D-2 /sa/ form (La Paz, Sacca, Calacoa, Salinas, Morocomarca) +1+2 RDK (Bertonio 1603b) PAGE 437 420 3+2 Part l + 3+2 S + /-:na/ (La Paz, Calacoa, Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morcomarca; also Bertonio 1603b) 3+2 RDK (non /-ya-/) (Socca, also cited in Ebbing 1965) 3+2 RDK (/-ya-/) (Juli) +3+3 D-2 /sa/ form (Ebbing 1965) +/-ta-/ 2p mark+ 3+2 RDK (non /-ya-/) (Ebbing 1965) The other forms are 2+1 Socca /-iri-/ + 2+1 D-2 /sa/ form /-itasama:na/ = /-iritasama:na/ 3+1 /-iri-/ + contrary-to-fact mark+ 3+1 RDK (non /-ya-/) /-iri-/ + contrary-to-fact mark+ 3+4 RDK (non /-ya-/) Sitajara 3+1 and 3+4 have fallen together. The 3+1 form has apparently fallen out, leaving only 3+4 for both. On the other hand, in Morocomarca 3+4 appears to be falling out, as at first the 3+1 form was given for both 3+1 and 3+4. 6-3.34.3 Dialectal patterning of /sa/ and /iri/ forms A comparison of the incidence of /iri/ and /sa/ forms in the D-1 and D-2 tenses shows that, as might be expected, the most complete paradigms for both sets PAGE 438 421 are those cited by Bertonio (1603b). Of contemporary dialects, Salinas has the most forms of both types. Contemporary dialects may be divided into two main groups, those with a preponderance of /sa/ over /iri/ forms (Juli, La Paz, Socca, Huancan~, Calacoa, and Morocomarca) and those with a preponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms (Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas). Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms have both /iri/ and /sa/ forms for certain person/tense slots: Sitajara 2+3, Jopoqueri 3+3, and Salinas 3+1 and 3+4. This overlap is lacking in dialects having a pre dominance of /sa/ forms, the only exceptions being the forms attested by Ebbing (1965) and Ross (1963) for La Paz 1+3, and Morocomarca 3+4 D-1 /-irik 11 a/, a form anomalous in shape and possibly in error. Interestingly, dialects with a predominance of /iri/ have forms for 3+1 and 3+4 which are missing from Bertonio (1603b), although he cited 4+3 /iri/ forms which the former lack. Except for La Paz dialects alleged by Ebbing and Ross, no known contemporary dialects have /sa/ forms for 1+3, but rather only the /iri/ form. 1+3 and 4+3 /sa/ forms have fallen together as 4+3, and the 4+3 /iri/ form has disappeared. The /iri/ forms apparently took over the 1+3 slot when 1+3 and 4+3 /sa/ forms fell together as 4+3. PAGE 439 422 Dialects with a preponderance of /sa/ forms have /iri/ forms with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ contrary-to-fact markers. Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms have them with /j{s)/ contrary-to-fact markers. 6-3.34.31 Dialects with a preponderance of /sa/ forms La Paz Juli, Calacoa Sacca /iri/ D-1: 3 (1-+3, 1-+2, 3+2) D-2: 3 (1+3, 1-+2, 3+2) D-1 & D-2 : 3 ( 1-+3 , l -+2 , 3+2) Dl : 3 ( l -+3 , 1-+2 , 3+2 ) /sa/ 6 (+ 1-+3, Ebbing) 6 (+l-+3, Ross and Ebbing) 6 6 D-2: 4 (1-+3, 1-+2, 3+2) 5 Huancan~ Dl : 3 ( l -+3, l -+2, 3+2) D-2: 2 (1-+3, 3-+3) Morocomarca D-1: 4 (1-+3, 1-+2, 3+2, 3+4) 6 7 (including. 1-+2, 3-+2 /ta/ forms) 6 (the rest+ 3-+4) D-2: 3 (l-+3, 1-+2, 3+2) 6 PAGE 440 423 /iri/ /sa/ Bertonio D-1: 6 (all but 2-+l, 3-+l, 8 (all but 1-+2) (1603b) 3-+4) D-2: 6 ( a 11 but 2-+ 1 , 3-+l, 7 (all but 1-+2, 3-+4) 4-+3) 6-3.34.32 Dialects with a preponderance of /iri/ forms Sitajara Jopoqueri Salinas 6-3.34.33 D-1 & /iri/ D-2: 7 (all but 4-+3, 2-+l) 0-1 & D-2: 6 (all but 4-+3, 2-+l, 2-+3) D-1: 6 (all but 4-+3, 2-+ 1, 2-+3) D-2: 6 (all but 4-+3, 2-+ 1, 2-+3) Dialectal distribution /sa/ 3 (2-+3, 4-+3, 2-+l) 4 (2-+3, 4-+3, 2-+l, 3-+3) 6 ( 2-+3, 4-+3, 2-+l, 3-+3, 3-+ 1, 3-+4) 5 ( 2-+3, 4-+3, 2-+ l, 3-+l, 3-+4) of /iri/ and /sa/ forms by persons and tense /iri/ /sa/ a 11 dialects (Ebbing, Ross) Sitajara; also Bertonio all dialects PAGE 441 D-1: D-2: D-2 D-2: D-2: D-2: 424 /iri/ Sitajara, Jopoqueri Salinas; also Bertonio Same as D-1 plus Huancane no contemporary dialects; cited by Bertonio all dialects all except Huancane all dialects all except Huancane no dialects Sitajara Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca Sitajara, Jopoqueri, Salinas /sa/ D-1: all dialects except Sitajara D-2: all dialects except Sitajara and Huancane D-1: all dialects D-2: all dialects (not cited by Bertonio) D-1: no dialects D-2: Huancane D-1: no contemporary dialects; cited by Bertonio D-2: Huancane D-1: all dialects D-2: all except Sitajara all except Sitajara and Jopoqueri D-1: all except Sitajara and Jopoqueri D-2: all except Sitajara and Jopoqueri PAGE 442 425 6-3.35 Remote tenses Two remote tenses were encountered in this re search: one direct knowledge tense (RDK) and one in direct knowledge tense (RIK). The distinction of direct, personal knowledge and of indirect (sometimes called non personal) knowledge is a linguistic postulate of Aymara (see 8-2.3). RDK (called personal or near remote) and RIK (called far, or hearsay remote) were discussed by Hardman et al. (1975:3.218-222). Only RDK was attested by Bertonio (1603b) as a paradigm, although RIK 3+3 occurred in examples of sentences. In contemporary dialects the most commonly occurring Remote inflections are the 3+3 suffixes of each tense, as noted by Hardman et al. (1975:3.219) for La Paz. All consonant-initial Remote suffixes {except allomorphs of 3+4) require a preceding vowel. 6-3.35. l Direct knowledge remote tense (RDK) Spanish used to elicit: Yo le dL 1 I gave it to him/her. 1 Yo le estaba dando. 1 I was giving to him/her. 1 6-3.35. 11 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-7) As in the case of the Desiderative and Remonstra tor tenses, this tense appears to represent a PAGE 443 la Paz 1 Bertonto 2 Juli Socca Huancand Calacoa 1603b 1+3 •-t•a -:t"a -:t"a -tana -ya:ta -ya:ta 2+3 +-ta •:ta 0 -nta -ya:ta -ya:ta 3+3 + -:na -na -:na •:na -:na 4-+3 -:tana -:ntan6 •-ntan7 -ya: tun -ya:tan 1+2 + -:sma -smana -:sma •!S,!!11 -ya:sma -ya :sma 3+2 -: t,1m 9 -:tama + -nturn -ya: tal'l -yatain9 -ya:tam 2+1 + -ltata -lya:sta 10 -istaya:t,111 -ltayasta -ltaylsta 3+1 -ita:na -lta :na -lta:na 1 2 -lta:na •-ttana9 -ltana12 -yitu -yltu l+4 -lsta:na •-tstana9 •-tstana -slta:na -s1ta:na +.•-~una9 -chita:na •-stana9 -chlsta:na •-stuna9 -schlsta:na Figure 6-7. Aymara Remote Direct Knowledge Tense {RDK) Sitajara Jopoquer1 3 -:t•a -t"a -ya: t"a -ta -ya:ta -:na -:na -ya:na -sna:na -ya:tan -sma:na -ya: sma •tama:na -ya:tam -lstan -yt :sta -ltan -yl:tu -lstan -yl :stu Sal lnas 4 -:t"a •ya:t"a -:ta -:na -lta:na Horocomarca 4 5 -:t"a -:ta -:na -sa:n -sma:n -tma :na -lta:ta -lta:na -I tan -ts tan .i:::, N O'I PAGE 444 427 Notes to Figure 6-7 1 La Paz forms not otherwise identified are from the paradigm for Compi and Tiahuanaco (Hardman 1975) which preface all non-/-ya-/ forms by -chi NI, -pacha IF, or a verbal derivational suffix such as /-ka-/ incom pletive. 2 No vowel length was indicated for these forms. 3 Non-/-ya-/ forms occurred preceded by -chi NI or by /-ja-/ incompletive. 4 Except for /-ita:na/ which occurred preceded by -chi, these forms occurred preceded by /-ka-/ incom pletive. 5 A source from San Andr~s de Machaca, province of Ingavi, La Paz, had forms identical to these, also (except for /-ita:na/) preceded by /-ka-/ incompletive. 6 Ross (1963:145); attributed to Iquipuni, between Ancoraimes and Puerto Acosta, province of Camacho, La Paz. 7 Ebbing (1965:121). 8 occurred preceded by /-ka-/ incompletive or /-s.ka-/ continuative. 9 Ebbing (1965:146). 10 c~curred preceded by -chi NI. 11 san Andr~s de Machaca. 12 o~curred on the verb sa.na 'to say'. PAGE 445 428 falling-together of two paradigms, one with the partial /-ya-/ in initial (occasionally medial) position in the suffix, and one without. This is not a case of phono logical alternation of /ya/~/:/, as in almost all cases the /-ya-/ is followed by/:/ mark of Remote tenses. There are indications that forms with /-ya-/ gloss as more remote (farther in the past) than forms without it, but at present the contrast is not clear enough to postulate two separate tenses. In any case, complete paradigms of forms with and without initial /-ya-/ were obtained for only one dialect, Jopoqueri, while most dialects had a mixture of the two forms, with one favored over the other: Juli has mostly /-ya-/ forms, Socca and Morocomarca have one /-ya-/ form each, and La Paz has six. One dialect, Sitajara, apparently has no /-ya-/ forms, as sources interpreted stems with /-ya-/ as containing /-ya-/ causative. In dialects that do have /-ya-/ Remote forms, the causative may pre cede the Remote. Chura.ya.ya:t.wa. 1 I made X give to Y. 1 (La Paz) Socca is the only dialect for which all forms without /-ya-/ were obtained without preceding suffixes in the verb stem. In other dialects, except for /-:na/, RDK person/tense suffixes without /-ya-/ almost PAGE 446 429 always occurred preceded by a verbal derivational suffix or one of the compounding suffixes: -chi Non-Involver, -pacha Inferential, or -iri. Forms with /-ya-/ occurred more readily without preceding suffixes. When preceded by -ja~ -kaincompletive, this tense translates as a past progressive. This use has occurred in La Paz, Morocomarca, Salinas, and Jopoqueri. Examples of 1+3 with the verb chura.na 1 to give• are chur.ka.:t 11 a (Morocomarca) chur.ka.:ta ~ chur.ka.ya:ta (San Andr~s de Machaca) Chur.ja.t.wa. {Jopoqueri) Yo 1_ estaba dando. 1 I was giving to him/her.• Apart from this fairly common usage, this tense (especially the forms without /-ya-/) occurs most often in the speech of elderly persons, for example in discuss ing their illnesses. 3+1 Kap 11 iyaspi ri na. w ri skansa .y. ita: na. 'Cafeaspirina eased my pain.' (Compi) (-yacausative) 3+ l kama. cha. ta.:. rak. pa cha.: t 11 a 'what could have happened to me' (Sitajara) PAGE 447 430 It also occurred in the speech of young persons talking with older ones about their illnesses. Qal g'ip.nag.pacha.:ta.x. stone carry if 'You must have carried a load of stone.' (Sitajara) Kun.jam.iri.:tam.s? 'How did it use to affect you?' what like (Campi) Ratu.t ratu.ru.t sar.t.iri.:tam? time go up 'From time to time did it use to hurt you?' (Campi) In the last two examples, the RDK inflection follows -iri nominalizer plus-:verbalizer, which becomes neutralized in the length of the RDK inflection. Other dialects use the -iri plus RDK forms in stories (see 6-3.37). As indicated in 6-3.34, the Remonstrator tense contains the partials that mark the RDK. Apart from the sometime presence of /-ya-/, the marks of this tense are vowel length or alveolar nasal or both together plus /a/. One dialect, Jopoqueri, has plain vowel marking and forms without /-ya-/, although its /-ya-/ forms are followed by vowel length. In general, inflections with 3p and 2p complements consist PAGE 448 431 of vowel length or alveolar nasal plus Simple inflection, or Simple inflection plus /-:na/, except in the case of which is /-(ya):na/ (unmarked for person). The struc ture of the and suffixes is discussed below. 6-3.35. 11. l Forms without /-ya-/ S preceded by long vowel (plain vowel in Jopoqueri) except for La Paz variants alleged by Ross (1963) and Ebbing (1965), which have S plus /-:na/. S precededby lo~gvowel in most dialects and thus homophonous with the Future. Sacca uses S instead. Jopoqueri has S pre ceded by plain vowel. Ebbing (1965) attested S preceded by /n/. /-:na/, all dialects. La Paz and Sacca have S preceded by long vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have forms homophonous with their D-2 /sa/ forms, except that the Morocomarca allomorph loses its final vowel. Ross (1963) and Ebbing (1965) attested S preceded by either /-n-/ alone or /-:n-/. La Paz, Sacca, and Huancan~ have S preceded by long vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have forms homophonous with their D-2 /sa/ forms. PAGE 449 432 3+2 La Paz and Sacca have 3+2 S preceded by long vowel. Jopoqueri and Morocomarca have 3+2 Splus /-:na/. 2+1 Not attested for Campi, Tiahuanaco, and San Andres de Machaca. Jopoqueri has 2+1 S plus /-n/ with out preceding vowel length. Morocomarca has a form homophonous with its 2+1 F. Ebbing attested +/-ita~ta/, not homophonous with his 2+1 F, +/-itata/. 3+1 /-ita(:)n(a)/ everywhere. Ebbing attests forms alternating vowel /a/ and /u/. 3+4 /-ista(:)n(a)/ everywhere except Juli and Sacca, which have /-sita:na/. Juli also has the usual compound forms. Jopoqueri's /-istan/ is homo phonous with its 2+1. Ebbing attested forms alternating vowel /a/ and /u/. 6-3.35. 11.2 Forms with /-ya-/ 1+3 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 1+3 S occurred in La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. 2+3 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 2+3 S occurred in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri. 3+3 /-ya:na/ occurred only in Jopoqueri. 4+3 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 4+3 S occurred in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri 1+2 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus 1+2 S occurred in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri. PAGE 450 433 /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus S occurred in La Paz, Juli, and Jopoqueri. Ebbing attested /-ya-/ plus S. /-ya-/ plus vowel length plus S, Jopoqueri; forms with medial /-ya-/, apparently based on S, in La Paz, Juli, and Socca. Ebbing alleged another similar form. /-y-/ plus S, Juli and Socca; /-y-/ plus vowel length plus S, Jopoqueri. /y/ plus vowel length plus S, Jopoqueri. 6-3.35. 12 Dialectal patterning Although final analysis must await the elicita tion of full paradigms for Huancan~, Calacoa, Sitajara, and Salinas, the following summary statement may be made at this time. The dialect with the greatest number of /-ya-/ forms is Jopoqueri, which also has a full para digm of non-/-ya-/ forms. Spoken La Paz dialects in vestigated in this research have /-ya-/ forms for all but and 3+4 and non-/-ya-/ forms for all but but a non-/-ya-/ 2+1 form was alleged by Ebbing. One /-ya-/ form occurred for Salinas 1+3, but none for Morocomarca, which has a full paradigm of non /-ya-/ forms. It is interesting to note that Bertonio (1603b) attested only forms without /-ya-/ in this tense. PAGE 451 434 6-3.35.2 Remote indirect knowledge tense (RIK) Spanish used to elicit: Ta le habfas dado. -'You gave it to him!• ( surpri sa l) 6-3.35.21 Structure and distribution (see Figure 6-8) Suffixes with 3p or 2p complements are formed on the base of /-ta:-/ or /-tay-/ recurrent partial marker of remote indirect knowledge plus the corresponding Simple tense suffix. Person/tense suffixes with lp and 4p complements have some allomorphs formed by the same rule as the above, but also have allomorphs (those that begin with the vowel /i/) that are reduplicative or formed in more complex ways. The most varied suffix in this tense is 3+3, commonly used in stories and as a surprisal. Although /-tayna/ occurs in all dialects except Morocomarca, other allomorphs also occur. /-tana/, probably a metathesis of /-tayna/, occurs in La Paz and Calacoa. /-ta:na/ occurs in La Paz. The form /-tawi/ alternates with /-tana/ in Morocomarca and Calacala. For some speakers the /w/ of -/tawi/ is somewhat unrounded, approximating /y/. /-tay(i)/ occurs in Sitajara, Jopoqueri, and Salinas. Tschopik (1948) attested +/-tawna/ in stories recorded in 1940-42 in Chucuito, near Juli and Socca. The variants cited by Bertonio (1603b) are +/-tawina/ and +/-tawi/. PAGE 452 La Paz Bertonio Ju11 Socca Huancane Calecoa Sttajara Jopoquert Saltnas l'brocomarc1 1603b 1+3 -ta:ta -ta:ta -ta:t•a 1 -ta:t"a -ta:t"a -ta:t"a -t11Yt"a -tayta . -tayt"a 2+3 -ta:ta -ta:ta -ta: ta -tata -tayta -tayta -tayta J.+3 -tana -ta -tana -tant -tan -tana -taiia -taiia -tayna2 -tayt •tay( I) -tay( I) •tawt -tayna +-tawina -tayna . -tayna -tayna •tayna •tayna •tayna 4-+3 -ta:tan -ta:tan 3 -ta:tan -tetna -taytana -taytana -taytna 1+2 -ta:Slllil •ta !S!!.4 •ta :sma -ta: tsma -taysma •taysma •taysma J.+2 -ta:tam -ta:tama -ta:tam •tata:ma •tatma -taytam -taytama -taytam +" w 2 -tsta:sta (.Tl -1stata4 •fsta:ta stata -tta:sta •tt:sta -ftaysta -f tays ta -itaytaysta J.+1 -ltu: tu tt tu 5 •ftu:tu •ttutu -1tutu4 -t1:tu5 •tt:tu -taytu 4 -ttaytu -ftaytu 6 -taytu -taytu :M -fstu:tu •ti :stu -tstu:tu -1stutu -1stutu4 -stutu4 -taystu4 -ch Hays tu -sftaytu •taystu -schitaystu -schitaytu -sltaystu Figure 6-8. Aymara Remote Indirect Knowledge Tense (RIK) PAGE 453 436 Notes to Figure 6-8 1 Tarata, Tacna, Peru. 2 occurred after -iri. 3 only 4+3 S could be elicited here; was rejected. 4 Ebbing (1965:147). * /-taytana/ 5 occurred in an account by an older speaker. 6 occurred in paradigm given by a young speaker. PAGE 454 437 In certain texts from Huancane, Jopoqueri, and Salinas, there occur instances of /-ta/ where other dialects would use RIK. This /-ta/ is probably best analyzed as the resultant nominalizer -ta, used instead of a verb inflection (see 7-4.21.3). Examples: Jani ut.j.ka.ta.t uka.t sar.xa.ta. no exist so leave 'There being none, he left. 1 (Huancan~) Manq 1 .xa.ta.wa. 'They have eaten.• (Huancane) eat Sawu.p ap.ta.si.s weaving carry sara.ta. go 'Carrying her weaving, she left. 1 (Jopoqueri) The following was said by another Huancan~ speaker who also used /-tayna/ in another instance: Qamagi.raki.s sar.k.xa.ta.xa.:. fox and go 'And the fox was gone for good! 1 If the /-ta/ in all these examples is in fact the re sultant nominalizer used in place of verb inflection, PAGE 455 438 it suggests the following hypothetical derivations of RIK 3+3, determination of whose correctness must await further study. [ */-ya-/] -ta resultant + */-wa-/ /-:-/ [ */-taya-/] verbalizer --> */-tawa-/ */-ta:-/ [ */-taya-/] [ /-tayna ~ -tana/] */-tawa-/ + /-na/ remote --> /-tawna/ */-ta:-/ /-ta:na/ l*/-taya-/] + -i L/-tawa-/ 3 + 3 s --> [/-tayi/l /-tawi/ J /-tawi/ + /-na/ remote --> /-tawina/ Neither */-ya-/ nor */-wa-/ has been attested as a verbalizer in modern Aymara, but they may be postu lated as underlying forms on the basis of the existence of -waverbalizer in Jaqaru (Hardman 1966:109) and the + /-wa-/ attested by Bertonio as a variant of the causative verbal derivational suffix whose other allomorphs, /-ya-/ and /-:-/, exist today. The alternation of /ya/ and/:/ in numerous other morphemes across and within dialects is also common (see 3-4.31). In some dialects RIK 3+3 forms occur after -iri nominalizer in stories (see 6-3.37). For a further dis cussion of the use of 3+3 RIK, see 9-6. 13. PAGE 456 439 6-3.35.22 Dialectal patterning Leaving aside the 3+3 allomorph /-tayna/, which all dialects except Morocomarca attest, two main dialect groups may be identified for this tense: dialects having forms based on /-tay-/ (Juli, Sacca, Sitajara, and prob ably Calacoa, for which a paradigm was not obtained) and dialects with forms based on /-ta:/ (all the rest). 6-3.36 Compound tenses Paradigms for La Paz for these tenses were given by Hardman et al. (1975:3.222-23). For the present study they were not elicited in paradigms but did occur in texts. They consist of -chi Non-Involver or -pacha Inferential followed by tense inflection, except in the case of 3+3 S forms which consist of -chi or -pacha alone. 6-3.36.1 -chi Non-Involver This suffix enters into compounds with the Simple, Future, Desiderative, Remonstrative, and Remote tenses. 6-3.36. 11 Morphophonemics -chi requires a preceding consonant. Its vowel drops if the following suffix requires a preceding PAGE 457 440 consonant. If a cluster of /ch/ plus consonant occurs, /ch/ reduces to /s/ (see 4-3.22.25.2). 6-3.36.12 Structure and distribution i~hen it occurs with D-2 / i ri / forms, -chi sep arates the /iri/ plus contrary-to-fact mark from the rest of the inflection. Examples of this have been found in La Paz, Jopoqueri, and Tarata, Peru (near Sitajara). La Paz Jopoqueri /-iriskchi:ta/ /-irijchi:ta/ (also Tarata) (not elicited) /-irijchi:na/ /-iriskchisama:na/ /-irij~sma: n/ (not elicited) /-irijchita:na/ (not elicited) /-irijchista:na/ In Jul i , as i n d i cat e d earlier, al l tenses have forms frozen to a preceding /-chi-/ or /-schi-/. Those frozen to /-chi-/ are homophonous with the Non involver forms (except in the case of the Imperative, with which the Non-involver does not occur). 6-3.36.13 Semantics Bertonio (1603b:276) called this suffix a con ditional or dubitative. He noted that the Aymara tended PAGE 458 441 to use it when repeating back an order which they had been given--an interesting illustration of the semantics of this suffix, conveying non-involvement of the speaker. The non-involvement usually implies lack of control over a situation or outcome rather than unwillingness or doubt as to its desirability, but forms with this suffix have often been misinterpreted in translation. -chi is very common in all Aymara dialects and is used extensively in conversation. Examples: Wali kus very beautiful jach' big marka.chi.y. country 'It must be a very beautiful big country. 1 (Sitajara) S: Wijita.x.s.t.xa.y. 'I'm an old lady already. 1 (Corque) old lady s < Spanish viejita 'little old lady' F: Inas jan sar.k.chi.:ta.ti. perhaps no go F 'Perhaps you will not go. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 6-3.36. 14 Dialectal patterning Certain dialects use -chi not only as indicated above, but also as a narrative device in stories. PAGE 459 442 Contemporary dialects that do this are Juli, Sacca, and Huancan~; Tschopik (1948) reported it for Chucuito, and Bertonio (1603b:276) used it to translate a passage about the death of St. Stephen by stoning. 6-3.36.2 -pacha Inferential According to Hardman et al. (1975:3), this suf fix occurs with the Simple, Future, and Remote tenses. It is mentioned here only to complete the list of tenses, as it occurred but rarely in this research. -pacha requires a preceding consonant. Its final vowel drops if the following suffix requires a preceding consonant. As indicated in 6-2.26, the combination of the derivational -ka~ -jaincompletive with -pacha means 'instead of' in La Paz/Tiahuanaco and was cited with this meaning by Ebbing (1965), but it does not necessarily have this meaning elsewhere. -pacha occurred with the Imperative in Cala coa and Juli, in forms which are rather rude. Am.pacha.m. 'Shut up!' (Calacoa) Am.pacha.p.x.ma 'You (pl.) shut up! 1 (Juli) *amu.na 'to shut up' (unattested) amuki.na 'to shut up' (La Paz) PAGE 460 443 6-3.37 Combinations with -iri nominalizer 6-3.37.1 With-:verbalization--Customary The combination of -iri nominalizer (see 7-4.21.1) plus-:verbalization plus verb inflection means to be accustomed to do an action. Such combinations are to be distinguished from the /iri/ forms of D-1 and D-2. Customary: chur.iri.:.sma 'I usually give to you' ,~ s D-1: chur.irisma 'I may give to you' 1+2 Examples with the Remote tenses are the following: 3+1 RDK: Kap 11 iyaspirina.x nayra.x t'aku.y.iri.:.ita:n. before ease pain 2+3 RDK: 'Cafeaspirina used to ease my pain before. 1 (Campi) Pata.tug pampa . . t t"? sar.1r1.:.ya: a. 1. go 'Did you use to go around the pampa?' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.422) 6-3.37.2 Without verbalization, with 3+3 RIK--Narrative -iri plus 3+3 RIK without intervening verbaliza tion is used in Juli, Sacca, Chucuito (Tschopik 1948), PAGE 461 444 and Calacoa in telling stories. These dialects also use the 3+3 RIK without -iri in stories but seem to prefer forms with -iri. In view of the absence of verbalization it would probably be better to view the combinations as synchronically unitary, as in the case of D-1 and D-2 /iri/ forms. Examples: sar.x.iritayna.x 'he left' (Juli) jisk.t'.iritayn 'she asked' (Sacca) +sar. x. i ri tawna I he went 1 ( Chucuito) g'ip.kata.w.j.iritan 'he had carried her' (Calacoa) A case of -iri apparently frozen to a verb root is the following from Calacoa. The verb is sa.na, which is highly irregular in all its inflected forms (see 6-4). Sir.sma.w. 'I said to you.' /-sma/ 1+2 S Jani.w sir.k.sma.ti. 'I didn't say to you. 1 Note that in the second example the verbal derivational suffix /-ka-/ incompletive intervenes between /iri/ and the inflection, whereas in the previous examples of /iri/ plus 3+3 RIK the verbal derivationals preceded /iri/ on the stem. PAGE 462 445 6-4 The Verb sa.na 'to say' This verb is of extremely frequent occurrence in Aymara as a reportive and subordinator. Embedding with sa.na is discussed in 7-4.4. Variation in inflected forms of sa.na is extensive. This is due to its unusual canonical shape, and the different morphophonemic rules operating upon it in different dialects. As indicated earlier, sa.na is the only verb in contemporary Aymara with only one unlengthened root vowei. 28 (The verb *masurvives today only frozen in longer stems like ma.nta.na 'to go in', and the verb pa:.na 'to cook', used in Sitajara, has a long root vowel.} Actually, as indicated in 4-3.13, it is probably best to postulate the underlying form of sa.na as Jisa-, which loses its initial CV obligatorily before s-the nominalizer suffix -na and optionally in other circumstances that vary dialectically. In many dia lects, the reduced root occurs before suffixes that require a preceding consonant, creating an initial /sC/ cluster. This occurs, for example, with Simple tense inflections. In La Paz and Huancan~ such initial clusters are commonly, though not invariably, avoided by reten tion of /si/ or jji/ on the verb root. In Socca, initial PAGE 463 446 /si/ or /ji/ is usually deleted; according to two speakers in their twenties, forms with initial /ji/ or /si/ sound overly emphatic and old-fashioned, 'the way old people talk'. The one form that usually has a preposed /si/ or /ji/ in Socca is S. Huancan~ has /ji/ on S and /j/ alone, optionally, on S; /ji/ occurs option ally on RIK also, as in {ji)s.xa.tayn, but is required before -chi NI. Bertonio attests forms with optional initial /i/ (but no /j/ or reduplicated /s/). Like La Paz and Huancan~, Jopoqueri usually avoids initial clusters in sa.na, but does so not by retaining /si/ or /ji/ but by reduplicating the root vowel and re taining the length before consonant-requiring suffixes beginning with a consonant, e.g. S sa:.t 11 a 'I said'. In Sitajara, where initial clusters in sa.na are more usual, the root vowel of the verb may also sometimes be lengthened. (Vowel length retention, rather than vowel reduplication, occurs in Sitajara in certain other verb roots whose vowel length is analogous to the phoneme sequence /ya/.; see 4-3.22.15). Lengthening of the root vowel of sa.na results in certain forms for the Simple tense which are homo phonous with RDK in certain persons, namely and When there is a verbal derivational suffix in the stem, however, it is clear that the length goes with the root, not the inflection. Examples: PAGE 464 447 1+3 S: sa:.t 11 a 'I said to him/her/them' 1+3 RDK: sa.: t 11 a I I said to him/her/them' (Sitajara, Jopoqueri) 1+3 S with /-ja-/ incompletive: Jani.w sa:.j.t.ti. 1 1 didn't say to him/her/ them. 1 (Jopoqueri) In the third example above, it is clear that the vowel length goes with the verb root before the derivational suffix /-ja-/ (which usually takes a preceding consonant). If the vowel length went with the tense, it would go between the /j/ and the /t/. 1+3 F with /-ja-/ also has vowel length on the verb root. Another dialect that avoids initial consonant clusters with sa.na is Calacoa. Like Jopoqueri, Calacoa does not prepose /si/ or /ji/, but unlike Jopoqueri, it does not lengthen the root vowel. Instead, Calacoa forms occur with the root safollowed by verbal deri vationals or the initial /s/ followed by -iri, when there would otherwise be an initial cluster. Only the Simple and Future tenses were formally elicited for this verb, but many examples of other tenses occurred in texts. 6-4. l sa.na with Simple tense (see Figure 6-9) Some comments about Simple forms have already been made above. In La Paz and Juli the alternation of PAGE 465 L1 Pilz Bertonlo 1603b I Jult Socci Huancan~ C1lacoa Sttajara Jopoquert Salinas Horocomarca 1+3 s +(1).s. tua I s Gi) .s.tM1. -t.s. ta -t .s. ta jt.s.ta s. t"a s. t"a s.t"a J +s.trf,tM1 I J s.frl.t"11 sa:.t"a sa:.t"a sa.s.t"a sa.s,ka.pun.t"a s1.s.k.t"1 sa.s.ka.t"a 2+3 s I +(t}.s.t1 ( ~t) .s.ta -t.1.t1 s,ta (j),s.ta s.ta sa.s.ta J s. tr1. ta sa:.ta sa.s.ka.pun.ta sa.ptn.ta 3+3 s. 1 I +s. t s.t s.t s. 1 s .1 s.t s.t s.t s.1 s. trl sa.s.ka.pun.1 4+3 ~t.s.tan I I ( ~1). s.tan s. tan s.tan s. tan s.lr.tan sa:.tan sa.s.ka.pun.tan sa.s.ka.pln.t"1 sa.s.ka.tna 1-+2 s •c1) .s.sma (H .s.sma -1.s.s.ma (JI ).s.srr.a 5,5!!.I s.sma s.sma .i:,. +=J 51,Sma s.tr.sma sa:.sma 00 sa.s.ka.pun.sma sa.s.ka.sma l+Z s +co. s. tama .s.tam t ,s. tam (jt).s.tam s.tama s.tam s.tam s.tma J s.tr.tam sa:. tam sa.s.ka.pun. tam 2+1 s + s -. tsta s.1tta -.tsta s.tsta s.1sta s.ttta s. 1sta s. tsta sa.k. fsta J j s.tr.tsta sa.s.ka.pun.tsta 3+1 s.ttu I s.ttu s.ttu s.ttu s.ttu 1.ttu s.ttu s. ttu s. ttu s, tr.1tu sa.s.ka.pun.ttu s s 3--4 ,. tstu 11,chttu -t.s.sttu .tstu I, ltu s. tstu s. tstu s. tstu 11. schltu J J s.tr.stu u.s.ka,pun.stu Figure 6-9. sa.na with Simple Tense PAGE 466 449 /s/ ~ /j/ occurs in the root consonant in and in Socca and Huancane, in Forms elicited paradigmat ically for Calacoa all had the continuative /-s.ka-/ followed by the independent suffix /-puni/ 'really', or else were built on -iri (see 6-3.37). with -iri was also attested by Bertonio. The continuative is common with sa.na in other dialects, namely Sitajara, Salinas, and Morocomarca. The independent /-pini/ 'really' and the independent -ki 'just' occur in Moroco marca S. An epenthetic vowel /u/ occurs in Moroco marca before the sentence suffix -wa: s.t".u.wa 'I said'. The Morocomarca forms having variants with /-s.ka-/ are anomalous in that /-ka-/ keeps its final vowel before consonant-requiring suffixes. Such forms are probably instances of RDK rather than Simple tense, although forms different from some of those in the regu lar RDK paradigm occurred. Juli forms for contain a zero allomorph of the root sa-, apparently by assimilation of the initial /s/ to the /ch/ or /sch/ of the inflection. As with all Aymara verbs, the proper use of sa.na requires facility in manipulating verbal derivational and independent suffixes. The following forms built on S occurred frequently in this research and all gloss 'he/she/they said', with different degrees of personal knowledge not pertinent to this discussion: PAGE 467 6-4.2 s.i.lla (Sitajara) s.i.pi.lla (Sitajara) s.x.i.wa (Salinas) s.i.wa (all dialects) 450 sa.wiy.wa (Morocomarca) sa.k.i.lla (Salinas) sa.s.ka.rak.i (Corque) sa.s.ka.pun.i (Calacoa) sa.na with Future tense (see Figure 6-10) Future forms for sa.na were elicited for all dialects except Morocomarca and Calacala. The La Paz forms shown are from San Andres de Machaca. In La Paz, Juli, and Socca, 4+3 Future with sa.na has vowel length in the inflection, which it does not usually have with other verbs. A variant of 3+4 with a three-consonant initial cluster occurred in Socca: s.t'.sitani, with the verbal derivational suffix -t'a-. For La Paz speakers it is a tongue-twister, the corresponding La Paz variant be i n g j i . s . t. 'i st an i . The form that occurred for 3+2 Fin Jopoqueri, /sa.mpa/, contains the allomorph /-mpa/ that occurred earlier as the 3+2 Imperative in that dialect. Further checking will be required to see if the form /-mpa/ is shared by both the Imperative and Future tenses. The Calacoa paradigm has the distinctive verbal derivational suffix -wjawhich accompanies most tenses in that dialect. Most of the Sitajara forms PAGE 468 La Paz Ju11 Sacca~ Huancane _ Calacoa Sftajara Jopoquerf Salinas 1-+3 sa.: sa.ja: sa.: sa.ja: sa.w.ja.: sa.nf.wa.nh sa.nha sa.: sa.w.ja. :xa 2+3 sa. :ta sa. :ta sa.:ta sa.nta sa.w.ja. :ta sa.nf.wa.nha:ta sa.nta [sa.nda] 3+3 sa.nf sa.nf sa.nf sa.w.ja.n1 sa.n1.wa.n1 sa.n1 sa.nf 4+3 sa.na:n1 sa.iia:n1 sa.na:nf sa.w.ja.rakf.tan sa.nf.wa.nh sa.nanf sa.nan1 sa. :tan 1+2 sa. :ma sa.mama sa.mama sa.mama sa.mam sa. :ma sa. :ma sa.w.ja.ma:ma 3+2 sa.:tam sa. :tam sa.: tam sa.w.ja.tma *sa.nhata:ma 1 sa.mpa sa.nma 2+1 s.1ta:ta s. fta: ta s. fta: ta s.1ta:ta s.ftanhata s. ftanta [s. 1 tanda] sa.w.j. ita:ta (J'1 3+1 s.1tan1 s.1tan1 s.1tani sa.w.j.1tan1 s.1tan1 s.1tan1 _. s.1tan1 3->4 s. fstanf s1.s.ch1stan1 s.s1tan1 s.stan1 sa.w.j.stan1 sa.wa.stanf s. 1stan1 s. fstani ji .s. t' .1stan1 s. t 1 s 1tan1 1 Not elicited, but fits pattern. Figure 6-10. sa.na with Future Tense PAGE 469 452 occurred with the combination /-ni.wa-/. (Of course, it is quite possible that the combinations of deriva tional suffixes that occurred in essentially artificial elicited paradigms might not necessarily occur so often in free texts.) Negative forms with the Future were elicited only for Jopoqueri and Salinas. A preposed jani.w 'no, not' and the final suffix -ti negative occurred with these. In Jopoqueri and Salinas negatives occur with and without incompletive or completive suffixes, according to rules as yet imperfectly understood; see 7-4.5. Jopoqueri Salinas 1-+3 /sa:.ja.nh.ti/ Is . ka . : . ti/ 2-+3 /sa.nta.ti/ [sa.nda. ti J 3-+3 /sa. ni. ti/ /sa.ni.ti/ 4-+3 /sa.fiani.ti/ /s.ka.nani.ti ~ sa.:tan.ti/ 1-+2 /sa: .ja. :ma. ti/ Is. ka. : ma.ti/ 3-+2 / sa : . j a. mpa. ti/ /s.ka.nma.ti/ 2-+l /s.itanta.ti/ [s.itanda.ti] PAGE 470 453 Jopoqueri Salinas 3+1 /sa:.j.itani.ti/ / s . i tan i . ti / 3+4 /sa:.j.istani.ti/ /s.istani.ti/ 6-4.3 sa.na with other tenses The only complete paradigm of sa.na with the Imperative was obtained for Juli. l 3 / . /29 + sa.:.xa ~ sa.Ja:.xa 2+3 /sa.m/ 3+3 /s.pana/ 4+3 /sa.nani/ 1+2 /sa.mama/ 3+2 /s.pana/ 2+1 /s.ita:ta/ (Future) 3+1 /s.itpa(na)/ 3+4 /si.s.chistpana/ 2+3 /sa.m/ is very common in all dialects, even those in which initial clusters are common, probably to avoid confusion with 1+2 S /s.sma/. In the following examples from Sacca the source's comments, if any, are shown in parentheses: PAGE 471 454 Sa .ma. lla. 'Say it. 1 ('not so imperative') Sa.w.ma. lla. 'Tell him on your way. 1 Sa.w.x.ma. lla. 'Tell him right this minute! 1 {peremptory) In Sitajara 2+1 Imperative occurred instead of the Future form given in Juli: /s.ita/ 'tell me'. The following example of sa.na with the Desidera tive occurred in Calacoa: /sa.ni.p.xa.sma.lla/ 'You {pl.) should say .. 2+3 The following examples of sa.na with Remote tenses occurred in Huancan~: 3+1 RDK /sa.rak.ita:n.s/ .. and he said to me 3+3 RIK /ji.s.xa.tayn/ 1 he said 1 (narrative) Other forms commonly used in stories are given in 7-4.4. 6-4.4 Dialectal patterning As has been said, inflected forms of sa.na display considerable variation. Dialects tending to avoid initial consonant clusters are La Paz, Huancan~, Jopoqueri, and Calacoa, but each of these uses different recourses for avoiding them. PAGE 472 455 There is some semantic variation as well. In Sitajara sa.na 3+1 and 3+4 S forms have fallen together as /s.itu/, with loss of the 3+4 form, and sa.na 1+3 and 4+3 F forms have fallen together as sa.ni.wa.nha, with loss of the 4+3 form. In Socca the sa.na 3+1 and 3+4 F forms /-sitani/ and /s.sitani/ are in process of falling together. 6-5 65. l Summary and Conclusions Types of variation in the verb system As in the case of the noun system, variation in the verb system may be divided into internal and external. External variation involves the entry of Spanish verbs into Aymara, a continuing process. In certain areas Spanish loans have apparently replaced native roots still in use elsewhere. Examples of these are given in 8-3.21. Internal variation in the verb system is sum marized in the following sections. 6-5. 11 Variation in verb roots and stems Internal variation in verb roots is slight and may be divided into two types: phonological (variation in the shape of the root) and semantic (where a given root has different meanings in different dialects or PAGE 473 456 exists only in some and not in others). Examples of phonological variation in verb roots were given in Chapter 3. Semantic variation in verb roots is discussed in 8-3.21. Variation in verb stems depends on the suffixes occurring in them. 6-5.12 Verb suffixes Verb suffixes display phonological and semantic differences across dialects. Variation in verbal deriva tional suffixes is relatively slight; that in verbal inflectional suffixes is more extensive. 6-5.12.l Derivational suffixes Six of the Class l suffixes have variable phono logical shapes involving alternations of /ya/~/:/, vowels, stops and continuants, and plain and aspirated stops. The two Class l suffixes beginning with /nV/ (-nuga~ -nuguand -naga-) have variable morphophonemics with respect to preceding vowel or consonant. Another Class l suffix beginning with /n/, -nta-, is affected by obligatory stop-voicing in Salinas (see 4-3.21.33). Variation in Class 2 suffixes involves different shapes for fou~ with alternations of /ya/ and/:/, vowels, and stops and nonstops. A morphophonemic PAGE 474 457 rule in Salinas reduces the /k/ of /-ka-/ incompletive to /j/ in certain environments (see 4-3.22.23). Certain dialects usually have the incompletive (or less often, the completive) suffix in negative expressions, while other dialects do not (see 7-4.5). With respect to inventory and meaning, Calacoa alone has the apparently unitary suffix -wja-. No formal attempt was made in this research to determine whether all verbal derivational suffixes occur in all dialects or whether those that occur have the same or different meanings. However, it appears that the meanings of Class 2 suffixes are usually predictable, while the meanings of Class l suffixes vary according to the root, stem, or theme they occur on. Sometimes a stem containing the same root and derivational suffix(es) was found to gloss differently in one dialect than in another. Additional examples of such stems will be found in 8-3.2, but a more thorough determination of regional variation in this respect will require more research. 6-5.12.2 Inflectional suffixes Most variation in verbal inflectional suffixes is in phonological shape attributable to instability of vowels and nonstop consonants and to a lesser extent, of stops; the latter also vary in presence or absence of PAGE 475 458 aspiration. Other variations in phonological shape are attributable to different processes of morphological change with preservation or loss of different (now submorphemic) recurrent partials. In two tenses, D-1 and D-2, exten sive variation results from the apparent falling-together of two separate paradigms in each tense. Still other vari ations in shape are due to processes of analogy at work within a dialect, resulting in symmetrical variation across all its tenses. The most striking instance of this is the shape of 3+4 suffixes in all tenses elicited for Juli. All have allomorphs frozen to the NI suffix -chi and thus homophonous, in that person/tense, with NI compound verb forms. Not only is there variation in shape across dialects; there is considerable variation in allomorphs within dialects, and a larger sample of speakers would probably turn up more forms. While most Aymara speakers have a receptive competence in inflectional variants they do not use themselves, recognizing them as the way some people talk, not all variants are equally accept able. What belongs in one tense in one dialect may belong in a different tense in another. For example, speakers who have only /-nani/ for 4+3 F reject the use of /-tana/ for it, saying it means a past action, not future. There are also some overlaps of person and tense, a given suffix being used for a certain subject, PAGE 476 459 complement, and tense in one dialect and for a different subject, complement, and tense in another dialect (see 8-3.22 for examples). In some dialects, in some tenses, person/tense suffixes involving lp and 4p have fallen together or are in process of doing so, but this does not appear to be a very widespread phenomenon (see 8-2.1). The most complex and variable person/tense suf fixes in all tenses are 1+2, 3+2, and 2+1. The 3+3 suffixes are almost invariable except that D-1, D-2, and RIK have complex allomorphs. In contrast to the variety of their shapes, the morphophonemics of verbal inflectional suffixes are remarkably uniform across dialects. The only dif ferences noted so far are in the 1+3 Simple suffix, which keeps its final vowel before succeeding suffixes in Calacoa but loses it in other dialects; and in the morphophonemics of the 2+3 I suffix, which in some dia lects vary according to whether the verb is used in the affirmative or the negative. 6-5.2 Dialectal patterning Certain dialect groups emerge on the basis of phonological, morphophonemic, and morphological varia tion in the verb system, especially in verbal inflec tional suffixes. As in the case of the noun system, there is considerable isoglossic overlapping. PAGE 477 460 6-5.21 Dialects near Lake Titicaca (northern group) La Paz, Juli, Sacca, Huancan~: 6-5.21. l Retention of /si/ or /ji/ on sa.na 6-5.21.2 Initial velar or postvelar fricatives in 1+3 F 6-5.21.3 Preponderance of /sa/ forms in D-1 and D-2, and of /iri/ forms with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ in those tenses 6-5.21.4 Negative usually accompanied by /-ka-/ incom pletive or /-xa-/ completive on verb The following subgroups in the northern group may be identified on the basis of the features indicated. Juli, Socca, Huancan~: 6-5.21.5 /-wa-/ allomorph of distancer (verbal deriva tional suffix) 6-5.21.6 -chi NI plus 3+3 Sin stories Juli, Sacca: 6-5.21.7 -iri plus 3+3 RIK in stories 6-5.21.8 RIK forms based on /-tay-/ rather than /-ta:-/ La Paz, Huancane: 6-5.21.9 In general, lack of aspiration where other dialects have it in verbal inflectional suf fixes PAGE 478 6-5.22 461 Dialects farther from Lake Titicaca (southern group) Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala): 6-5.22.l /-wi/ ~ /-wiya-/ allomorph of distancer 6-5.22.2 /-ja-/ allomorph of incompletive, either as the sole allomorph or alternating with /-ka-/, or as the result of a morphophonemic rule operating on /-ka-/ 6-5.22.3 Negative usually not accompanied by presence of incompletive or completive suffix(es) The following subgroups in the southern group may be identified on the basis of the features indicated. Jopoqueri, Salinas: 6-5.22.4 Initial or medial alveolar, palatal, or velar nasals in four Future suffixes: 1+3, 2+3, 3+2, and 2+1 6-5.22.5 Suffixes of the D-1 and 0-2 tenses identical o r v er y s i m i l a r i n b o t h d i a l e c ts, w i t h a p re ponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms in those tenses Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala: 6-5.22.6 4+3 Future /-vtan(a)/ ~/-:tan/~ /-:tna/ 6-5.23 Dialects sharing features of both groups Calacoa, Sitajara: These two dialects have several features in common with the northern group and one each in common PAGE 479 462 with the southern group, but only three features in common with each other. One of the latter is shared with Moro comarca alone of the southern group: 6-5.23. l Occurrence of plural -owithout a following incompletive or completive suffix3O Below are listed the features that Calacoa and Sitajara share with the northern and southern groups. Calacoa: 6-5.21.3 (northern group) 6-5.21.4 (northern group) 6-5.21.5 (northern group) 6-5.22.6 (southern group) Sitajara: 6-5.21.4 (northern group) 6-5.21.5 (northern group) 6-5.21.8 (northern group) 6-5.22.4 (southern group) As may be seen, Calacoa and Sitajara share 6-5.21.4 and 6-5.21.5 in addition to 6-5.23.l. PAGE 480 463 6-5.24 Dialects sharing features across regional lines Two dialects that belong respectively to the northern and southern groups have one feature each of the opposite group. These are Huancane {in the north) and Morocomarca (in the south). Huancan~ shares the feature 6-5.22.4 with Sitajara and with Jopoqueri and Salinas of the southern group, except that in Huancane the 1+3 F suffix has no nasal. Morocomarca shares the feature 6-5.21.3 with Calacoa and with the northern group. It may also be noted that Calacoa and Morocomarca have similar unusual forms for 4+3 Snot found elsewhere: Calacoa /-vsna/ and Morocomarca /-sna/. The morphophonemics of the 2+3 Imperative suffix also may be cited as an example of a feature cutting across regional lines. Socca, Huancane, and Juli in the northern group and Morocomarca in the southern group have a rule whereby the 2+3 I suffix requires a preceding vowel after the suffix -kaincompletive but otherwise takes a preceding consonant. This rule has not been found elsewhere. PAGE 481 464 Notes 1 These suffixes were not considered verbal deri vationals by England. 2 The suffix -payahas been added to the 21 listed by England, who identified 10 verbal derivational suffixes as verbalizing noun roots only. The three additional verbalizers now identified are -su-, -ta-, and -kipa-. Verbal derivational suffixes that can verbalize certain noun stems as well as roots are -cha-, -t 11 api-, and -t'a-. -chaalso verbalizes noun themes ending in -na. 3 citation given with -na in Simple tense. by stem alone. forms of verb roots and stems are not Bertonio's grammars, but rather with Verbs from Bertonio will here be cited 4 1n this stem the three-vowel rule operates to cause the three-vowel stem uta.chato lose its final vowel before -kipa-. 5 The three-vowel rule operates on this and the next two examples built on ali.si-, a stem with -si frozen to the root (see 6-2. 19. l and 6-2.21, belowT:" 6 . Again, the three-vowel rule causes the final vowel of k'umara to drop before -tata-, as it also does in the case of aru.s.tata.na. 7 The /-xa-/ in this stem is believed to be an instance of the Class 2 completive suffix frozen to the root (see 6-2.25.2). 8 The present treatment of -sidiffers from England's. 9 some verbs with -sitake complements which must be marked with the nounsuffix -mpi ~ -nti. (See my earlier treatment in Hardman et al. 1975:3.323). PAGE 482 465 10 1n dialects studied, -sidoes not occur before the incompletive in negative expressions, e. g. *Jani.w aka.n.ka.s.k.i.ti. Rather, the following occur: Jani.w aka.n.k.k.i.ti. no s 'He is not here. 1 Jani.w aka.n.k.j.i.ti. 11 some verbs with~ require that the agentive complement (the someone who is caused to do something) be marked with the noun complement suffix -ru; others mark the agent with the noun complement suffix -mpi ~ -nti. 12 If the beneficiary complement is expressed by a noun in the sentence, it is marked by the suffix -taki; see 5-3.31.5. 13 The victimary complement may be expressed in the sentence by a possessive noun phrase, or the possession alone may be indicated. 14 1n order to determine the vowel of the suffix .:..P.:.. it will be necessary to elicit forms that require a preceding vowel, for example the Remote or Future. 15 /sj/ reduces to [s] in Salinas; see 4-3.22.24. 16 Another form which lends itself to analysis as -chaalternative question plus *ja root is +J . h . an1.c .Ja.w. 'I don't think so.' (Ebbing 1965:209) In this -ch.jaoccurs on the particle jani 'no'. 17 The basic analysis of Aymara verbal inflec tional suffixes, for the dialects of Compi and Tia huanaco, is in Hardman et al. (1975:3.209-245). PAGE 483 466 18 verbal inflectional suffixes with 3p comple ments (1+3, 2+3, 3+3, and 4+3) may have no expressed complement in translation, e. g. chur.i 'he/she gave (something to someone)' 3+3 s 19 For an explanation of what are meant by D-1 and D-2 /sa/ forms and /iri/ forms, see 6-3.34. 20 Hardman (Hardman et al. 1975:3.233) has pointed out that contemporary 2+1 forms represent a falling-together of earlier 2+1 and 2+4 forms. Seman tically 2+4 has now fallen out, but some contemporary 2+1 forms have a formal vestige of the 4p complement in an /s/ that recurs intermittently in different tenses. It also recurs in the 1+2 S suffix -sma (see also Hardman 1975). -21As indicated in note 20, the /s/ in 1+2 Simple -sma is a vestige of the 4p marker. 22 when 1+3 F /-:/ is followed by -xa sentence suffix, the resulting combination /:xa/ i"sTndistinguish able from one of the other voiceless fricative allo morphs of 1+3 F, /-:xa/. The latter may be followed by the sentence suffix -wa, as in the following examples from Campi: -Sara. :xa.w. 1 I 1 m going to go. 1 Chura. :xa.w. 1 (Now that you ask) I wi 11 give it to him.' However, -xa sentence suffix does not occur after /-:xa/ 1+3 F; *chura.:xa.xa is rejected. We are left with a possible ambiguity in such forms as chura:xa, which may be analyzed as either chura.:xa or chura. :.xa. So far, no predictable difference in meaning has been discovered that would facilitate determining which is occurring. 23 An example of 1+3 F with palatal glide, for La Paz and Sacca, is Aka.n.ka.s.ka.ya:.wa. 1 1 will be here.' PAGE 484 467 24 vapita (La Paz/Compi) indicates that 3+1 or 3+4 may sometimes occur with final vowel and sentence suffix other than -wa, which implies that the syntactic conditioning here discussed needs further investigation in La Paz as well as elsewhere. Of course, where the suffix is a form peculiar to the Imperative (for example 3+1 and 3+4 for La Paz and most other places), the pres ence or absence of vowel or sentence suffix is irrelevant for identifying the tense. It is only in the case of forms homophonous with the Future that the syntactic mark may be significant. 25 D-l and D-2 based on -iri are to be distin guished from sequences of -iri plus-:verbalizer plus inflection (see 6-3.37). --26apa.na 'to carry' has in contemporary La Paz Aymara the derived meaning 'person of the same age, con temporary'; see 2-2. 27 1+2 D-1 has not yet been elicited for Huancan~, but the form */-:sna/ fits the pattern for that tense and dialect. 28 A second one-vowel verb root discovered late in the research is ta'make a noise' (inanimate object). See Chapter 7, Note73. 29 These forms have 1+3 /-:/ or /-ja:/ plus -xa sentence suffix. 30 According to Hardman (personal communication) .:..P..::. without a following incompletive or completive also occurs occasionally in La Paz, but I have yet to hear it myself. PAGE 485 CHAPTER 7 SYNTACTIC AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC VARIATION 7-1 Introduction Morphosyntactic structures are morphemes belonging to neither the noun nor verb systems but operating at both the morphological and syntactic levels. They are (1) particles, and (2) syntactic suffixes. Particles are roots that take neither noun nor verb suffixes, although they may take syntactic suffixes. Syntactic suffixes, which occur on nouns, verbs, and particles, are subdivided into nonfinal (independent) and final (sentence) suffixes. Nonfinal suffixes occur on nouns, verbs, and particles before final suffixes. On nouns nonfinal suffixes occur after noun suffixes; on verbs they separate derivation from inflection. Final suffixes occur after all other suffixes, marking phrase and sentence boundaries. They define sentence types, conveying attenuation, absolute ness, vouching for information, repetition of information known to the hearer, disclaiming of knowledge, and con tingency; they mark yes/no questions, alternate questions, and information questions; they list in a series, link 468 PAGE 486 469 sentences, and subordinate one part of a sentence to another. Their meanings are often lost in translation, however, which is why most Aymara grammars have dismissed them as ornamental. Morphosyntactic processes in Aymara include re duplication; subordination by noun-phrase embedding, nominalization, or with sentence suffixes; use of the demonstrative uka 'that' as summarizer and sentence linker; sentence embedding with the reportive verb sa.na 'to say'; and negation. In Aymara word order is fixed only within the noun phrase and in the placement of the summarizer uka after what is being summarized. Syntactically-conditioned vowel retention and dropping rules were discussed in 4-3.31. 7-2 Particles and Syntactic Suffixes 7-2. l Particles Particles are roots that take neither noun nor verb suffixes. Some of them take nonfinal or final suffixes; others always occur unsuffixed. Some of the most common are listed below in alphabetical order. (Onomatopoeic particles are listed in Appendix B.) ampi 'isn't that so?', 'no?' (tag question) (Calacala, Jopoqueri; also Herrero 1971-72:228, for Omasuyos) PAGE 487 470 Ch'ug al.ja.p.x.ta ampi.x? (Jopoqueri) potato sell 2+3 s 'You sell potatoes, don't you?' ampi softener; 'please, then, so' amp juta.ma.y 'please come, then' (La Paz/Campi) ina.ki 'in vain' (Calacala) inak 11 i 'in vain' (Salinas) ina.ta.lla 'in vain' (Sitajara) ina.y 'in vain' (Sitajara) +. k" rna.maya. 1 'needlessly, in vain' (Tschopik 1948:111,112) jalla 'thus, like that' (all dialects) jina ma:ji maki ma:ki mak 11 i Aka Istaru Uniru.n jall asiru.x ut.j.chi.x. United States steel exist NI 'There may be steel like that in the United States. 1 (Sitajara) 1 let I s go 1 (all dialects) 'quickly' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) 'quickly' (Calacala; also reduplicated, mak.maki) 'quickly' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'quickly' (Calacoa) PAGE 488 471 Mak II i . k ma k II i . k sara.w.ja. tan. go 4+3 Mak II i . x ma k II i . x F 'Quickly, quickly we will go. 1 (words of a song) ma:ski 'or other' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Ma:sk kun.ja:ma.s sar.chi.:.xa.y however go NI 1+3 F 'Somehow or other, I'll go.' musp 11 a 'much, very' (Salinas, Calacala) Musp 11 a jaya.wa. 'It's very far.' A special class of particles consists of terms for affirmation and negation. The negative jani and its occurrences in negative phrases are discussed in 7-4.5. The affirmative jisa 'yes' occurs in all dialects also; sometimes either jani or jisa may lose its first syllable. In some dialects jisa usually occurs with the final suf fix -lla ~ -ya. Examples: jisa (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) jisa.ya (Morocomarca, Calacala) sa. lla (Salinas) sa.ya (La Paz, Calacala) PAGE 489 472 iyaw 'okay, yes' (most dialects) 'you're welcome' (Calacoa; thought by source to be a Quechua word) Other affirmative particles are the following, both given by a source in Sitajara; the second is attributed to Candarave (also in the province of Tarata). kuwat.xa 'yes' (Sitajara) ja:t.xa 'yes' (attributed to Candarave by Sitajara speaker) Interjections are a special kind of particle. They usually end in /w/ or /y/ (possibly the final suf fixes~ or -wa). These were not elicited for all dia lects, so the following is probably an incomplete list. achijuway 'it's hot!' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ach 11 ich 11 iw ach"i k 11 iw } expressions of pain (La Paz/Compi) alalaw 'it's cold, brrr!' (La Paz/Campi, Corque) alalay 'it's cold, brrr!' (Corque) anay 'how pretty!' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) atataw expression of pain (La Paz/Compi) PAGE 490 473 atatay expression of pain (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) titila ~ titilay expression of disgust (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) wa: ~ way [bayJ 1 'wow!' expression of admiration or surprise (La Paz/Compi, La Paz/ Tiahuanaco, and probably elsewhere) ju: 'wow! 1 expression of dismay (Hardman et al. 1975:l. 170) There are also several particles which are Spanish loans (see Hardman et al. 1975:3. 134). 7-2.2 Syntactic suffixes 7-2.21 Non'final (independent) suffixes These suffixes occur on a stem before final suf fixes. They may become part of a preceding noun or verb stem and be immediately followed by verbalization or nominalization, or they may occur after such thematic alternation. On inflected verbs they occur directly before the inflectional suffix. A noun stem ending in -ki or -pini (etc.) may be a zero complement, the inde pendent losing its final vowel. -raki (etc.) occurs after zero complement (Hardman et al. 1975:3.403-409). 7-2.21. l -vki ~ -ji ~ -y 'just, only' (limitative) The allomorph /-ji/ was heard in Salinas and Morocomarca in word-final position. These dialects also have /-ki/ both medially and finally. The allomorphs PAGE 491 474 /-ki/ and /-y/ occurred in Sitajara. /-ki/ occurs else where. The suffix requires a preceding vowel, except in Huancane when following -raki. It loses its vowel before consonant-requiring suffixes, in zero complement vowel drop, when preceding the final sentence suffix -sa in Calacoa, and when preceding the final suffix -sti in Sitajara. /-ki/ may reduplicate on a stem. It frequently occurs as a softener on verbs with the Imperative. Examples: suma.ta.ji 'slowly' (Salinas) suma. ta. ki 'gently' (La Paz/Compi} k'acha.ta.ji 'slowly' (Morocomarca) juk'a.pacha.ki 'a little' (Morocomarca) Juta.rak.ki.ni.w. 'They will arrive.' (Huancan~) 3+3 F Uk"ama.ki.:.s.ka.k.ch.i.xa.y. 'That's the way it always is.' """NI (Huancan~) juma.ki.ki. :ma.s 'just like you' (Juli) t"aga.ki t"ag.ta.s 'looking and looking' (Calacoa) Say.t'a.ki.m. 'Stand up.' (Calacoa) 2+3 I PAGE 492 475 uka.y. ti I and that? 1 (Sitajara) Sara.s.ka.x_.ma. 'Just go on.' (Sitajara) I ija.nha.ru.k.sti 'and to my daughter' (Sitajara) is.t 1 a.ki.na 1 to listen quietly' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Sara.ki.ya:. 1 I 1 ll just go. 1 (Sacca) 1+3 F Chura.k.ita.lla. 'Please give me. 1 (Jopoqueri) I Sa.ki.pin.itu.wa. 1 He always told me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 3+1 s In Calacoa /-ki/ plus -sa final suffix usually occurred on the head of the first noun phrase in a riddle, as in the following examples: Ma: a gala.taypi.na.k.s stone middle ma: a pala.cha ucha.nta.tastick place :.s.k.i.w. s Uka.x kuna.s? Ampar sillu. that what finger nail 1 In the middle of a stone a little stick is placed. What is it? A fingernail. 1 PAGE 493 476 Ma: warmi.k.s wilt.ka.sin wilt.ka.sin a woman turning turning Uka.x kuna.s? Q 11 apu.w. distaff usu.r.ta.si.w.x.i. pregnant 3+3 s 1 A woman turning, turning gets pregnant. What is it? A distaff. 1 7-2.21.2 -vpini ~ -puni ~ -pani ~ -pi emphatic /-pani/ occurs in Jopoqueri; /-pi/ occurs in Calacala; /-pini/ occurs in Juli, Sitajara, La Paz, Salinas, Calacala, and Morocomarca and was alleged by Bertonio (1603b); /-puni/ occurs in Huancane, Sacca, Calacoa, and La Paz and was alleged by Tschopik (1948). As this indicates, /-pini/ and /-puni/ occur in La Paz, and /-pi/ and /-pini/ occur in Calacala, /-pi/ either before /-pini/ or before ..:_Qj_ sentence suffix. The meanings of this suffix may be expressed in translation as 1 always 1 , 1 still 1, 1 really 1 , or 1 definitely 1 , but it is basically an emphatic. Examples: Ina.ki.pini.w. 1 It 1 s really in vain.• (Calacala) ch 1 ugi.pi.pini.k 'just potatoes, really' (Calacala) Uka.pi.ki.pi.y. 1 It 1 s just that, really.• {Calacala) PAGE 494 Ut.nha.pani.:.s.j.i.w. lp -3+3 s Uta.ja.pini.:.s.k.i.wa. lp Uta.nha.pini.w. Uta.na.pini.wa. lp Ut.fia.~. Uta.ja.puni.w. Uta. j a. : . s . ka . pun . i. wa . ~+3 Sara.puni.:.w. --i+3 F s 477 'It's really my house. 1 'I'm really going. 1 Sara.puni.ya:.wa. 1+3 F (Jopoqueri) (Juli) (Sitajara) (Salinas) (Morocomarca) (La Paz) (Huancane, Calacoa) (Juli) (Sacca) There seems to be some relation between this suffix and the sentence suffix .:....P..i, although it may be due only to their partial homophony. As shown in the example given above for Calacala, /-pi/ allomorph of the nonfinal suffix may occur before /-pini/ or before .:....P..i sentence suffix, in both cases with reduplication of the segment /pi/. PAGE 495 478 In the following pair of utterances, where Vito cota has the sentence suffix .::.tl La Paz/Tiahuanaco has the independent /-puni/. Jani . .ej_.y jala.qa.y.i.ti.xa. no fall 3+3 s Jani.puni.w jala.g.ta.y.k.i.ti. (Vitocota) 'He did not cause it to fall. 1 (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) 7-2.21.3 ra ~ -rara ~ -:ra ~ -ray 'still, yet' V In Modern Aymara this suffix persists only on the negative particle jani. (It is a productive final suffix in Jaqaru; see Hardman 1966.) It is classified as a nonfinal suffix in Aymara because its allomorph /-rara/ has occurred before -raki nonfinal independent on a stem. /-ray/ occurs only in Sitajara. /-:ra/ and /-ra/ occur in Huancan~. /-:ra/ occurs in La Paz/Campi. /-rara/ occurs in Juli; /-rara/ and /-ra/ occur in Jopoqueri. Elsewhere /-ra/ or /-:ra/ occurs. Some occurrences of /-ray/ may be analyzed as allomorphs of -raki (7-2.21.4). However, occurrences of /-ray/ on jani occupy the same slot as /-ra/ and /-rara/, with the same meaning, and therefore must belong to this suffix. Examples: PAGE 496 479 jani.ra jani.: ra jani.rara jani. rara. raki. s 'not yet' jani.ra.11 jani.:ra.y jani.ray.s 7-2.21.4 -raki (and variants) (Jopoqueri) (La Paz/Campi) (Jopoqueri) (Salinas) (Huancane) (Huancane) (Sitajara) This suffix translates variously, as an aggregate, cautionary (see 6-3.34), complainer, objector, or chal lenger. It may occur on interrogatives immediately before or in place of the final suffix -sa. It occurs after zero complement vowel drop on a noun stem. As for morphophonemics, this suffix requires a preceding vowel except after the complement/relational suffixes -na and -ta~ -t"a and zero complement vowel drop. In one instance (Calacala) it was preceded by a consonant on a verb root. Dialects that have only /-raki/ are Juli, Sacca, Calacoa, Jopoqueri, and La Paz. In Huancane this suffix often occurs instead of -sa interrogative; /-raki/ is the most usual allomorph, but /-raj-/ occurs before PAGE 497 480 -chi NI. In Salinas /-raj-/ occurs before consonant requiring verbal inflectional suffixes; /-raji/ or /-rak 11 i/ occurs before vowel-requiring inflectional suffixes; /-raji/, /-raki/, /-ra:/ and /-ra/ alternate freely word-finally on interrogatives. In Calacala and Morocomarca /-raji/ and /-raki/ both occur. In Sitajara /-raki/ and /-raji/ are in free varia tion medially before verbal inflections; the allomorph /-rk/ occurred once before verbal inflection; and /-ray/ also occurred before the final suffix -sa although a homophonous /-ray/ is the allomorph of the suffix -ra ~ -ray in Sitajara (see 7-2.21.3). It might be better to analyze all occurrences of /-ray/ in Sitajara, both those on jani and others, as an independent suffix resulting from the convergence of -ra 'yet' and -raki aggregate and overlapping the domains of both in other dialects: on jani it means 'yet', and elsewhere it has the meanings of -raki. Examples of -raki and its allomorphs on different roots, stems, and themes are given below. 7-2.21.41 On interrogatives Kuna.rak aka.sti?} 'And what is this?' Kuna.ra: aka.sti? (Huancan~) (Salinas) PAGE 498 481 Kuna.ra uka ispiritu.sti? 'And what are those spirits?' (Salinas) Kun.ra: lura.n mun.ta? do want 2+3 s Kuna. taki. rak.s? Kuna. taki. raki? 'What do you want to do?' (Salinas) (Huancane) 'Why?' (Morocomarca) Kuna.t.raji? (Morocomarca) *kuna.taki.raji (rejected in Morocomarca) Kawki. ray. sa? 'Where is it?' (Sitajara) Kawki.t.ra(j) pur.ta? arrive 2+3 s 'Where are you coming from?' (Salinas) Kawki.ru.rak sara.nta? 'Where are you going?' (Salinas) go 2+3 F 7-2.21.42 On other nouns and nominalized forms juma.raki 'you too' (all dialects) wali.ray 'well' (Sitajara) Aka. ray. sa. 1 Here it is. 1 (Sitajara) PAGE 499 482 Sa.na.ray. 1 It must be said. 1 (Sitajara) Allchi.nha.pini.ray. 1 He 1 s really my grandchild.' (Sitajara) uka.t.raji •and then• [uatraji] (Calacala) Ujtur paxsi.n.rak.wa. 1 It was in the month of October. 1 (Corque) 7-2.21 .43 On inflected verb stems or themes Sa.rak.sma.sa.y. 1 1 already told you! 1 (Calacoa) 1-+2 s Wali.:. ka. raj. chi. ni. t. NI 3-+3 F . raj. kama.cha.ta.: .rak. . rk. = 1 It may not be good.• (Huancane) (Note: -:verbalizer reduces to plain vowel before -kaincom pletive.) 1-+3 RDK 1 what could have happened to me 1 (Sitajara) Muna.raj.t.wa. 1 1 want.' (Salinas) --i-+3 s tani.ki.raki.tay 1 he ran again' (Salinas) -3-+3 I k . mag . ra . 1 ~-+3 s RIK •and he ate• (Calacala) PAGE 500 483 apa.ki.raki.tay 1 he had taken it' (Calacala) RIK 7-2.22 Final (sentence) suffixes Final, or sentence, suffixes occur after all other suffixes on nouns, verbs, and particles. They mark phrase, clause, or sentence boundaries and play a role in syntactic subordination. All except -lla ~ -ya politive and..:.._;_ emphatic, which require a preceding vowel, allow the preceding morpheme or syntactic considerations to determine their preceding environments. Final suffixes encountered in this research which do not vary in phonemic shape or usage from one dialect to another are -cha alternative interrogative, -sa in formation interrogative/indefinite/linker, -sti follow-up, -ti yes/no interrogative and negative,..:.._;_ emphatic, and -wa absolute. An unvarying suffix combination is -wa.ya, consisting of -wa absolute plus~ politive, which almost always is accompanied by rising intonation and always occurs in this form even in dialects which have the allomorph /-lla/ instead of /-ya/ for the politive (see below). All dialects sometimes have final vowel length..:.._;_ as an exclamatory, and this may be in distinguishable from instances of /-ya/ reduced to /y/ after /i/. PAGE 501 484 Sentence suffixes which do show variation, either in locale of occurrence, frequency of occurrence, phonemic shape, or combinations thereof, are the topic/summarizer suffix -ka (probably a reduced form of aka or uka demonstratives), -lla ~ -ya politive, -m disclaimer and its variants, and -pi ~ -pi: ~ -pu ~ -pu: reiterator of absolute (stating information already known to the hearer). Sentence suffix combinations showing variation are -pi. lla ~-pi.ya~ -pi.:, -sa.ya ~ -sa. :, -xa. lla ~ -xa.ya, and -ti.xa which occurs as a subordinator in certain dialects and will be discussed under subordination (7-4.23.3). 7-2.22. l -ka topic/summarizer and -xa ~ attenuator topic/ Only one contemporary dialect, Calacala, was found to have both -ka and /-xa/. Bertonio (1603b) cited +g (phonemically /ka/ or /qa/?) and +kha (phonemically /xa/ or /k"a/ or /q"a/?) occurring in environments apparently like those of -ka and -xa ~ in contemporary dialects. Most dialects today have only /-xa/. Morocomarca was found to have only -ka and/-:/. This/-:/ must be distinguished from other morphemes of vowel length. It is clearly not.:__;_ emphatic since it occurs in the same or similar environments as /-xa/ attenuator with apparently the same function and meaning. PAGE 502 485 7-2.22.11 -ka topic/summarizer This suffix has occurred only in Morocomarca and Calacala. At first it was thought that it might be*~ cognate to Jaqaru final suffix (Hardman 1966), or possibly a borrowing from Bolivian Quechua~ topic marker, as all sources for Morocomarca and Calacala were bilingual in Quechua. 2 However, the suffix here re ferred to is clearly phonemically /ka/, beginning with the velar stop, and as noted in note 2 to Chapter 5, /k/ is not considered a normal reflex of /q/ in Jaqi languages. It was then thought that -ka might represent a falling-together of several suffixes, perhaps related to the Jaqaru final suffix -ja surprisal or to the Jaqaru noun suffix -ja accusative, cognate to Aymara zero complement (Hardman 1966). As we have seen, the alternation of /j/ ~ /k/ does occur in Aymara and pre sumably might across Jaqi languages. The semantics of Jaqaru -ja surprisal do not correspond to the semantics of Aymara -ka, however, and Jaqaru -ja accusative is cognate to Aymara zero complement, while Aymara -ka occurs on both subjects and complements. Yapita (La Paz/Compi), who assisted me in analyz ing a recorded Calacala text, indicated that he would replace most instances of -ka with -xa topic/attenuator. PAGE 503 486 The distributions of the two suffixes are not identical, however. Unlike most final suffixes, including -xa, -ka has not occurred before -lla ~ -ya politive in data analyzed so far. And, in some cases, Yapita would replace -ka by either -xa topic/attenuator or the demonstrative uka as syntactic summarizer (7-4.3). As will be seen in the examples that follow, -ka seems to function both as topic marker and as a summarizer of what precedes it in a sentence. The latter function is fulfilled in all Aymara dialects (including those that have -ka topic/summarizer) by the demonstratives uka and (to a lesser extent) aka. In all Aymara dialects, also, aka and uka act like suffixes in phrases such as naya.n uka 'my house', literally 'mine, that' but conveying the sense of the French chez moi. In the data analyzed for this study, -ka occurs only on nouns of the open class or the demonstratives aka and uka and usually only when they occur sentence initially or -finally. On the demonstratives, -ka recalls the noun suffix -:ka that occurs on demonstratives in La Paz and Sacca and possibly elsewhere (see 5-3.12.6). In one case in Calacala -ka ([a]) is obviously a re duced form of uka 1 chez 1 , being followed by the noun suffix -na 'in, of': padre.[a].n 'at the priest's (house)'. The suffix -ka might therefore be considered a noun suffix, but for the fact that when it occurs PAGE 504 487 word-finally (without a following -na) it seems to require something before it to summarize. On aka and.!!._~, which already have a potential summarizing function, ~ka occurs directly on the root, whether it is sentence-initial or -final. On other nouns the behavior of -ka is different. Sentence-initial nouns may take final -ka only if one or more deriva tional suffixes (or zero complement vowel drop, which a~ts like a suffix) orecede it on the stem; -ka does . -not occur directly on a plain noun root occurring sen tence initially. On the other hand, sentence-final nouns are not so restricted. Such nouns may take the suffix -ka whether or not there are any derivational suffixes on the noun root. All of this suggests that when it occurs word finally (with no other suffixes after it), -ka must have something before it longer than a single root. Thus, in order to take -ka a sentence-initial noun must have suffixes on it. A sentence-final noun need not have such suffixes, because when -ka occurs on a sentence final noun, -ka summarizes not only the word it occurs on but all else that went before it in the sentence. Although this hypothesis needs further testing, it appears that -ka is probably best analyzed at present as a reduced (but already frozen) form of uka or aka. More study of its occurrences is needed to determine PAGE 505 488 whether it should be considered a noun suffix, albeit one with a special summarizing function when it occurs word finally, or whether it belongs in the final suffix class, in which case occurrences of -ka followed by -na must be considered morphophonemic reductions of aka or uka rather than occurrences of the final suffix -ka. 7-2.22. 11. 1 Distribution of -ka in Morocomarca -ka was rejected on certain nouns. It occurred on the first noun in a sentence if the stem ended in -naka plural, a personal possessive suffix, or zero complement vowel drop, but it did not occur on plain noun roots that occurred first in a sentence, unless they were zero complements. However, Yapita (La Paz/Campi) reported hearing -ka on the plain demonstrative aka occurring --first in a sentence, in an utterance by a speaker in the town of Morocomarca. -ka did occur on plain nouns occurring at the end of a sentence. Where -ka was not permitted (namely, on plain roots occurring first in a sentence), plain vowel or vowel length (probably an allomorph of -xa topic/attenuator; see 7-2.22.12) occurred. Vowel length did not occur on the last vowel of a sentence-final noun, where either -ka or plain vowel occurred. Examples of occurrences and non-occurrences of -ka in Morocomarca are the following: PAGE 506 489 Tiyula.naka.ka suma jagi.:.tawi.wa. uncle = good person 3+3 RIK 'The uncles are good people.' Mis.na.ka jach'a.wa. 'My table is big. 1 table lp big Ch'un0.ka kuna.mpi.rak mag'a.si.: ? chuno what with eat 1+3 F 'What am I going to eat the chuno with?' Kuna.mpi.rak mag'a.s.i ch'unu.ka? 1+3 s 'What is chuno eaten with?' Aka.ka uta. 'This is a house. 1 (reported by Yapita) this house *Uta.ka jach 1 a.wa. 'The house is big. 1 (rejected) sut.ma Kuna.s { ? 'What is your name?' sut.ma. ka what name 2p Naya.n sut.na Usiwyu sa.ta.wa. lp name lp 1 My name is Eusebio.' ('My name Eusebio is called.') PAGE 507 490 7-2.22. 11.2 Distribution of -ka in Calacala In Calacala -ka occurred primarily in stories, on the first noun in a sentence (or the head of a noun phrase) ending in the diminutive -ita or -ta nominalizer. It also occurred on the last noun in a sentence or phrase, a position where -xa (and in one case~) also occurred. -xa, vowel length, or plain vowel occurred on a sentence initial plain root. When -ka occurred after a vowel or a voiced continuant such as /r/, the /k/ usually reduced to the voiced fricative[]. (In Calacala stops frequently voice before vowels, regardless of the preceding environment; see 4-3.21.32.) In the following examples voiced stops are shown in square brackets, unless they occur in Spanish loans in Spanish phonology. Achol.it.ka ma:.m[b]i.x another b t . 3 urru way.xaru.:. aw,. bring RIK 'He had another Acholita, a burro, brought.' Uka.t padre kiri.k.i.xa.y uka sa.sa.ki.y kriy.i.s padre.[]a.:. young woman bring say think s s 'Then the priest thought it was true that he had had the young woman brought.' PAGE 508 491 [a] in the above example would be replaced by -xa by Yapita (La Paz/Campi). awisa.taw. tell 3-+3 RIK no person 111 Don 1 t send anyone 11 , he told him. 1 sa.s treat say sa.tawi abuelo.ka. 3-+3 old man RIK 111 Treat me (forillness) 11 , said the old man.' La Paz/Campi version of the above: sa.sa.w sa.tayn awuylu.xa. 3-+3 RIK 3 Uka arun[d]a.ta way.xaru.: uka achach bur.[]a. that night bring 3-+3 old man burro s 'That night he had the old man's burro brought. 1 La Paz/Campi version of the above: Uka aruma.w way.xaru.y.i uka achach 3-+3 s { bur.xa. bur uka. PAGE 509 492 The following examples show the distribution of -ka compared to /-xa/ and/-:/ and plain vowel, all in Calacala: Kuna.s uka. k ? 'What is that?' Kuna.s aka.xa ? 'What is this?' Aka.: misa.wa. 'This is a table. I Naya chura.n ch'ugi. I I will give him potatoes. 1 lp give 1+3 potato F An example which appears to have a reduced form of uka.n 'in (someone's) place' (i. e. in someone's house) is the following: Uka k'us uma.p.xa.taw padre.[]a.n am[b]i? that chicha drink 3+3 no? RIK 'They drank that chicha at the priest's house (Radre uka.n) didn't they?' As mentioned earlier, uka summarizer does occur in Morocomarca and Calacala, as in the following example from Morocomarca which incidentally has vowel length on u ka. Jan chur.ita:t uka.: no give 2+1 F k'asa. :.wa. cry 1+3 F 'If you don't give it to me, I'll cry. 1 PAGE 510 493 7-2.22.12 -xa ~ -: topic/attenuator /-xa/ occurs in data obtained for all dialects except Morocomarca but may possibly occur there in free texts, none of which were obtained for that dialect. On the other hand, the/-:/ which occurs in Morocomarca may be the sole allomorph of this suffix occurring there. The allomorph of vowel length does not occur in Sacca, Jopoqueri or La Paz dialects encountered so far; however, it was attested for Irpa Chico, Ingavi province, by H. Martfn (1969). Vowel length occasionally occurred instead of /-xa/ in Sitajara and Juli in material trans lated from Spanish, but only on the first person pronoun. In Jopoqueri /-xa/ was occasionally absent where it might be expected in La Paz. In Calacoa and Salinas /-xa/ was often absent or replaced by/-:/ on personal pronouns in translations from Spanish, but /-xa/ occurred more often in free texts. In Calacala /-xa/ was found in all types of data, elicited and free; again, when/-:/ or plain vowel occurred, it was usually on personal pro nouns. The suffix -xa ~ -: occurs most often on nouns, but also on verbs and particles. The number of /-xa/s occurring in a given sentence varies according to the degree of attenuation expressed and appears also to vary dialectically or idiolectically, but this needs further PAGE 511 494 study. Some dialects have plain vowel where other dia lects would have /-xa/ or/-:/. Such absences of /-xa/ and/-:/ must be distinguished from their syntactically conditioned absence on subjects of subordinated verbs; see 4-3.31. 1. Examples of /-xa/, /-:/, and their absence follow: Ch 11 armanti.x juma.x this morning 2p iskuyla.x jut.ta.xa. school come S 'This morning you came to school (I do believe, right?). 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:3.413; La Paz) Naya.x lp Nay a 2S sara.: .wa. go sara. : . xa. F Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p 'I will go.' 'I will go, okay?' } (Hardman et al. 1975: 3.412) (La Paz) 'What's your name?' (La Paz, Sacca, Jopoqueri, Calacoa, Juli, Salinas) Naya.xa aka Lima marka.n ut.j.ta pir jani.w live but not lp town naya.: aka.:.k.t.ti. here s s 'I live in Lima but I'm not (from) here.' (Huancan~) PAGE 512 495 Na.: } chura. nh. give F 'I will give to him. 1 (Sitajara) Na.x Na.: aka waynu.wa tagi chuyma huayno all heart tirik.t'a.w.sma. dedicate s 'I dedicate this huayno (song) to you with all my heart. 1 (Juli) (In the last two examples na.: could be /na:/ allomorph of first person pronoun.) naya aru.nt.t'a.ni.p.x.ma. . 'I greet you' (Jopoqueri) Juma un.ch'uki.~.ka.p.ista.x 2p look at na.naka.ru. lp s 'You are looking at us. 1 (Calacoa) Jupa mang'a.ya.w.i wawa.pa.naka.r.x. 3p feed child s 'He fed his children. 1 (Calacala) Na uta.ja.n.ka.s.ka.t.wa. 'I was in my house.' (Calacoa) lp house s PAGE 513 496 Kuna.mp.s jit.sna.x ch'ugi ? what dig 4-+3 D-1 'With what can we dig potatoes?' (Calacoa) Uta.pa.: Uta.pa.x house Jupa. : 3p } j a ch I a . wa . big 'Her house is big. 1 mag'a.na chura.tayna wawa.naka.pa.ru. food give 3+3 children RIK 'He fed his children.' (Salinas) Jan puri.nt uka jiwa.ya.si.:.wa. no arrive that die cause 1+3 F (Salinas) 1 If you don't come I 1 11 kill myself. 1 (Salinas) Ch 11 a.sti juma aka.t now and 2p here ni.w mistu.n[d]a.ti. no get out 2+3 F 'And now you won 1 t get out of here. 1 (Salinas; story) The following are all from Calacala: Kam sa.ta.s sut.ma.x? 1 What 1 s your name?' how called name 2p PAGE 514 497 Naya sa.ta.t.wa Antunu. 'I'm called Antonio.• lp 1+3 s Naya jaqi.xa Qalagala.t.wa. lp man Naya.xa lp help sa.:.w. say 1+3 F 'I'm a person (man) from Calacala. 1 'I'll say (yell) Help!' Uka misk 1 i.ti.x uka naranja.: ? 'Is that orange sweet?' sweet orange (See also the first example given in 7-2.22. 11.2.) Kuna.s aka.xa? 'What is this?' Aka.: misa.wa. 'This is a table.• The following are from Morocomarca: Uka misa.: jani.w naya.n.k.i.ti. tableno lp 3+3 s 'That table isn't mine. 1 Uta.: jach 1 a.wa. 'The house is big. 1 house big PAGE 515 498 7-2.22.2 vlla ~ -ya politive/vocative/attenuator The allomorph /-lla/ occurs everywhere except in parts of La Paz (including Campi and Tiahuanaco) and Morocomarca, which have only /-ya/. Both /-lla/ and /-ya/ occur in Sitajara and Huancan~. Calacoa has /-ya/ in songs, but /-lla/ elsewhere. In Juli, Sacca, Jopo queri, Salinas, and Calacala the usual allomorph is /-lla/. This suffix occurs often as a softener of the imperative, occurring on the verb itself or on some other word in the sentence. Examples: Amus.t'a.g.i. lla. 3+3 'He made him shut up.' (Calacala) s Uka.t tani.n.i.11 mama.pa.ru. run 3+3 s 'Then he ran to his mother.' (Salinas) Sar.xa.ma.11. 'Go away.' (Salinas) 2+3 I Awis.t'a.k.ita. lla. 'Tell me.' (Jopoqueri) 2+1 I Mayt.ita.11. 'Lend it to me.' (Juli) 2+1 I PAGE 516 499 Sara.w.x.ma. lla. 'Go away. 1 (Sacca) I Sar.xa.ma. lla. 'Go away. 1 (Sitajara) I 1 thus 1 (Sitajara) Uk 11 am.pacha.:.xa.rak.ki.spa.y. D-1 'They can be like that. 1 (Huancan~) Irpa.n.ma.y. 'Take her. 1 (Huancan~) I Uk 11 ama.x Juwanti.ru.y wayu.ya.m. carry I 'Then have Johnny carry it. 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:3.305; La Paz) Chur.xa.tma.ya. 'Let him give it to you. 1 (Morocomarca) I Jisa.y. 'Yes. 1 (Morocomarca, Calacala) PAGE 517 500 /-lla/ and /-ya/ may follow the final suffixes -xa and .::.2.i_ (7-2.22.4}; only /-ya/ follows -wa. 7-2.22.3 -m ~ -ma ~ -mna ~ -mnam disclaimer In La Paz (as reported in Hardman et al. 1975: 3.420} this suffix occurs in the form /-m/ preceded by the limited final suffix -chi(which occurs only before /-m/ or -xa}, as in K 11 ari.k 11 ari.chi.m k 11 ar.su.s.k.ch.i. fat-cutter cut NI 3+3 s 'No doubt the k 11 arik 11 ari 4 cut out (his fat}. 1 Another dialect found to have a similar construc tion was Huancan~. K 11 ari.s.iri.k.chi.ma uka uka.na k 11 ar.s.ch.i. NI 3+3 s 'The k 11 arisiri must have cut out (his fat}. 1 The sentence as given for La Paz was also acceptable in Juli, but not volunteered. Elsewhere expressions of this type were rejected, but this may have been due to cul tural, rather than grammatical, factors. -mna is a productive final suffix in Jaqaru (Hardman 1966), and Bertonio cited a number of examples PAGE 518 501 (1603b:141-142, 250) of an apparently cognate suffix + -mna. Some contemporary examples offered by V~squez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) are the following: Kama.cha.ki.ni.m.(s) how 3+3 F un.ja.ni.m. see 2+3 I 'Go and see what he's doing (what he will do). 1 K 11 iti.mna(m). 'Let's find out who (is coming).' who K 11 iti.ki.m juta.ni. 'Let's see who's coming.' who come 3+3 F { mnaml Kamisa. = how s jan yati.ni.x? no know 3+3 'How could he not know? (of course he does)' F Another example is the following from La Paz/Campi: Naya.m lp sara.: .xa. go 1+3 F 'l will go?!?' (said musingly to oneself, e. g., 'Who could think I'd go (of course I won't).') The above examples occurred too late in the research to check their possible occurrence in other dialects. PAGE 519 502 7-2.22.4 -pi ~ -pi: ~ -pu ~ -pu: reiterator of known information The allomorph /-pu/ occurs only in Salinas, Jopo queri, Corque (which also has /-pu:/) and Sitajara (which also has /-pi:/). Elsewhere /-pi/ occurred, except in Calacoa where this suffix did not occur. Jopoqueri and Salinas have both /-pi/ and /-pu/. /-pi/ usually occurs in combination with /-lla/ or /-ya/, but /-pu/ does not. /-pu:/ occurred once before -xa. Examples: S.tam.pu. 'He said to you.' (Salinas) 3+2 s kinsa.pu 'three, then' (Salinas) Jiw.x.i.pu. 'He died. 1 (Salinas) 3+3 s S. istu.pu. 'He told us. 1 (Jopoqueri) 3+4 s sa.ta.pu:.xa. 'it's called' (repeating name of place) say (Corque) Saw Jan p"ista.pu , sa.na.w. 'It's called the fiesta of San Juan. 1 (Sitajara) PAGE 520 503 Jall s.i.pi. 'So they say.• (Sitajara) 3+3 s Intint.i.pi:.xa. 'She understands!?' (Sitajara) 3+3 s Nina.n.pi.ch. 'Or in the fire.• (Tarata) -cha alternative question suffix 7-2.22.5 Combinations of final suffixes 7-2.22.51 -pi.lla ~ -pi.ya These occur more often than plain /-pi/. As /-pi.ya/ frequently reduces to /-pi~y/, indistinguish able from /-pi:/, it is not possible to tell which is occurring unless /-pi:/ is followed by -xa. The distri bution of /-pi. lla/ and /-pi.ya/ does not exactly corre spond to that of /-lla/ and /-ya/. Sacca and Jopoqueri, which have only /-lla/ occurring without a previous final suffix, both have /-pi .ya/. Juli has both /-pi .ya/ and /-pi. lla/, although it too has only plain /-lla/. Both /-pi.ya/ and /-pi. lla/ occur in Huancan~ and Sita jara. Neither occurred in Calacoa, Morocomarca, or Calacala. La Paz has only /-pi.ya/. Examples: sa.sa.pi.y 'saying' (Sacca) PAGE 521 504 Sajama.xa uka Mururat gullu.n p'igi.pa.pi.y. mountain head 3p 'Sajama is the head (top) of that Mururata Mountain.' (Jopoqueri) Naya.t.pi.y. 'It was me! 1 (Juli) amiku.ja.pi. ll , jilata.ja.pi.ll 'my friend, my brother' (Juli) Q' . ana.p1.y. 'It is clear. 1 (Huancan~) pu:ri.pi.ll 'the poor' (Huancan~) < Spanish pobre I II. k t . n p 1 rmu . : . s . a . . p 1 . y. 1+3 s no Spanish 'I've been sick. 1 s. ta. pi. 11. 2+3 s 111 Not in Spanish, 11 you said.' (Sitajara) Yati.cha.ta.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. teach 2p 1+3 F (Sitajara) 'What you taught me, I'll teach him. 1 (La Paz/Campi) PAGE 522 505 Jani.~ jala.ga.y.i.ti.xa. no fall 3+3 s 'He didn't make it fall down.' (Vitocota) Kamisa.raki.x uka.x s.i.s.t.pi.y. h~ sey 1~ s 'Whatever will be will be, I said.' (Vitocota) Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) would replace /-pi.ya/ in the last two examples with /-puni.wa/ or -wa but would use /-pi.ya/ in the following: Jan pani. :.k.irist.x sar.irist.pi.y. no two go 1+3 D-1 'If I weren't married I'd go.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 7-2.22.52 -sa.ya ~ -sa.: exclamatory, emphatic /-sa.ya/ was found in Calacoa and in Tarata. /-sa.:/ occurred only rarely. Forms elicited for Remote Indirect Knowledge tense in Morocomarca usually had /-sa. :/, as did certain Simple tense forms with sa.na 'to say'. It also occurred in La Paz, Huancan~, and Sitajara. Examples: Puri.n.x.irij.chi.t.sa.y. NI 1+3 ~l 'Perhaps I would arrive.' (Tarata) PAGE 523 506 Chur.xa.ta:tsma.sa.:. 1 I gave it to you. 1 (Morocomarca) 1+2 RIK Sa.wiy.sma.sa. :. 1 I told you! 1 (Morocomarca) s Sa.rak.sma.sa. :. 1 I told you! 1 (La Paz) s Uka.sa.:. 1 There it is, that 1 s it. 1 (Sitajara) 7-2.22.53 -xa. lla ~ -xa.ya /-xa. lla/ has occurred only in Sitajara and Juli, both of which also have /-xa.ya/. /-xa.ya/ has also occurred in La Paz, Huancan~, Jopoqueri, Corque, and Calacala. It occurs most often on a verb with -chi Non-Involver in the stem. Examples: Uk.s yati.rak.chi.:ta.xa.lla. that know NI 2+3 F 1 You would know that. 1 (Juli) Usu.t.w sick 1+3 s wal lupi. t.xa.y japu t 11 aya. t.xa.y. very sunlighrcold 1 l'm very sick from the sun, from the cold. 1 (Juli) PAGE 524 Ayri.chi.xa.11 air NI 507 Ayri.xa.y chur.s.tam.x. give s 'It must have been bad air! Bad air gave it to you.' (Sitajara) Jaya.n.k.chi.xa.y. 'He's far away. 1 (La Paz) NI -Kuna wak'a.chi.:n.xa.y uka.xa.y what devil NI -that RDK 'What strange devil was that ... (Huancane) Uk 11 ama.ki.:.s.ka.k.chi.xa.y. NI 'That's the way it always is. 1 (Huancane) wawa.nak.pa.sti children 3p laka.xa.y chixchi.pacha.naka.ki mouth open 1 and her children had their mouths open ... 1 (Jopoqueri) Tinta.n.ka.rak.s.t.xa.y. 'I'm in the store.' (Corque) NI < Spanish tienda s Uka.t padre kiri.k.i.xa.y uka chiqa.xa.y then priest think 3+3 that true s 'Then the priest thought it was true .. (Calacala) PAGE 525 508 7-J Basic Sentence Types Basic sentence types in Aymara have been analyzed and described by Hardman et al. (1975:3.425-458). De fined by occurrences of the four basic sentence suffixes, they are as follows. (The order of the suffixes in each pair is not significant; the opposite order occurs also.) Questions Answer/Statement (-xa)/-ti (yes/no) -sa/(-xa) (information) The present research has turned up sentences with the suffix -ka (possibly a reduced form of aka or uka) in place of -xa in the information question and in the answer/statement. A plain -ka statement also occurred. Schematically, the -ka sentence types may be written as Question Answer/Statements (-ka )/-wa -ka/~ (No example of a *(-ka)/-ti yes/no question occurred in the data, but it may be presumed to exist.) Examples: PAGE 526 509 Kuna.s sut.ma.ka? 'What is your name?' (Morocomarca) Kuna.s uka.k? 'What is that?' (Calacala) Mis.na.ka jach'a.wa. 'My table is big. 1 (Morocomarca) Instances of vowel length where /-xa/ is found in other dialects, as indicated above, may be considered allo morphs of -xa, as in 7-4 7-4. 1 Aka.: misa.wa. 'This is a table.' Morphosyntactic Processes Reduplication This is a fairly productive process in Aymara. Certain noun roots are reduplicative, never occurring except in doubled form. These roots are to be dis tinguished from other noun, particle, and verb roots that may occur alone or reduplicated; when reduplicated, they form stems that act as new semantic units with meanings derived from their base roots. Noun and verb roots and certain suffixes may also reduplicate inter mittently for emphasis (a process here referred to as 'nonce reduplication'). There are certain roots of the canonical shape c 1 v 1 c 2 c 1 v 1 in which the initial CV is reduplicated (L. Martin-Barber, in Hardman et al. 1975: 3. 105-106). PAGE 527 510 7-4. 11 Reduplicative noun roots These are noun roots that never occur except in doubled form. They refer primarily to animals, plants, or other natural phenomena. Some of them may be onomato poeic, referring to the sound made by an animal or bird. Below are those that have occurred in this research, in alphabetical order. ch'umi ch'umi 5 kusi kusi jillu jillu lari lari .ligj__ l i qi suku suku suxu suxu t'uxu t'uxu 'woods' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'spider' (Juli) 'selfish person' (egoista) (Huancan~) 'evil little animal (an owl?) that turns into a cat' (La Paz/San Andres de Machaca) 'quail' (codorniz) (Juli) 'lightning' (Pomata, Chucuito) 'a dance' (Huancan{!) 'sound of rattle; rattlesnake' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) yellow or orange flower, reportedly used in Puno for medicine (Calacoa) aquatic plant with small round light green leaves that float on the water's surface, covering it like algae (Tiahuanaco) PAGE 528 511 wara wara 1 star' (all dialects) wira wira 'plant for making cough medicine' (Salinas) Some reduplicative noun roots found in pre-Hardman pub lished sources are the following: + h' .. C lQl ch' iqi + pul la pull a +t . am, tami 'beetles' (Tschopik 1948:112) 'spines' (Tschopik 1948:109) 'at nightfall' (Bertonio 1603b:185) 7-4. 12 Reduplicative stems occurring as nouns These consist of roots that may also occur singly. They sometimes lose the last vowel of the base root. The meaning may be an emphatic or plural, but not always. Examples: Particle: Nouns: mak.maki 'fast' maki 'fast, quickly' (Calacala) may.maya 'different' maya 'another' (Jopoqueri) gala.gala 'place of many stones' 'stone' (all dialects; also Bertonio 1603b:260) PAGE 529 512 guga.guga 'forest' .9.!!9.! 'tree' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio 1603b:260) g II i p. g II i pa 1 1 ate/ ear 1 y 1 g 11 ipa 'behind' g 11 ip.g 11 ip aruma 'late at night, early in the morning 1 (Juli) g'awa.g'awa 'gully, dry riverbed' (Jopoqueri) q'awa (this meaning in other dialects) sama. sama I lung I sama I breath 1 (Jopoqueri) sillu.sillu pinkish-purple flower with five little petals in form of a star sillu 'fingernail, toenail 1 (Calacoa) sip'u.sip'u 'wrinkle' sip'u 'wrinkle' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sullk.sullka 'youngest child' sullka 'younger' (La Paz/ Ti ahuanaco) Nouns from verb roots or stems: k 11 ari.k 11 ari muni.muni 9 1 ip.9 1 ipi 'fat-taker' k 11 ari.na 'to cut, butcher' (La Paz) 'a seed with a sharp point that catches on clothing' mun.i 'he wants' muna.na 'to want' (La Paz/ Tiahuan aco) 'piggy-back' g'ipi.na 'to carry on the back' (g'ipi also a noun root, 'bundle') (Calacoa) PAGE 530 513 7-4. 13 Nonce reduplication 7-4.13. 1 Nouns Reduplication that repeats for emphasis is quite common. P"irsa, strength p 11 irsa, na.x k'ata.mp chich lp more ama:. t"a. want s 'Strength, strength, I want more chicha (for strength)!' (Sitajara) Calacoa has a verse to introduce riddles that contains two reduplications of this type frozen into a jingle. May may sa.mama. F Kun ku n s . i ta : ta ? F 'One, one I'll say to you.' 'What, what will you say to me?' The following is an example of a reduplicative number phrase. tunka tunka juspajara.mpi 'ten (times) ten thank you' (e. g., 'thank you very, very much') (Juli) PAGE 531 514 Another common kind of reduplication is that in which the reduplicated noun root is suffixed with a complement/relational suffix or -ki nonfinal suffix. This kind of reduplication is common in all dialects, and phrases formed thereby are a subclass of head-head noun phrases that are not necessarily reduplicative (see my treatment of this in Hardman et al. 1975:3.375376). Examples: Interrogative: gawg 11 a.t gawg 11 a.t.s 'how many by how many?' (La Paz) Number: may.ni.t may.ni.t 'one by one' (La Paz, Calacoa) may.ni.r may.ni.r may.ni.r 'one by one by one' (Sitajara) Other nouns: jaya.t jaya.tak 'after a long time, over a long distance' (Campi) k"uska.t k"uska.r 'from everywhere' (de un canto) (Juli) k'ata.mpi k'ata.mpi 'little by little' (Juli) pachpa.t pachpa.t 'after a while' (Jopoqueri) ratu.t ratu.r 'from time to time' (Campi) PAGE 532 515 7-4.13.2 Verbs A verb stem before inflection or nominalization may be reduplicated for emphasis. ar.ch 1 uk yell ar.ch 1 uk.iritan 3+3 RIK 1 he yelled and yelled' (Calacoa) jacha jacha.na tear >N 1 to have one's eyes brimming with tears, to be about to cry• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Kat.j kat.ja.puni.ya:.wa. 1 ! 1 11 catch you somehow! 1 (Sacca) catch 1+3 F katu katu.ja.x wallat.x -catch 1+3 t 11 aga.si search uma.nt.t• drink F t 11 aga.s.iritan 3+3 RIK uma.nt.t•a.ma 2+3 I 1 I 1 ll catch the lake bird' (Calacoa) 'she searched and searched' (Calacoa) 1 drink, drink 1 (Sita,jara) una look una.na >N 1 to look many times• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) A whole inflected verb may be reduplicated, as follows: PAGE 533 516 amiku.ni.x.chi , amiku.ni.x.chi 1 they became good friends' friend NI (Huancane) jala.nta.n , jala.nta.n fly 3+3 F 'they will fly, they will fly' (Jopoqueri) A whole sentence may be reduplicated. Um lag.su.tay s.i , um lag.su.tay s.i. water drink 3+3 say 3 3 RIK S 'She drank the water, they say, she drank the water, they say.' 7-4. 13.3 Suffixes Reduplication of suffixes differs from that of roots in not usually resulting in emphasis or plurality. Verbalization or nominalization may recur on a stem, as in the case of the verbalizer -kabelow. The suffix -na possessive/locational also reduplicates. In order to reduplicate, these suffixes must be separated by nominalization, in this case with -iri. Juma.n.k.iri.n.k.i.wa. 2p >N -:3+3 s 'It's your spouse's (property). 1 (La Paz/Campi) The following occurred in Sacca but was not ac ceptable in La Paz: PAGE 534 517 Uta.ja.n.ka.n.ka.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 'I was in my house. 1 ---RDK The La Paz equivalent has no reduplication. Uta.xa.n.ka.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 'I was in my house. 1 RDK + The Sacca example recalls the verb kanka'to be' alleged by Bertonio and his imitators {see 8-2.23). Verbal derivational suffixes which may redupli cate are -sireciprocal/reflexive, ::.B:__ causative, the incompletive -ja~ -ka-, and the completive -xa-. {The incompletive and completive suffixes reduplicate only when separated by .:.Q.:_ plural). In all dialects the nonfinal independent suffix -ki may reduplicate for empha sis, as may .:.Qi nonfinal independent in Calacoa. The noun/independent -jama reduplicates also. The only other noun suffix that has reduplicated in this research is -lla diminutive. 7-4.2 Subordination Subordination is an important area of Aymara grammar. One kind of subordination occurs in the noun phrase {see my treatment of noun phrase formation in Hardman et al. 1975:3.363-379). Nouns may be subordinated PAGE 535 518 as modifiers in noun phrases, which allow recursive embeddings of up to five nouns or nominalized forms, the head of the phrase constituting a sixth. Nouns within a noun phrase must be ordered. Example: k 11 a: jach'a wila punku.n tinta taypi.n that big red door store middle 'in the middle of that store with the big red door' Such extensive noun embedding occurs rather infrequently. The longest noun phrase to occur in a free text in this research is the following from La Paz/Campi: uka latinu. t that Latin anu.mp parl.ir d~_Jlk tata.x man 'that man who talked in Latin with a dog' PAGE 536 519 The basic Aymara verb phrase consists of a verb with one or more complements or relationals. In the above example, latinu.t anu.mp parl.ir is a nominalized verb phrase, consisting of the verb parla'speak' with -ta and -mpi relationals, nominalized with -iri 'actor' (see 7-4. 21. l). The following examples are of verb phrases nomi nalized with the suffix -na (also see 7-4.21.2): ch I uq0 apa.na 'to bring potatoes' (zero complement) jum0 irpa.na 'to bring you' (zero complement) juma.r chura.na 'to give to you' (-ru complement) Lapasa.r sara.i'ia 'to go to La Paz' (-ru relational) naya.t may.t'a.i'ia 'to borrow from me' (-ta complement) awtu.t apa.na 'to take by car' (-ta relational) uma.mp wayu.ni.waya.na 'to bring water' (-mpi relational) juma.taki chura.rapi.na 'to give on your (-taki complement) behalf' Lapasa.n ut.ja.i'ia 'to live in La Paz' (-na relational) Nominalization is one kind of subordination in Aymara. An inflected verb may not be nominalized, but a nominalized verb may be reverbalized and then inflected. Nominalized PAGE 537 520 verbs may take subjects, complements, or relationals. As we have seen, they may be embedded in noun phrases. Embedding in verb phrases involves nominalized forms serving as zero complements and is more limited than is embedding in noun phrases. Two kinds of nominalization may be distinguished in Aymara: regular and restricted. Regular nominaliza tion creates nominals which within certain syntactic and semantic limits may take any noun suffixes. Restricted nominalization creates nominals which have been found to take only the final noun suffixes -jama and -kama (the former a borderline independent), but they function syntactically like regular nominalized forms. 7-4.21 Regular nominalization I previously analyzed this process in detail (Hardman et al. 3:270-279). Some changes in analysis are contained in the present treatment. 7-4.21. l -iri This suffix has two functions. In the first it changes a verb to a (habitual) doer of the action of the verb. In the second it is a purposive. 6 7-4.21.11 -iri actor, usual doer of action In this function verbs nominalized with -iri take noun suffixes freely, enter freely into noun PAGE 538 521 phrases, and may be complements of verbs. They may fill the paradigm slot for 3+3 Simple tense without verbaliza tion, as in Uma.nt. iri .w. 'They usually drink.' (Sitajara) 'They are drinkers.' Other examples: muru.s.iri 'hair-cutting godfather' (Socca) muru.na 'to cut hair' lik'i.ch.iri 'fat-maker' (Salinas) (cf. k"ari.s.iri) lik'i.cha.na 'to make fat' ach.ja.s.ir anu.x bite dog 'biting dog, dog that bites' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 7-4.21.12 -iri purposive In this syntactic function a verb nominalized with -iri does not usually take any noun suffixes except the borderline noun/independent suffix -jama. As pur posive -iri occurs on a verb subordinated syntactically to another verb. It translates as 'in order to, for the purpose of' and answers questions like the following: Kuna.ru.s } Kuna.taki.s why jut. ta / 2-+3 s 'Why did you come?' PAGE 539 522 Aymar yati.q.iri.w jut.ta. learn s Other examples: 1 I came to learn Aymara. 1 (La Paz/Campi, Morocomarca; similar answers elsewhere) Luriya mis is.t'.ir sara.w.sna.y. heaven mass hear go 4+3 D-1 'We should go to hear mass in Heaven.• (luriya < Spanish gloria 'heaven') (Juli; story of fox and condor) Ma: imilla.s uwij awat.ir sar.iritan. go 3+3 RIK a girl sheep herd 'A girl went out to pasture her sheep.' (Calacoa) Um way. t. iri .w bring sara.nh. F 'I'm going to bring water.' (Sitajara) Sara. tayn jisk. t'. iri. 'He went to ask. 1 (Sacca) go ask RIK Iwij ala.s.ir.jama.w naya.x jala.ni.way.t.wa. sheep buy like lp run over s 1 I ran over to buy sheep, sort of.' (La Paz/Campi) PAGE 540 523 In Salinas the following were given with the final suffix /-ru/, an allomorph of -iri on verbs ending in stem vowel /u/. ch'axch'u.ru 'in order to water, person who waters' t II ugu. ru I in order to dance, dancer 1 In all Aymara dialects a final verb root vowel /u/ over rides a following /i/ by regular morphophonemic rule, but it does not usually affect any subsequent /i/ as in this case; the word for 'dancer' in La Paz is t 11 ugu.ri. The rule in Salinas may reflect an earlier stage of vowel harmony in the language. 7-4.21.2 na vAll verb roots may take -na to form an infini tive (abstract noun of the action) which may or may not imply obligation. Most verb stems may also take -na. Examples of verb roots and stems nominalized with -na were given in 7-4.2. Some verb stems do not take -na if the stem does not take a human subject. The following examples show some semantic constraints operating in La Paz: apa.na 'to take' (human subject) PAGE 541 524 * t ~ ap.s. a.na 'for a human being to cloud over' Qinaya.x ap.s.t.i.w. 'It clouded over. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) cloud s Although *ap.s.ta.na is not grammatical, ap.s.t.i.w 'it clouded over' is, with an inanimate nonhuman subject. This recalls the behavior of verb themes created with the verbalizer -pta(see 5-3.42. 1). Some verb themes with-:verbalizer are similarly restricted in La Paz, e. g. lupi.:(from l!!..2_i 'sunlight'), because the nominalized form *lupi. :.na means 'for a person to become sunlight'. Whether these semantic constraints operate similarly in other dialects is not known at this time. Certain verb infinitives with -na may imply a nonhuman subject in one dialect but may permit a human subject in other dialects. An example is wawa.cha.na, which in La Paz means 'for animals to have offspring' while elsewhere it is not restricted to animals but may be used also for people. (See 8-2.25 for a fuller discussion of verb subject semantics.) Certain nominalizations with -na have derived meanings as concrete objects. Examples: iki.na 'to sleep; bed, blanket, bedding' (general) iya.na 'stone for grinding flour, etc. 1 (Juli) 'to grind' (Jopoqueri, Calacoa; possibly also Juli) iy.ta.na 'to grind' (Campi) PAGE 542 525 jaka.na 'to live; life' (general) jiwa.na 'to die; death' (general) jist 1 a.na 'to close• (La Paz); 1 door 1 (Calacoa) jist'a.ra.na •to open a door' (La Paz) jist'a.nta.na 'to close• (Calacoa) sit 1 a.na 1 door 1 (Salinas) (for other variants, see 3-4.23.1) panta.na 'to err, make a mistake; error• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) picha.na 'to sweep; broom• (La Paz) sawu.iia 'to weave; weaving, loom• (sawu noun/verb root 'to weave, weaving') (general) uma.na 1 to drink 1 ( genera 1) 'drinking cup used at festivals' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Nouns ending in -na but having no corresponding verb are the following, which must therefore be analyzed as unitary roots: jaxt 1 ana kankana kirkina 1 ugly 1 (Sitajara; other variants, 3-5.24) 'essence, nature, being, power' (La Paz) (See 8-2.23; not to be confused with homopho nous nominalized verb kanka.na 1 to fry') 'plant for salad' (La Paz) PAGE 543 526 liwk'afia 'hoe' (Salinas) simpafia 1 spider web' (all dialects) 7-4.21.21 -na abstraction of action Verb infinitives in citation form do not neces sarily imply an obligation. Many cases of -na nominaliza tions are nonobligatory when serving as zero complements of other verbs, especially if the verb nominalized with -na occurs without a personal possessive suffix and the final suffix -wa does not occur in the sentence. Verbs that frequently take -na zero complements are the following: ama:.na 'to want' (Sitajara) muna.na 'to want' (elsewhere) gallta.na 'to begin' (general) tuku.na 1 to finish' (general) yanapa.na 1 to help' (general) yati.na 'to know' (general) yati.nta.na 'to learn by oneself' (Calacoa) yati.ga.na 1 to learn from someone else' (Calacoa) 'to learn• (elsewhere) PAGE 544 -na: 527 ati.na 1 to be able 1 (Jopoqueri, Corque, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) puyri.na 1 to be able 1 (elsewhere;< Spanish poder) Examples of nonobligatory zero complements with Kun.s what lura.n0 mun.ta? do want 2+3 Aymar parla.n0 speak s ama:.t 11 a. want 1+3 s 1 What do you want to do? 1 (all dialects except Sitajara) 1 I want to speak Aymara. 1 (Sitajara) Uk 11 ama. 11 so g 11 ana.k clear sara.naga.si.n0 yat.chi. go around know NI •so it's clear she must know how to live. 1 (Sitajara) Surki.ya.n0 yanap.t 1 .ita. 1 Help me make furrows.• (Calacoa) furrow help 2+1 I surki < Spanish surco 7-4.21.22 -na obligatory Most sentences with a main verb nominalized with -na are translated as obligatory, especially when suffixed with -wa absolute (final suffix). Such sen tences, which contain no inflection, translate as 1 it is necessary to•, 1 we/one must', or a passive construction. PAGE 545 528 Examples: Yanap.xa.na.w. 'It is necessary to help.' (Huancane) Jira.na.wa. 'It is necessary to fertilize. 1 (Corque) With uma 'water' as zero com.plement: Um way.ta.na.wa. = 'To bring up water is necessary.' (Sitajara, La Paz/Compi) With uma 'water' as topic (or goal) of the action: Uma.x way.ta.na.wa. Uma.w way.ta.na.x. 'Water has to be brought up.' (La Paz/Compi)(e. g. 'Water is to bring up. 1 ) 'What has to be brought up is water.' (La Paz/Campi) Sentences like the last three above are to be distinguished from sentences consisting of a noun phrase made up of a modifier with its final vowel retained (unless the three-vowel rule applies) and a nominalized verb as head, e. g. Uma way.ta.na.wa. 'It's a place to bring up water from. 1 (i. e. a place to get water) (La Paz/ Campi) PAGE 546 529 A human third person topic may occur in a sen tence with a -na nominalized verb. Usu.ri.x un.ja.na.wa. 'The sick person {~!s} to be cared for. 1 (La Paz/Campi) sick see 3p Apart from the above types of occurrences, which are believed to be general, several paradigms of -na obligatory may be cited. Some are more common in certain dialects than in others. A -na nominalized verb may be reverbalized and then inflected for all persons except 3+3. This para digm has occurred in La Paz and Jopoqueri. The follow ing are examples with 1+3 and 2+3 Simple tense inflec t i on s, from La Pa z / Comp i : (Naya.x) lp (Juma.x) 2p chura.na.:. t.wa. give 1+3 s chura.na.:.ta.wa. 2+3 s 'I have to give to X. 1 'You have to give to X. 1 A -na nominalized verb plus the possessor suffix -ni may also be verbalized and inflected, usually to express obligation, as in the following examples from La Paz (Campi and Tiahuanaco). The paradigm is restricted PAGE 547 530 to 1+3, 2+3, and 4+3, with an uninflected unmarked form occurring instead of 3+3; the 4+3 form is uncommon and the paradigm as a whole is less common than the pre ceding one. Examples of 1+3 Sand the uninflected 3p form in this paradigm are Apa.na.ni.:. t.wa. 1 I have to carry. 1 carry l:;J s Apa.na.ni.wa. 'He/she/they has/have to carry.• A more common paradigm occurring in La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, and Calacoa has -na followed by one of the four personal possessive suffixes without verbalization or inflection. These forms act like inflected verbs but with a paradigm of only four persons. The third person complement is unmarked. The complete paradigm for La Paz is 1+3 (Naya.x) lp 2+3 (Juma.x) 2p 3+3 (Jupa.x) 3p chura.i'ia.xa.w. give rp chura.na.ma.w. 2p chura.na.pa.w. 3p 'I have to give to X. 1 'You have to give to X. 1 'He/she/they has/have to give to X. 1 PAGE 548 4+3 (Jiwasa.x) 4p 531 chura.na.sa.w. 4p 'We have to give to X. 1 When used in the above paradigm, the pronouns redundantly express subjects already expressed by the possessive suf fixes. However, a verb nominalized with -na plus a per sonal possessive suffix may also function as the head of a noun phrase modified by a noun plus the complement/ relational suffix -na possessive, as in the following examples from La Paz and Salinas: 1+3 (Naya.n) lp 1+3 2+3 3+3 (Naya.n) lp (Juma. n) 2p (Jupa. n) 3p chura.na.xa.w. give lp sara.na.na.w. go Tp sara.na.ma.w. 2p sara.na.pa.w. 3p 4+3 (Jiwasa.n) sara.na.sa.w. 4p 4p 'I have to give to X. 1 (La Paz) (My giving is obligatory. 1 ) 1 I had to go. 1 ( Sa 1 i nas) ('My going was obligatory.') 1 You had to go. 1 (Salinas) 'He (etc.) had to go. 1 (Salinas) 'We had to go.' (Salinas) An example of a possessive phrase of this type without a personal possessive suffix on the -na nomina lized verb is the following, which has an unusual PAGE 549 532 reversed word order: Sar.xa.na.w na.n.xa. 'I have/had to go. 1 (Sitajara) go lp In Jopoqueri and Morocomarca and to some extent in La Paz, a -na nominalized verb plus personal possessive suffix may be reverbalized (with vowel length) and then inflected. Most often, inflections occur, the subject then being the obligation that is possessed. In Moroco marca and inflections also occurred. Examples, all with the Remote Direct Knowledge tense, are as follows: Sar.xa.n.nha.:.:n.wa. 1 I had to go. 1 ( Jopoqueri ) go lp >V RDK ('My going was necessary.') s.itu.wa. not yet come 2p -:f+3 say RDK S 111 You shouldn't have come yet, 11 he said to me. 1 (Jopoqueri) Jani.ra.raki.s not yet juta.na.ma.:.ka.:n.ti.xa. come 2p RDK 'You shouldn't have come yet. 1 (La Paz/Campi) Jani.ra.w juma.x not yet 2p sara.~a.ma.:.ka.:n.ti. RDK 'You shouldn't have gone yet. 1 (La Paz/Campi) PAGE 550 533 Sara.na.ja.:.s.ka.:n.wa. 'I had to go. 1 (Calacoa) ('My going was necessary.') lp 3+3 RDK S ~ ~ t" ara.n.na.:.ya a. 'I had to go. 1 (Morocomarca) Juma 2p lp 1+3 RDK sara.n.ma.:.yata. 2p 2+3 RDK 'You had to go.' (Morocomarca) Note that in the second example given above for La Paz/Campi the subject 2p pronoun juma does not corre spond to the 3p subject of the verbal inflection, 3+3 RDK -:na. In the second example given for Morocomarca, on the other hand, the 2p pronoun juma does correspond to the 2p subject of the verb inflection, 2+3 RDK -yata. Another paradigm built on a possessive phrase acting as subject occurred in Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala. It was objected to by a speaker from La Paz/Compi as sounding translated from Spanish. It uses the verb ut.ja.na 'to exist' with 3+3 inflection, here the Simple tense -i. In Jopoqueri the pronoun is suffixed with -na; in Morocomarca and Calacala it is not, as in the case of La Paz/Campi mentioned above. Examples: Juma.n 2p sar.xa.n.ma.w go 2p ut.j.i. 3+3 s 'You have to go.' (Jopoqueri) PAGE 551 534 (Naya) lp (Jupa) 3p sara.n.na ut.j.i. go lp sara.n.ma ut.j.i. -rp sara.n.pa ut.j.i. 3p 'I have to go.' (Morocomarca) 'You have to go. 1 (Morocomarca) 'He/she/they has/have to go. 1 (Morocomarca) (Jiwasa) *sara.n.sa ut.j.i. 'We have to go.' (not elicited) 4p An example that occurred in a sentence was Juma kumpli.n.ma ut.j.i. 'You must comply.' (Calacala) comply 2p 7-4.21.23 -na.taki subordination The combination -na plus -taki complement/ relational 'for' may be used as a purposive subordinate with a less narrow focus than -iri. However, verbs nominalized with -na often take -taki as any other noun might, without subordination to another verb. Liwru.x kuna.taki.sa? 'What is the book for?' book what Liwru.x liyi.na.taki.w. 'The book is for reading. 1 (La Paz) read PAGE 552 535 Such sentences are parallel to the following: Aka.x k 11 iti.taki.sa? 1 Who is this for? 1 this who Uka.x juma.taki.w. 1 That is for you. 1 (La Paz) that 2p -na.taki occurs in all dialects. -n.taki occurred in Huancan~ by the three-vowel morphophonemic rule (4-3.22.16). In Jopoqueri -n.taki occurred in free texts and in one sentence translated from Spanish. Data are insufficient at present to determine the sig nificance of the vowel drop in Jopoqueri. A distinction of subordinating (purposive) and nonsubordinating func tions may be involved. Examples: K 11 iti who ut.j.i.t s sara.n.taki ? 1 Is there someone to go? 1 (Jopoqueri) go --Yati.ga.na.taki.w jut.ta. 1 earn 1-+3 s 1 I 1 ve come in order to learn. 1 (Jopoqueri) The second example above is clearly a purposive subordi nated to the verb jut.ta 1 I 1 ve come•. Other examples from other dialects: PAGE 553 536 Aka yapu.t trawaji.na.tay, yapu.nak trawaji.na.tay, field work uka.x ... chicha.xa lura.na.w, chicha.x piwuna.tay. make 'Chicha has to be made, chicha for the workers, to work this field, to work the fields. 1 (Sitajara) Uka.pacha.ki.w p"alt.tma aymar yati.ga.n.ma.taki. that lack 3+2 learn s 'Only a little is lacking to you, for learning Aymara.' (Morocomarca) 7-4.21.3 -vta realized action, resultant This suffix requires a preceding vowel and keeps its own vowel except before consonant-requiring suffixes or when zero complement vowel drop occurs. Unlike -ta complement/relational suffix 'from, of 1 , it does not have an aspirated allomorph in any dialect so far encountered. It is distinguished from all other homopho nous suffixes by morphophonemics as well as by distribu tion and function. Like all nouns, -ta nominalized forms may occur in the Simple tense slot. Uwija.x wali sisa.ra.ta.w. sheep sate 'The sheep were well sated (had eaten their fill).' (Sitajara) PAGE 554 537 Ima.nta.ta.w. 'He/she/it/they is/are hidden. 1 (Juli) The two examples above translate in English with past participles or passives. Not all -ta nominalizations necessarily do. Qamagi.w sar.k.xa.t fox go s.i.w. 3+3 s Wawa.naka.na.x mag'a.ta.wa. 8 children eat 'The fox was gone for good, they say. 1 (Huancan~) 'My children have {been fed. 1 eaten. 1 (Salinas) Q 11 ana t 1 ant 1 a.x mang'a.ta.w. 'Clearly, the bread has been clear bread eat eaten. 1 (La Paz/Compi) As indicated in 6-3.35.2, synchronically unitary allo morphs of 3+3 RIK, all of which contain the partial /-ta-/, may be analyzed as derived from -ta nominalizer plus verbalization and either 3+3 Sor 3+3 RDK inflec tion. Synchronically -ta nominalizations may be rever balized with-:as in the following examples from Huancan~: kumpa.na.ta.:.p.x.i 'they went around together' 3+3 S < Spanish acompanar 'to accompany' Yati.ta.:.p.xa.tayna.w. 'They really came to know each other.' know 3+3 RIK PAGE 555 538 Other examples of reverbalizations: ampara. t kat. t 11 api. ta. : . na hand/arm grab 1 to be grabbed by the hand' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) I t ~ mang a.ga. a.:.na eat 1 to have one's food taken away' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Tuk'a.pta.ta.raki.:.:n.wa. 1 He was thin.' (Salinas) thin >V 3+3 RDK Jayp 1 u.:.ta.x.t.wa. 'I'm getting old. 1 (Sacca) evening 1+3 s As in the case of -na nominalizations, personal possessive suffixes often occur after -ta. Jupa.x } Jupa.n 3p Qawg 11 a.ti how much 9 sar.xa.ta.pa.w. 3p gawg 11 .ch 1 a.ti aka kwint.t'a.p.xa.mama. this tell 1+2 F 1 It looks like he left.' (La Paz/Campi) yati. ta.j know 1 p 'However much I know, this I will tell you.' (Huancan~) PAGE 556 539 Muna.t.nha.x love lp ch 1 aq 11 i .w. lose 3+3 s 'What I loved got lost. 1 (Jopoqueri) A paradigm on the verb jaqu.rpa:.na 'to throw away' was elicited in Jopoqueri on the basis of a form that occurred in conversation in Sitajara: jagu.rpa:.t.pa.t 'after his throwing away, after he threw it away', which has the personal possessive 3p followed by -ta comple ment/relational, here meaning 'after'. This was the only instance for Sitajara of a personal possessive preceded by a consonant instead of a vowel and probably is a vestige of an earlier morphophonemic rule like that now operating regularly in Morocomarca and sporadically in Jopoqueri (see 5-3.24). The Jopoqueri paradigm based on the Sitajara form is the following: jagu.rpa:.t.nha 'what I threw out' lp jaqu.rpa:.t.ma 'what you threw out' 2p (e. g. a former girl friend) jagu.rpa:.t.pa 'what he/she/they threw out' -rp jagu.rpa:.t.sa 'what we threw out' 4p PAGE 557 540 The following examples are of -ta nominalizations without possessives. They translate as subordinate verb clauses. < Iyaw > sa. ta.w sara. tayn yes say go 3+3 RIK s.i.w. 3+3 s "'Yes, 11 said, she went on her way, they say. ' (Juli) ('Agreeing, she went on her way.') Manq'a.t awt.ja.ta.w manq'a.si.tayn. food hunger eat 3+3 RIK 'Of food hungered, he ate. 1 (La Paz/Compi) ('As he was hungry, he ate.') Aka jallu gall.ta.ta, this rain begin jich"a primir ti akustu.t now first of August sata.si.p.x.t. aka yapu.nak.s plant 1+3 fields s 'The rain (having) started, now on the first of August we pl anted these fields. 1 ( Corque) It is difficult for a person who is not a native speaker of Aymara to distinguish Calacala forms such as ma.n[d]a.ta.w 'entered', with -ta nominalizer, from the almost homophonous 3+3 RIK ma.n[d]a.taw(i) 1 (he) entered' if the final /i/ of the latter is dropped or devoiced. PAGE 558 541 The following example as it stands is ambiguous, although a native speaker would probably hear a devoiced /a/ or /i/ and therefore would know which is occurring. Llawi.n.[d]a.t ma.n[d]a. { ta.w(a)} taw( i) 3+3 RIK , s. i.w. say 3+3 s { he was gone in,} '(The door) locked they say.' (Calacala) he went in, ('(The sexton) having locked him in, (the priest) went in (to the bedroom).') The following sentence from a folk tale told by a Jopoqueri source has subordinated verbs nominalized with -iri purposive, -na.taki purposive, and -ta resultant: Tatala.p irp.t'.ir sara.ta.:.ni.n.pa.taki.x father 3p get go 3p wawa.nak.x yapi.n[d]a.ta.w children tie up wawa.lla.naka.x sa.tayn. children treat give 2+1 say 3+3 I RIK 'While she went to get their father, (leaving) the children tied up, the children said (to the ostrich), "Give us a treat".' PAGE 559 542 (Through a slip of the tongue, the storyteller said 'leaving the children tied up', when actually it was the ostrich that had been left tied.) 7-4.21.4 wi ~ -:wi ~ -awi v--------'place or occasion of action' -•f!> No examples of this suffix occurred in free texts in this research, showing it is not very productive today. A check with V~squez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) of forms with this suffix given by Bertonio (1603b) resulted in sub stitution of +-wi by -ta nominalizer in most instances. In contemporary La Paz/Tiahuanaco Aymara some forms occur with -wi, others with -:wi. Only one instance of -awi was found. The following are all from La Paz/ Tiahuanaco: yura.wi 'place of birth' yuri.na 'to be born' yati.wi 'news' yati.na 'to know' yati.ga.wi 'place where one learns' yati.ga.na 'to learn' iki.:wi 'bedroom' iki.na 'to sleep, bed' jay.cha.si.wi 'past quarrel' jay.cha.si.na 'to quarrel' sata.wi 'time to plant' sata.na 'to plant' tanta.cha.wi 'meeting, gathering' tanta.cha.na 'to gather' jiwa.wi 'death' jiwa.na 'to die, death' PAGE 560 543 Llaki.s.ka.wi.w sar.nag.i. worry go s 'He's always going around worried.' The following from La Paz/Campi show the closeness of meaning o~ -ta and -wi nominalizers. Yati.cha.ta.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. 'What you taught me I teach will teach him.' F Yati.cha.wi.m yati.cha.:.pi.y. 'Your teaching I will teach to him.' 7-4.22 Restricted nominalization The restricted nominalizing suffixes are -sa, -sina ~ -sina:n ~ -sana ~ -sna, and -ipana. 7-4.22. l sa and sina (and variants) vv-Distribution of these suffixes will be discussed first, and afterwards their functions and semantics. In Juli and Sacca -sa is rarely used except with sa.na 'to say' in embedding (see 7-4.4). In all dialects -sa is more used than -sina (and variants) in sa.na embedding. The allomorph /-sina:n/ occurred only once, in a text from Achocalla, just outside the city of La Paz; it is recognized by Yapita (La Paz/Campi) as a variant used in some areas. The allomorph /-sina/ also occurs PAGE 561 544 in Achocalla and in all other dialects investigated except Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala, which have /-sana/. Both /-sina/ and /-sna/ are used in Juli, Sacca, and parts of La Paz, apparently interchangeably. Of the older sources, Bertonio (1603b) reported both +-sa and +-sina. LaBarre (1950) cited both also, but the former more often than the latter. Tschopik (1948) sources evidently used +-sa rarely, with greater use of +/-sna/ and +/-sina/, especially the former. Two texts obtained in most dialects illustrate variation in occurrences of -sa and ~sina (and variants of the latter). The first is a saying about reporting on the basis of personal knowledge (seeing with one's own eyes), which was obtained in all Aymara dialects except Calacoa and Sitajara. The version obtained in Sacca, which has /-sna/, is given below. (Other ver sions may be found in Appendix D.) Un.ja.sn.wa see see 1+3 s sa.na.xa. say Jan un.ja.sn.xa no see jani.w no see sa.na.ti. say 'Having seen, one must say "I have seen". Not having seen, one must not say "I have seen".' The following is a breakdown of incidence of -sa and PAGE 562 545 -sina (and variants) in this saying by the dialect areas where it was obtained: -sa (La Paz, Salinas) /-sina/ (Juli, Huancane) /-sna/ (Sacca) /-sana/ (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) In all versions the main verb is sa.na, usually in the obligatory form sa.na.wa, and the subordinate verb is un.ja.na ~ in.ja.na 1 to see•. The second text is a riddle about a spindle, which was obtained everywhere except in Sitajara, Sacca, and Huancane. Most dialects have -sa in this riddle, as in the following version from Salinas. (Other ver sions may be found in Appendix D.) Ma: tawagu.xa muy.ka.s muy.ka.s wal a young woman turn well Uka kuna.sa? Uka.pi.y gapu.w. that what that spindle I •t g l .X.l. expand 3+3 s 1 A young woman turning, turning gets pregnant. 1 What is that? That is a spindle. 1 PAGE 563 546 Juli and La Paz use the same subordinate verb as that used here, muy.ka.na; others are t 11 ugu.na or t 11 ug.ta.na 'to dance, leap' (La Paz) and tan.ja.na 'to run• (Jopo queri). The following is the breakdown of incidence of the suffixes in this riddle, by dialect: -sa (La Paz, Juli, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) /-sina/ (Juli, Calacoa) Juli and Calacoa have the main verb usu.ri. :.na 'to be ill 1 (euphemism for 'to be pregnant') with different subordinate verbs. The versions with -sa have one of the following variants of 'to get pregnant, expand': q 1 ita.na (Salinas and Jopoqueri), g'inta.na (Salinas), q'ipta.na (Juli), and g 11 ipta.na (La Paz). It seems that where La Paz dialects would use -sa or /-sina/, Juli and Socca would use either /-sina/ or /-sna/, except that those dialects do use -sa with sa.na, as noted above. Use of both /-sna/ and /-sina/ in one sentence in a folk tale is the following from Juli. May t 11 ugu.ka.ni.sn once jump kasara.s.ir.n marry punku. pa. ru door 3p may say.ta.sin once stand up kasara.s.iri.r, ara padrinu.r, marry godfather (continued) PAGE 564 547 tagi iw.x.iri.nak pug.pach ch 11 uxa.ni.wa.sin all advise full urinate t ll t •t ug.s. a.n1.w.x.1r1 ayn. escape 3+3 RIK 'All at once giving a jump, standing up at the door of the married couple, urinating all over them, the godparents, and the advisors (other wedding guests), he escaped. 1 This heavily subordinated sentence closes the story of a skunk-turned-man who attends and ultimately disrupts a wedding. As for function and semantics, -sina is some times used when the subjects of the main and subordinate verb are different, in parts of La Paz (for example Achocalla) where the use of -ipana (7-4.22.2) is rare. Dialects having -ipana use -ipana when the subjects are different, and use -sa and -sina (or variants of the latter) when the subjects are the same. Some writers have claimed that -sa indicates an action simultaneous with the action of the main verb, while -sina indicates an action occurring before the action of the main verb. This claim is not supported by evidence obtained in this study. Numerous examples obtained in free texts undermine any argument for a simul taneous/nonsimultaneous distinction (or any other con sistent distinction) between -sa and -sina, as will be seen below. PAGE 565 548 A speaker from Morocomarca accepted the first of the following pair, with /-sana/, but rejected the second, with -sa. Jamach'i bird ap.ta.si.sana, pick up sar.x.i.wa. go 1+3 s 'Picking up the birds, he left.' (Morocomarca) *Jamach'i ap.ta.si.sa , sar.x.i.wa. The reason for rejection of /-sa/ in this context is probably semantic, but is yet to be determined with certainty. The role of the final suffix -wa must be taken into account in determining the factors condi tioning acceptability. In Campi and Tiahuanaco it appears that -sa implies more personal knowledge of the subordinated topic than does -sina (Hardman et al. 1975:3.234-235). On the basis of present evidence this distinction cannot be confirmed for Aymara as a whole. Both -sa and -sina {and variants) may take -wa absolute sentence suffix, and like -sina, -sa may occur with the Remote Indirect Knowledge tense in stories. Examples: Uka.t tiwula.xa wayna.ru then fox youth tuk.t'a.sa.w jik.xata.tayna. turn meet 3+3 RIK 'Then a fox who had turned into a young man met her.' (La Paz/Compi) PAGE 566 549 Q l . t t k . . t 11 t I amag1.xa wa 1 con en o, us1.:.s1.sa, ug. a.s,.sa , fox very contented feel happy dance muyu.si.sa turn ispiritu.x galla.si.sin.x spirits carry ma: jach'a taki.ru a big road katu.n[d]a.sina. take sar.x.i go 3-+3 s 'The fox, very content, feeling happy, dancing, turning, went away carrying the spirits {birds), taking a main road.' (Salinas) The suffix -sina does occur in personal knowledge accounts. An example of /-sina/ in discussion of one's childhood (a context where personal knowledge forms would be expected) is the following, in which it is used with two subjects: Uka.n jila.wa:.sin.xa propietario na.ru.x there grow owner lp intirisi.way.x.itu.x. interest 'There, where I had grown up, the owner began to take an interest in me. 1 (Achocalla) An example of /-sina/ with the sentence suffix -wa is the following from Huancan~: PAGE 567 550 Iklisa.t church jich 11 a.x now mistu.w.sina.w father 2p 'Now coming out of the church, "Where will the father arrive, your father will arrive, 11 they said.' ('Coming out of the church, they asked him when his father would arrive.') An example of /-sna/ with -wa sentence suffix occurred in the Socca version of the saying about seeing with one's own eyes. The same Socca source used /-sna/ in an account of his younger days. On the basis of the inconclusive evidence here adduced, it appears that the distinction, if any, between -sa and -sina is now becoming blurred. Either suffix may serve to indicate simultaneous or previous action, subject to certain semantic restrictions inherent in verb roots and stems. Either may indicate personal or nonpersonal knowledge. Semantic restrictions governing the use of the suffixes may be shared by several dia lects or may be dialect-specific. Further study is needed to establish the facts about the two suffixes. PAGE 568 551 7-4.22.2 -ipana and variants As noted above, this suffix is used when the sub jects of the main verb and of the subordinate verb are different. Time is not the significant factor, as the -ipana subordinated action may take place before, during, or after the action of the main verb. This suffix is used only infrequently in certain dialects, especially those of La Paz. In Jaqaru there exists a cognate subordinating paradigm of 11 persons, with two separate suffixes for 3+3, one used when the subjects of the main and subordinate verb are the same and one when they are different. In the Jaqaru paradigm -ipana occupies the 3+3 slot for different subjects (Hardman 1966). Only one Aymara dialect, Morocomarca, has been found to have a productive use of more than -ipana, and that dialect has a paradigm of only four persons: 1+3, 2+3, 3+3, and 4+3. Although no attempt was made to elicit the paradigm in Calacala, it probably occurs there also; the -ipana form occurred more often in Calacala texts than in any others. In Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Huancan~ only 3+3 -ipana occurred spontaneously in translations of Spanish elicitation sentences and in free texts, but forms for 1+3, 2+3, and 4+3 were acceptable there. PAGE 569 552 The paradigm was also reported by Bertonio, but he noted that only the first person +-ijana, second + . d th. d + . . 1 person -1mana, an 1r person -1pana were 1n genera use, the form +-isana (which we call fourth person) being very rare in the province of Chucuito and +-ipana being used more often for all persons (Bertonio 1603b:37). Attempts to elicit the paradigm in dialects lack ing it, using sentences translated from or similar to Jaqaru sentences cited by Hardman (1966) or based on examples given by Bertonio (1603b), resulted in Aymara sentences with a variety of tenses or nominalized forms. The following sentence was inspired by an example cited by Bertonio (1603b:234) which had +_ijana on the subor dinated verb: Mang'a.na.x.kama.x Pedru.r awisa.ni.rap.ita. eat lp notify 2+3 I 'While I'm eating, {you) notify Pedro for me.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Examples of forms elicited for each of the four persons in the paradigm are given below. In dialects having the forms, variations follow those found in per sonal possessive suffixes. -ipana is treated last as more can be said about it in view of its greater general ity and more frequent occurrence. PAGE 570 553 1+3 /-ijana/ (accepted in Huancan~; also cited in Bertonio 1603b) /-inana/ (Morocomarca; accepted in Salinas, but Future, 0-1, or 0-2 tenses preferred there) /-inhana/ (Jopoqueri) Examples: Naya jan jut 11 a.n.inana jiwa.ya.si.spana. lp no come kill 3+3 0-1 1 If I don't come he may kill himself. 1 (Morocomarca) ~lO jayt.inan jiw.xa.spa.wa. lp leave-die 3+3 0-1 1 If I leave him he may die. 1 (Salinas) jayt.inhan.xa 1 p 1 eave jiw.x. iriji .w. 3+3 0-1 1 If I leave him he may die. 1 (Jopoqueri) 2+3 -imana (Morocomarca, Jopoqueri, Salinas; acceptable in Huancan~; also Bertonio 1603b) Examples: Juma jan jut 11 a.n.imana no come jiwa.ya.si.:.wa. ki 11 1+3 F 1 If you don't come I'll kill myself. 1 (Morocomarca) PAGE 571 554 jiw.xa.spa.wa. (Salinas) die 3+3 D-1 Jum jayt.iman.xa jiw.x. iriji .w. (Jopoqueri) die 3+3 D-1 'If you leave him he may die.' 4+3 -isana (Morocomarca, Jopoqueri; accepted in Salinas and Huancane; also cited in Bertonio 1603b) Examples: Jiwasa jan jut 11 a.n.isana jup 11 a 3p jiwa.ya.si.spana. 4p no come kill 3+3 D-1 1 If we don't come he may kill himself. 1 (Morocomarca) jiw.xa.spa.wa. (Salinas) die 3+3 D-1 Jiwas jayt.isan.xa jiw.x. iriji .w. die 3+3 D-1 (Jopoqueri) 'If we leave him he may die.' 3+3 /-i:pana/ (Salinas; some speakers have -ipana) /-ipuna/ (Calacala) [-ieuna] /-ipana/ /-ipna/ (elsewhere, including Calacala; also cited in Bertonio 1603b and Ebbing 1965} (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; occurred only frozen to sa.na 'to say' as s.ipna) PAGE 572 555 The following examples are all from free texts: Sar.i:pan.kama.t go chikutillu.x jagu.x.ta.n.i.x. whip whip 3+3 s 'When they had left ... the whip flailed (the others)' (Salinas) Q'urawa.ru slingshot ucha.nta.sana g'uraw.t'a.tayna set sling 3+3 RIK jach'a gullu.ru k 11 un.j.ipan.xa. bit mountain snow -uka 'Having set the slingshot, he hurled it at that big mountain where it had snowed heavily.' (Jopoqueri) Uka.t pur.i[s]un k 11 ita.n[d]a.:t. then arrive send 2+3 F 'Then when (the day) arrives, you will send her.' (Calacala) Jan mam.it ut.j.ipan un.s.ta.n.s.ta. no mother be appear NI 2+3 s 'Since there was no mother (no one to treat us like a mother) you appeared.' (Juli) Jan sar.x.ipan jani.w sar.k.t.ti. no go -no go 1+3 s 'Since he didn't go, I didn't go.' (La Paz/Campi) PAGE 573 556 Kims t'uq.t.ipana.w ap.su.wja.tan three burst take out 4+3 F 'When they burst three times, we'll take them out.• (Calacoa) Qamaqi.x t"uqu. ritayn fox dance 3+3 each RIK p 11 all. ipan. each explod_e_ I t t p u . J. . 1 pan , pop 'The fox danced around each time one popped, each time one exploded. 1 (Sacca) (Examples on the verb sa.na 'to say' are given in 7-4.4.) /-ipana/ occurs relatively infrequently on ver balized nouns. In La Paz, verbalization with..:...:...::. fol lowed by /-ipana/ means 'thanks to', unless -layku 'on account of' is also on the stem, in which case verbaliza tion plus /-ipana/ means 'due to', sometimes with a connotation of blame. The vowel length goes on the /i/ of /-ipana/. The following examples are from La Paz/ Tiahuanaco, inspired by some similar ones by Ebbing (1965). K 11 it.i:pan.s who jiwasa.x 4p aymar qillga.n yati.g.tan? write learn 4+3 s 'Thanks to whom have we learned to write Aymara?' PAGE 574 557 Tuktura Hardman.i:pan(w) jiwasa.x aymar qillga.n doctor yati.q.tan. 'Thanks to Dr. Hardman we have learned to write Aymara.' The following is from La Paz/Compi: K 11 iti.layku.:pan.s jut.ta. 'On whose account did you come?' come 2+3 s 7-4.23 Subordination with final suffixes 7-4.23.l -sa 11 This suffix may be used to link sentences as well as parts of sentences. It also occurs on inter rogatives {see 5-2.1) and on jani negative {7-4.52). In the following examples -sa usually translates as Ii f I : karta.ni.:.ta:t.sa 1+3 RIK 'if I had received a letter' {Tarata, near Sitajara) Jut.ka.sapan.s jani.pini.w come 3+3 = no qatuq.k.iriska:t.ti. receive 1+3 D-2 D-2 'If he had come I wouldn't have received him.' {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) PAGE 575 558 7-4.23.2 -xa topic/attenuator This suffix often acts like a subordinator of verbs in La Paz (Hardman et al. 1975:3.453). Other dialects, such as Sitajara, Salinas, Calacala, and Jopo queri, more frequently use other types of subordination. The following examples all occurred with different sub jects for the main and subordinate verbs. In most cases the tense of the main and the subordinate verb is the same. (No examples of/-:/ allomorph of -xa topic/attenuator or of -ka final suffix occurred as subordinators.) Pug.u.xa al.ja.si.p.k.t 11 a naya.x. produce sell 1+3 lp s 'If it produces, we sell. 1 (Calacala) p 11 all a. ni. xa juma. xa wal i t 11 ugu .wa.: ta. x. each burst 3+3 2p well dance 2+3 F F 'Each time one bursts, you will dance a lot.' (Sacca) Juma.x tij.itasma.x 2p leave 2+1 D-1 g'awa.ru ravine jala.nta.s.k.irista. throw into 1+3 D-1 'If you were to leave me, I'd throw myself into a ravine.• (San Andr~s de Machaca) PAGE 576 559 Sapa.:.s.k.irist.x wiyaja.s.k.irist.w. alone 1+3 travel 1+3 / I ,,,. " 0-1 D-1 1 If I were single, I'd travel.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Q 11 a n tat i. tayi. X 9 11 ipa.n tul.tayi.x wal dawn 3+3 after very RIK ~ tll una.nuga.s1.wa.x. a. look 1+2 s 'At dawn, from then on, I tried hard to see.' {Sitajara) 7-4.23.3 -ti.xa and -ti.ya These combinations occur on interrogatives (see 7-4.24), demonstratives, and verbs. -ti.xa is more frequent than -ti.ya; in fact, no examples of -ti.ya occurred in the data for this study, although it did occur in data from La Paz used by Hardman et al. {1975). -ti.xa has occasionally occurred as subordinator without a following uka summarizer in the sentence (see 7-4.24 and 7-4.3), but only in the speech of persons associated with missionary groups. Examples: sa.sa.w sa.tayna.x. marry 1+3-say 3-+3 S RIK 111 To a really rich man I'll marry my child, not to just anyone, not to a poor man, (not) to a poor person from my own town like (the one) I married 11 saying, he said.' (Huancan~; said by a Seventh Day Adventist) Kat.ja.:.ti.xa wal catch 1-+3 uk.x tuku.si.ya.:.x war.ir.pun finish 1+3 cry F F tuku. si .ya.: .x. 'When I catch her I'll kill her, (she) crying I'll finish her.• (Sacca) 7-4.24 Interrogative as indefinite (translating as relative) Interrogatives serving as indefinites usually occur with -ti.xa, but may instead occur with -sa indefi nite or -xa attenuator, and it is the final suffixes rather than the interrogatives that perform the subordi nation. Interrogatives translating as relatives are often followed by uka resumator. Examples: Kun. s what kuynt.t 1 a.wa.rak.sma.xa nayra timpu.x tell 2-+3 old time s s. i. wa. 3-+3 s 'What I am telling you was told in olden times. 1 (Juli) PAGE 578 561 Kuna p 11 utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s uka.nak what photos come out those apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y. send 2-+l F 'Whatever photos come out, those please send to me.' (Corque) Qawg.ch'a.kama.ti.x sar.ka.:ta uk sara.s.ka.k.ma. how go 2-+3 go I 'However far you will go, keep on going there.' (Juli) (advice to keep on working hard toward a goal) Na.naka.xa lp gillga.ni.p.xa.mama.w Istarus Uniru.ru write 1-+2 United States kawki.n.k.ka.:ta.ti.x , uka.ru. where 2-+3 tfiere F 'We will write to you in the United States, wherever you may be, there.' (Juli) K 11 iti.ti.x lura.wi chur.k.tam.xa uka.raki.x who work give 3-+2 that s pallja. tpa. pay 3-+2 D-1 'Whoever gives you work, he should also pay you. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, inspired by sentence in Bertonio l603b:l58) PAGE 579 562 Persons educated or influenced by missionaries use more interrogatives as relatives than do other Aymara speakers. In missionary usage uka is often left out. Examples are given in 9-5. 7-4.3 uka linker and summarizer The demonstratives uka 'that' and (to a lesser extent) aka 'this' are used as sentence linkers and summarizers throughout the Aymara-speaking world. uka is by far the most frequent linker and summarizer in all types of discourse. 12 A folk tale about a lake bird (wallata) and a fox, told in Sacca, contains a total of 36 instances of uka and derived forms built on it and two instances of ak 11 ama 'like this'. A folk tale told in Huancane about a fox-turned-man who marries a rich girl contains 56 instances of uka and derived forms. While a controlled statistical study has yet to be made, it appears that the most common forms are uka.ta 'then' as linker and uk 11 ama 'like that, so, thus' as both 1 inker and summarizer. linker: Examples of uka as sentence Uka.t ma: qamaqi.xa sara.tayn jisk.t'.iri. then a fox go 3~3 ask RIK 'Then a fox went to ask. 1 {Sacca) PAGE 580 563 Uka.n wawa.pa.r nutifika.sitayn s.i.w. then child order 3+3 say RIK 1 Then he gave his chi 1 d an order, they say. 1 (Huancan~) Uka.r jani.y jig 11 a.ta.:.n muna.tayna.t no meet want 3+3 RIK s.i.w. say 'At that he didn't want to meet him, they say.' (Huancan~) Examples of uka as linker and summarizer: Uka.ru.sti kun ma: urnu.ru uka.x p"ich.kata.:t then a oven tl'ia"'c" stoke fire 2+3 wawa.nakct.m.x children uka.ru suma ana.nta.:t.x ,n that well put 2+3 gallu.nak sa.s. children say F F uk 11 ama.k.x 1 i ke that "'Then in an oven, (in) there, you will build up a fire, your children in that you will carefully put, just like that, your little ones, 11 saying.' (Sacca) Many of the other examples in this chapter con tain instances of uka summarizer and its derived forms. Examples as subject, zero complement, and -ru relational are found in 7-4.24. Hardman et al. (1975:3.454-455) gave other example~ showing greater depth of embedding. PAGE 581 564 7-4.4 sa.i'la embedding The verb sa.i'ia 'to say• {see 6-4) is used in all dialects as a reportive, to embed direct quotes. 7-4.41 sa.na with Simple tense The simplest use of sa.na as embedder is the verb with 3+3 Simple tense, s.i, often suffixed with -wa absolute, as in the following: Jaya timpu.xa inka.xa tagi.ru.wa mant.iri.:n far time Inca all order 3+3 RDK s.i.w. 3+3 s 'Long ago, the Inca ruled over everything, they say.' {Jopoqueri) What occurs before s.i.w in the above example is a complete sentence, with -wa absolute on tagi.ru and with the Remote Direct Knowledge tense on the verb. Without the addition of s.i.wa the sentence would imply that the speaker had personal experience on which to base his statement. Adding s . i . wa indicates that the speaker is reporting information received at second hand. PAGE 582 565 7-4.42 sa.na with Imperative tense The 2+3 Imperative on sa.na, sa.m(a) 'tell him/her/them', is considered rude when said alone but it may occur to embed another Imperative verb. Examples: sa.ma. give 2+i 1 Tell him "Give me". 1 ('Tell him to give you ... 1 ) (Huancan~) I A more complex embedding of sa.na with the Imperative is the following: Tiyu Juwana.x ak 11 am s.i.w uncle Juan thus 3-+3 < sa.m ) s. i.w. come 3+3 2+3 3+3 s I I S 'Uncle Juan thus said, '"Let him/her come', say, 11 he said.' ('Uncle Juan wants you to come. 1 ) (La Paz/Campi) This last example is a reduced form of a longer sentence with four embeddings of sa.na. Tiyu Juwana.x ak"am s.i.w 3-+3 s ~Jut.pan) ~23 3-->-3 3 1 I s. itu.wa ") 3+1 Y s sa. m"' s. i . wa. 3+3 I S PAGE 583 566 Such extensive embedding of quotes is quite impossible in English. The sentence may be intelligibly rendered as 'Uncle Juan told me to tell you that he would like you to come', or more briefly, as in the reduced version given first above, 'Uncle Juan wants you to come'. 7-4.43 sa.na with subordinators -sa and -sina (or variants) As we have just seen, when an actual quote is embedded in Aymara a translation that does not use a direct quote may best convey the meaning of the sentence. This is also true of the following, in which sa.na occurs once inflected and once with -sa subordinator. Na.x sa. rak. sma.sa.y (apa. ni .w.ja.m) sa. sa.y. lp 1+2 bring 2+3 S I 'I already said to you, "Bring it", sa in . ('I already told you to bring it.') Calacoa) In the following example the 3p subject of the embedded quote is identical with the addressee. Nay a. x ( Juwana. w nay a. r t' ant' lp 3p lp bread sa.sa.w s.ist Ana Mariya.ru. 1+3 s chur. itani) give 3+1 F 'I "Juana will give me bread" sayi}g said to Ana Marfa.' ('I told Ana Marfa that you (Juana would give me bread.'J (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) PAGE 584 567 The above type of embedding is very common, but when the addressee is also the subject of the embedded quote a different structure may be used, according to Yapita (La Paz/Compi). In this structure the 2p pronoun re places the 3p subject of the quote, but remains outside the quote. Naya.x lp juma.w 2p give 3+1 F sa.sa.w 1 I (speaking of) i'.Q!!_ "She will give me bread" saying said to Ana Marfa.' {'I told Ana Marfa that you would give me bread.') The example above is evidence of what Hardman calls overmarking of the second person in Aymara, a phenomenon tied to the operation of the four-person system (see 8-2.1). Examples of sa.na embedding in longer sentences are the following, with -sa or -sina subordination and with the use of sa.na as obligatory. The first example comes from a comment on why fiestas often degenerate into fights, from a source in Juli. The second is from a description of the end of the fiesta of San Juan in Sitajara. PAGE 585 568 Uragi.nak.xa.t ch'axwa.p.x.t.x uragi.naka.mp uka.n 1 and argue 1 and that jala.nta.ya.si.p.x.t, na.x no s -=rpland-owner s uragi.ni.:.ta.ti ?> land-owner s sa.s . =--= 'We argue over land (ownership), with land we get into (arguments), I 11 Do you own land? 11 11 No. 11 11 But I dor 11 saying . . . ('We argue over land ownership, each belittling the other's holdings and bragging about his own.') Ya: so dismiss 2+1 I yasta sa.sin uka.t uka.x sa.na.ray. drive down I I 'So, "We're getting ready to leave, ready now, dismiss us, 11 so saying then that 11 Drive (the animals) up, drive them down," has to be said also. 1 ('So, they announce their departure and ask permission to leave, and then the order must be given to drive the animals back up or down (wherever they came from). 1 ) These translations are tentative, in view of my unfamili arity with the events described and the somewhat tele graphic nature of the description, at least to someone PAGE 586 569 unfamiliar with their cultural setting. (Translation of grammatical structures without a knowledge of the cultural meaning of the events described is hazardous at best.) The following example has /-sina:n/ allomorph of -sina: Asint uta.pa.n.s jani.raki.w jayta.n.s hacienda house no leave mun.ka.rak.itu.ti , sa.sina:n 2+3 I uka.nka.si.s.ka.m, stay there 2+3 I 1 The hacienda house he did not want to leave to me, 11 You will stay there, caretake it for me 11 , saying I ('He did not want to give the hacienda house to me, but instead asked me to stay there and caretake it for him. 1 ) (Achocalla) In certain contexts, especially when the subject of the main verb (sa.na) and the embedded verb are the same person, the sentence indicates that the subject is thinking of doing or wanting to do something. The Future or Desiderative tense is used on the embedded verb. Examples: PAGE 587 570 s.t"a.x. 1-+3 111 We can be buying," I said. 1 ('I think we can buy it. 1 ) (Sitajara) buy 4-+3 go 1-+3 F s sa.s.ka.ya:t.wa. 1-+3 RDK 111 I wi 11 go to the movies, 11 I was saying. 1 ( La Paz/Compi) ('I was thinking of going to the movies. 1 ) movie go 1-+3 F sa.ja. :ta. 1-+3 RDK 111 ! will go to the movies," I said. 1 ('I was thinking of going to the movies. 1 ) (Carangas; reported by Yapita) Sometimes a verb other than sa.na may be the main verb of the sentence, with sa.na occurring in a subordinated form only, as in the following from a story told by V~squez: <.!l ap. SU. Si . : thread put 1-+3 F ap.su.si.:> 1-+3 F sa.s yana.tayna. try 3-+3 RIK 111 ! will put the thread through, I will put it through," saying, she tried. 1 ('She tried to thread the needle. 1 ) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; Hardman et al. 1975:1.402) PAGE 588 571 sa.sa.w aka marka.naka.n sar.naga.s.k.t 11 a. study city go around F 111 I will study, 11 saying, I am living in these cities.• (Sacca) ( 1 Wanting to study, l 1 ve continued to live in these cities.•) 7-4.44 sa.na with -ipana ~ -ipna s This occurs infrequently. It is sometimes used as a comparative (Hardman et al. 1975:3.235), especially by missionary-instructed persons; such use has occurred only once in this research, in a reworking by V~squez of a Bertonio (1603b) example (which had neither sa.na nor -ipana). Cristobal Colona.x tagi.t s.ipan aka uraqi.ru all this land jut.i. come s 1 Christopher Columbus was the first to arrive in this land. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) A variant s.ipna also occurs in La Paz, but s.ipana is more common. Examples: yag 11 a aru.x aru.wa Chinu.t s. i pna, other languages (continued) PAGE 589 572 Kuriyanu.t s.ipna , Turkisa.t s.ipna 1 other languages are (all) languages (whether) speaking of Chinese, speaking of Korean, speaking of Turkish . . 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, in Hardman et al. 1975:3.xxi) K 11 it s.ipan.s waw chur.tama. who baby give 2+3 s 'Who could have given you the baby?' (a rude question asked of a young mother in Calacoa) Srta. Lucy s.ipan.xa s.ipan.xa , na: .xa allux kusi.s.t 11 a. want 1+3 lp very happy 1+3 s s 'When Miss Lucy said "I want to learn Aymara", I was very happy.• (Salinas) kawk"a.t.s t'ij.tata.n.tam u jan s.ipan.xa where hurt 2+3 no kawk"a.t.s sint us.tam s s ... where did it hurt you, or else where does it hurt the most ... (Compi) 7-4.45 The particle iyaw plus sa.na The particle iyaw 1 yes 1 may be embedded with sa.na to mean 1 agree 1 In the usage of persons active in PAGE 590 573 institutionalized religion it means 'to believe in, have faith', and the phrase iyaw sa.na may be used to translate 'faith' or 'belief'. !yaw sa.ta.w sara.tayn s.i.w. go 3+3 RIK 'Agreeing, she went on her way, they say.' (Juli) Jesucristo tat.itu.ru iyaw sa.m. father ~3 I 'Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ. 1 (La Paz, Baptist church) Jiwasa.x iyaw s.tan uka iyaw sa.na. 4p 4+3 s 'We accept that belief.' (La Paz, Baptist church) 7-4.46 sa.na 'to make a noise' Some sa.na embedding may mean 'to make a noise. 13 Pa:rinu.ki.w juta.s.k.i.x godfather come 3 3 s s. i.w say boom boom sa.s. say 'The godfather returned, they say, "Boom boom!" saying.' ('The godfather returned, they say, exploding firecrackers.') (Huancan~) PAGE 591 574 On the other hand, sa.na embedding may be used to convey a visual rather than an auditory image, as in the following: Wich'inka.s sa.sa.w anu.x tail rigid rigid say dog g 11 ipa.p nayra.p jal.i. back forth run 3+3 s 'His tail "stiffly stiffly 11 saying, the dog ran back and forth. 1 ('Jauntily wagging his tail, the dog ran back and forth.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 7-4.47 sa.na in storytelling The first example given for sa.na embedding (7-4.41) was from a story, and the other types of embedding mentioned above occur in tales as well as in conversation. Complex embeddings especially charac teristic of storytelling style involve frequent use of -sa subordinator (less often -sina and variants or -ipana), sa.na with 3+3 Remote tenses or 3+3 NonInvolver, and the plain s.i.w, all together. As i ru. ra k i . : n snake 3+3 s s. i. w 3+3 s tawagu.mp girl parl.iritayna.x talk 3+3 RIK uka.x sara.w.x.iritayna.w s. i. w 3+3 s go 3+3 mark 2+1 RIK I (continued) PAGE 592 575 sa.sa.w s.iritayna.x s.i.way. 3+3 RIK 'There was a snake, they say, who talked with a young woman; (before) he went out, they say, "Mark me 11 saying he said, they say.' ('There was a snake who talked with a young woman; before going out, he asked her to mark him.') (Juli) oven heat up 2+3 I gamagi.ru. fox sa.sa.w sa.wj. iri tayn 3+3 RIK 111 Now heat up the oven, 11 saying she said, they say, to the fox. 1 (Calacoa) Niyasta: ready awis. ta. :ma.11 tell 1+3 F sa.san sa.tayn 3+3 RIK pisaga.x. partridge '"Well then, I' 11 tel 1 you, 11 saying said the partridge.' (Jopoqueri) Uk 11 ama E!a:rin jut.i(:!an.x s. i(:!an. x then godfather come <~ s.i(:!an.x <.9.'.J!n. ~> s.i.sti 3 3 s that (continued) PAGE 593 7-4.5 sa.sa.w sa.tayn 3+3 RIK s. i. w. 3+3 s 576 'Then the godfather having arrived, "Boom boom" saying, "Boom boom" s)ying, "Now what is _that 'boom boom' saidI don't (like that, not that--(nonsense syllables) saying he said, they say. 1 (Huancane) ('When the godfather arrived, he exploded firecrackers, and the groom became very much alarmed.'} (Huancan~) Uk"ama.x thus wali.raki.sa.: , awir well g 11 ana.pi.y clear sa.sa.xa.y jis.ch.i.x. how NI 3+3 F NI 3+3 s sa. rak. ( i} 3+3 s 'So then "Fine, let's see, it's clear," they said, "How will they get along?" saying, they said.' (Huancane) Negation Negation may affect most of the syntactic processes already described. It usually requires the presence of the negative particle jani or the reduced form .!!i_. The latter is more prevalent in Salinas and Calacoa but also occurs elsewhere, especially in ni.kuna 'nothing' and ni.k"iti 'no one', acting like a prefix (the only one in the language, if one discounts /si-/ and /ji-/ on sa.na}. ni may also occur on the interrogative verb kama.cha.na, as in the following sentence from Jopoqueri: PAGE 594 577 Pisaga.sti yasta partridge ni.kama.cha.n.s yati.tayna.ti. how know 3+3 RIK 'And then the partridge didn't know what to do. 1 jani occurs in several derived forms: jan.ja~ jan.jama 'I don't think so' (literally 'like no'), with the noun/independent suffix -jama; jani.ra ~ jani.ray (the second from Sitajara) 'not yet'; jani.kucha 'better not' and jan.kucha 14 'or if not'; and jani.ch 'isn't that so?' (with -cha alternate question suffix). One form that occurred only i n Cal a cal a was j an a : 1 i s n I t that so?'. 7-4.51 Negation of basic sentences Basic sentences were discussed in 7-3. The basic negative statement (Hardman et al. 1975:3.432) consists of jani plus -wa absolute; -ti sentence suffix where -wa would be in an affirmative sentence; and -xa optionally on other words in the sentence. Example: T 1 ant 1 a.x jani.w ut.j.k.i.ti. bread exist 3+~ s 'There is no bread. 1 (La Paz/Compi) A basic negative statement may be changed to a negative yes/no question by removing the -wa on jani and replacing it by the -ti from the verb, as follows: PAGE 595 578 T'ant'a.x jani.t ut.j.k.i ? 'Isn't there any bread?' (La Paz/Compi) bread J+3 s A negative answer to a -sa/(-xa) information question without any verbal inflection retains the interrogative as an indefinite, verbalized and suffixed with -sa, and adds jani plus -wa, resulting in a -sa/-wa sentence: Kuna.s uka.xa? (Uka.x) jani.w kuna.:.k.i.sa. what that ~+3 s 'What is that? (That) isn't anything.' (la Paz/Compi) A negative answer to a -sa/(-xa) information question containing an inflected verb consists of jani plus -wa; the interrogative with -sa; and if the verb is repeated, it takes -ti. Kuna.s what t . . ? U J. 1 3+3 s Jani.w kuna.s (ut.j.k.i.ti). ~+3 s 'What is there? There isn't anything. 1 ( La Paz/Compi) Kun.s what mun.ta? want 2+3 s Jani.w kun.s mun.k.t.ti. 7+3s 'What do you want? I don't want anything. 1 (la Paz/Compi) PAGE 596 579 All other negative sentences or phrases may be derived from these basic sentences. 15 (Negative forms of the inflected verb sa.na 'to say' were given in 6-4). 7-4.52 Incompletive and completive verbal derivational suffixes with the negative In the examples above, the verbs contain the incompletive verbal derivational -kain the stem. In La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Sacca, Sitajara, and Calacoa the verb or verbalized noun in a negative statement usually has the incompletive -ka-. The completive -xa sometimes occurs instead (or in addition), but less often. In Salinas, Jopoqueri, Calacala, and Morocomarca the incompletive or completive suffixes are more often absent with the negative. The following all occurred in Salinas. Ni.w mun.k.irijt.ti. 'I wouldn't like to. 1 1+3 D-1 Ni. w mun. t. ti. 'I don't want to. 1 -1+3 s Ni.w mun.j.t.ti. 'I wouldn't like to. 1 -7+3 s PAGE 597 Ni.w at.k.irijt.ti. 1+3 D-1 at.j.t.ti. -1+3s at.t.ti. 1+3s 580 'I can't. 1 The dialects where the incompletive occurs less often, have it on nouns verbalized with -kaor -:with the Simple tense, but not if verbalization is followed by a Remote tense. Examples: Jani.w aka.n.k.j.i.ti. 1 It I s not here. 1 (Jopoqueri) here --:3+3 s Jani.w juma.taki.:.k.i.ti. 'It's not for you.• (Salinas) 2p --:3+3 s But (with -ra instead of -wa on jani), Jani.r juta.ni.n.ma.:.:n.ti. come 2p 3+3 RDK 'You should not have come yet. 1 (Morocomarca) The meaning differences between forms with and without PAGE 598 581 the incompletive are often lost in translation, but the following pair shows one contrast: Jani.w yat.t.ti. 1+3s 1 I don I t know. 1 (Jopoqueri) Jani.w yat.k.t.ti. 1 ! don 1 t know yet. 1 (Jopoqueri) 16 7+3s Dialects that usually have -kaon the negative do not have it with the Future tense used as a polite command. Jani.w parla.nta.ti. 'You are not going to talk. 1 (Juli) 2+3 F 7-4.53 Permutations of basic negative sentences The basic negative sentences may be changed by replacing -wa by another sentence suffix, replacing -ti by -xa.ya, or dropping the final vowel on jani. 7-4.53. l Replacing -wa by another sentence suffix 7 4. 5 3 . 11 -w a -> 11 a ~ ya Ni.11 kun.s s.ka.nani.ti. what say 4+3 F 1 We won't tell them anything. 1 (Salinas) PAGE 599 582 7-4.53. 12 -wa --> -sa linker 'but, however' Jani.s jut.k.i.ti.xa 3+3 'But he hasn't come (Huancan~) s Jani jank'a.s pur.k.i.t. fast 3+3 s 'But they weren't arriving fast.' (Sitajara) Kuna.t.s jani.s why uwij.sti sheep puri.ya.n.ta.xa? arrive 2+3 s 'But why didn't you bring the sheep?' (Juli) Jani.ra.raki.s juta.n.ma.:n.ti.xa. come 2p 3+3 RDK 'But you shouldn't have come yet!' (Salinas) 7-4.53.2 Replacing -ti by -xa.ya Jani sar.chi.:.xa.ya g"aru.ru.x. go NI 1+3 tomorrow F 'Won't I leave tomorrow?' (rhetorical question) (La Paz/Campi) (Because of -chi NI on the verb, there is no -wa in the sentence.) PAGE 600 583 7-4.53.3 Morphophonemics of jani The final vowel of jani drops in noun phrases and when modifying nominalized verbs; in negative information questions and answers thereto; with the Imperative; and with verbs subordinated with a sentence suffix, uka, or sa.na embedding. 7-~.53.31 Negative noun phrases or nominalized verbs These are derived from the basic negative state ment. When modifying the head noun in a noun phrase, jani loses its final vowel, except that when modifying an interrogative, jani loses its initial /ja/. The following occur generally unless otherwise noted. jan jayu.ni 'without salt' ('no salt-haver') -ni possessor ni.kuna 'nothing' kuna 'what' jan uka.x 'not that' jan un.j. iri . { un. ka.na Jan una.na 'someone who hasn't taken good care of some thing (a place) left in their charge' ( 1 nonwatcher 1 ) 'not to look' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) jan un.ja.na.taki 'so as not to see, for not seeing' PAGE 601 584 jan un.ja.sa.x 'not having seen' (La Paz/Compi) jan un.ja.san.xa 'not having seen' (Jopoqueri) jan pur.iman 'your not having come' (Salinas) jan wal.t'a.w.xa.tayna 'he felt ill' ('not-good') (Juli) 3+3 RIK .!!.i may also be used before a noun that is not an inter rogative, in reduplicative phrases meaning 'neither .. nor', as in the following: Ni juma.s ni 2p naya.s sar.ka.nani.ti. l p go 4+3 F 'Neither you nor I will go.' (-sa lister on the pronouns) This ni is homophonous and apparently identical in func tion with Spanish ni 'neither, nor'; it may be a Spanish borrowing or merely a point at which the two languages converge, or both. 7-4.53.32 Negative information questions and negative answers thereto Examples (from La Paz/Campi): Kuna.s jan ut.j.k.i ? 'What isn't there?' what exist 3+3 s PAGE 602 585 Ni kuna.s (jan ut.j.k.i.ti). 3+3 s 'Nothing isn't there.• ( i . e. , 'nothing is missing') Kun.s jan mun.k.ta? 'What don't you want?' want 2+3 s Ni kun.s (jan mun.k.t.ti). 1+3 'There's nothing I don't want.' Kuna.t.s jan jut.ta? 2+3 s s Kuna.t.s jan jut.k.ta? 2+3 s 'Why didn't you come?' 'Why didn't you come? {you had promised to) 1 The Morocomarca source insisted that the vowel of jani must be retained in negative information ques tions, e. g. Kuna.t.raji jani awis.ista.sti? •~~hy didn't you let --notify 2+1 me know?' s 7-4.53.53 Negative with Imperative Jan lura.m.ti. 2+3 I 'Don't do that. ' ( Jopoqueri, Sa 1 i nas, Sitajara, Calacoa, La Paz) PAGE 603 586 Jan lur.m.ti. 2=8 1 Don 1 t do that.• (Juli} I Juma.x jan sar.ka.m.ti , jupa.w sara.ni. 2p go 2+3 3p go 3+3 I F 1 Don I t you go, he 1 s going to go. 1 (Juli} 7-4.53.34 Negative verb subordinated with sentence suffix, uka, or sa.na embedding Jum jan mun.k.s.ta.xa , naya.w sara.:. want 2+3 lp go 1+3 S F 1 If you don 1 t want to (go}, I 1 ll go. 1 (Juli} Jan pa.ni.:.k.irist.x couple 1+3 o.: l sar.irist.pi.y. go 1 If I weren 1 t married, I 1 d go. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Jan juma.s sara.n muna.s.ta.ti uka.x na: sara.:. 2p go want 2+3 Tp go 1+3 s F 1 But if you don 1 t want to go, I 1 ll go. I (Jopoqueri) < Ina.mpi.s jan jiki.s.x.sna.ti) sa.sa. perhaps meet 4+3 D-1 1 11 Perhaps we 1 11 never meet again, 11 saying. 1 ( La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) PAGE 604 587 7-5 Summary and Conclusion Syntactic and morphosyntactic variation in Aymara is slight. Morphemes showing some variation in phono logical shape are the particles, the independent nonfinal and final suffixes, and some of the nominalizing (subordi nating) suffixes: the little-used -wi ~ -:wi ~ -awi and the more common -sina (and variants) and -ipana (and variants). The final suffix inventory varies a little from one dialect to another. The suffix -ka has been found only in Calacala and Morocomarca. The vowel length allomorph of -xa ~ -: topic/attenuator does not occur in La Paz, Sacca, or Jopoqueri. The disclaimer -m (and variants) has occurred only in Huancan~ and parts of La Paz. Morphosyntactic processes are essentially the same in all dialects. The southern group of dialects (Jopoqueri, Salinas, and Morocomarca) plus Huancan~ in the north have a four-member subordinating paradigm of which the -ipana (or variants) is the sole member in other dialects; in some parts of La Paz even -ipana is falling into disuse. The use of -xa topic/attenuator as a subordinator of verbs appears to be more common in La Paz dialects than in dialects that make greater use of -sina or -ipana subordination. PAGE 605 588 There is some variation in the semantics of the subordinators -sa, -sina (and variants) and -ipana (and variants~ and in use of the final suffix combina tion -ti.xa as a subordinator, but regional patterning (if any) of this semantic variation is yet to be deter mined. PAGE 606 589 Notes 1 This may be a Spanish loan. According to Bello (1847:36), there was an archaic interjection guay ~ gu~ that persisted in certain countries of Latin America, as in the expressions Guay~ mujer! 'Wow! Look at that woman. 1 l_Q_ dice! 'Wow! Did you hear what she said! 1 Bertonio (1603b:51) also reported this interjection and a number of others identical or similar to contemporary Aymara ones. 2 A suffix phonemically /-qa/ did occur once in a text from Calacala, instead of the -ka which usually occurred. Ma: suma very (ma)cha.ta.t.ga ... 'very drunk' drunk It may be that this was an instance of Quechua~, but if not, it needs further analysis. 3 way.xaru.:.tawi and way.xaru.: have/:/ allo morph of the verbal derivational suffix -ya-~-:causa tive. In way.xaru. :, the causative on the final /u/ of -xarumerges with /u/ realization of .:..i 3+3 S tense by a morphophonemic rule whereby a verb stem /u/ over rides a following /i/ (see 4-3.22.11). 4 A k 11 ari.k 11 ari or k"ari.s.iri is an evil spirit in human form (usually that of a Catholic priest) who is believed to cut out the fat of his victims. 5 These are written as two words to show their structure. One of them,~ .!!Q..!!, occurs with juncture (phonetically a glottal stop) before the repetition of the root. 6 -iri sometimes occurs on nouns after vowel length verbalization, which may reduce to plain vowel (see 4-3.22. 13). An -iri also occurs frozen in certain verb tenses (see 6-3.34.22 and 6-3.37). PAGE 607 590 7 Questions with kuna.taki.s were originally thought to require an answer with -na.taki, rather than -iri, but -iri is usually preferred in my data. See 7-4.21.23 for -=-na.-taki subordination. 8 The verb ma(n)g 1 a.na may mean 1 to eat• or 1 to feed 1 depending on context and verbal derivational suf fixes occurring in the stem. 9 The two paradigms with and without -na on the (optional) pronoun occur for all grammatical persons in La Paz/Campi. 10 subjects of verbs subordinated with -ipana, etc., lose their final vowels except in Morocomarca. 11 -sa linker and -sa interrogative/indefinite are treateclas two suffixes by Hardman et al. (1975). They are here treated as one because it is not always possible to separate the functions. 12 spanish syntactic linkers and emphatics enter Aymara freely, like other loanwords. The greatest number occurs in the speech of persons (especially men) who are bilingual in Aymara and Spanish, but some also occur in the speech of monolinguals. 13 For sounds made by inanimate objects the verb tais used instead of sa.na, according to the following example from Yapita (La Paz/Campi): Punk 11 u.x tulx t.i.w. door 3+3 s 1 The door slammed. 1 ( 1 The door went II thud 11 1 ) According to Yapita there is no general term for 1 sound 1 in Aymara; a number of onomatopoeic words are used (see Appendix B). 14 In present-day Aymara -kucha occurs only on jani. Evidence from Bertonio (1603b:277) suggests it may have been an independent nonfinal suffix in his time, as he showed it in a verb stem between the root and the inflection, but it may instead have been a noun root, verbalized and then inflected. PAGE 608 591 15 Like -ti, -wa (or another sentence suffix re placing it) may~curon a form other than jani in a negative sentence; see the examples under 7-4.53. 16 For another example of the contrast of presence and absence of -kawith the negative, see 7-4.53.32. PAGE 609 CHAPTER 8 VARIATION IN SEMANTICS 8-1 Introduction A discussion of variation in Aymara semantics must be based on an examination of what Hardman (in press a) calls the linguistic postulates of the language: categori zations recurring at different levels of grammar and re flected in cultural norms. An understanding of their nature and pervasiveness is needed in order to describe certain differences in their manifestations in different dialects (for example, in selectional restrictions on verb subjects and complements) especially to show differences between Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara on the one hand, and other Aymara dialects on the other (see Chapter 9). Regional semantic variation in the noun and verb systems includes instances of one form with different mean ings cross-dialectically, and conversely, cases of different Aymara forms occurring in different dialects with apparently the same meanings. At the present state of research, which relies heavily on translation, decisions as to what constitute 592 PAGE 610 593 1 same 1 and 'different• meanings within and across dialects are at best tentative and at worst may be wrong, lacking sufficient input from native speakers. The evidence in this chapter concerning such meanings is therefore to be viewed with some skepticism. Aymara metaphor has not as yet been investigated cross-dialectally, but certain characteristics based on the evidence of a few dialects may be noted. 8-2 Linguistic Postulates All regional dialects of Aymara share certain lin guistic postulates common to the Jaqi languages. As identi fied by Hardman (1972a) the most important of these are (l) four grammatical persons (the fourth includes speaker and addressee), (2) distinction of human/nonhuman, and (3) speci fication of data source (distinction of directly and indi rectly acquired knowledge}. These three postulates are marked throughout Aymara language structure, in morphology, syntax, and semantics, and reflected in cultural norms. During four hundred years of contact with Spanish, an Inda-European language, it might be expected that Spanish postulates would make inroads into Aymara. In Chapter 9 evidence of such inroads is given with respect to Missionary, Patron, and Radio Aymara, translation dialects spoken by cer tain native speakers of Aymara who are bilingual in Spanish. The Aymara of other bilingual and monolingual speakers shows PAGE 611 594 relatively little influence of Spanish postulates, however. A few exceptions are noted below. A section on optional marking of plural in Aymara is included after a discussion of the postulates. 8-2. l Four-person system The four-person system is manifested in personal pronouns and possessive suffixes (5-2.3 and 5-3.24) and in verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3). It is intimately bound up with the distinction of human/nonhuman (8-2.2} and with the expression of courtesy in Aymara. The fourth person is often used in the context of eating or drinking. For example, polite ways to tell someone that dinner is ready would be Mang'a.si.nani. 'Let's eat, you and I.' (La Paz) eat 4+3 F/I Almus.t'a.wa.tana. 'Let's eat lunch.' (Calacoa) lunch 4+3 F/I Similarly, if one wishes to ask for a drink of water one must use the fourth person, including the addressee even if he or she is being asked to provide the water. PAGE 612 Uma.ma.y water 2p 595 wax.t 1 a.si.nan, invite F/1 uma.t water par . j . i tu . w lack s 'Please let's you and I invite (someone to have some of) your water, ma'am, I'm thirsty. 1 (La Paz) ('Please let me have some water.') An example of the fourth person used in the context of drink ing even when the addressee is not or was not involved in the action, is the following, describing the serving of chicha: May.ni.r may.ni.r may.n.ir siwr.tan . another another another serve s 'One by one by one we (you and I) serve them ... 1 (Sitajara) Another example involving eating was given by Tschopik (1948: 110). A condor says to a fox who has challenged him to a duel +Jiwa.ta.chapi.ru.sti mang'a.nta.si.nani.wa. one who is dead and eat F/1 'And the one who is dead you and I will eat.' What is meant is that the winner of the duel will eat the loser. PAGE 613 596 Bertonio (1603b:194, 195) said, concerning the 4p possessive suffix, ... the particle sa, although ... it means inclusion ... forpoliteness or friendship may be used even when the item belongs only to one of the two persons who are talking ... Bertonio gave these examples. + Ut.sa.ru ma.tana. 1 Let 1 s go to my/our/your house.' house 4p go 4+3 F/I +Aka yap 1 awki.sa.n.k.i. 1 This field is our/my/your this fie d father father's.• Bertonio 1 s translations of these two examples are rejected by La Paz speakers, even when the examples are rendered into contemporary Aymara. If Bertonio 1 s translations were cor rect, they imply that the fourth person was used even more in the expression of courtesy in late 16th century Juli than in contemporary dialects so far encountered. Hardman has pointed to a related phenomenon in Aymara, the overmarking of the second person (Hardman et al. 1975:3.32-33). (For an example of this overmarking in sa.na embedding see 7-4.4.) In spite of the importance of the four-person system in Aymara, there is evidence of its incipient erosion in some dialects. In Sitajara, lp and 4p possessive suffixes fall together, and the 4p suffix falls out, in the speech of certain persons (see 5-3.24). The first and fourth PAGE 614 597 persons also fall together in certain verbal inflectional suffixes in Sitajara. lp and 4p falling together as subject: and F for sa.na: /sa.ni.wa.nh(a)/ lp and 4p falling together as complement: and I: /-itpan/ (3+1) and D-2: /-irijsta:na/ (3+4) and S for sa.na: /s.itu/ (3+1) As may be seen above, in most cases the form with 4p falls out, leaving the form with lp to do duty for both. In Huancan~, lp and 4p have fallen together as com plement in and 3+4 I /-itp(a)/, the form now being used for both. The same seems to be happening in Morocomarca with and 3+4 D-2, as at first the 3+1 form, /-itasp"ana/, was given for both 3+1 and 3+4. 8-2.2 Human/Nonhuman This distinction is manifested in interrogatives, demonstratives, and personal pronouns; in noun reference, in certain noun suffixes, and in the subjects and complements of verb roots, stems, and themes. 8-2.21 Interrogatives, demonstratives, personal pronouns Of the five Aymara interrogative pronouns k"iti 'who' is human, and the rest, nonhuman. gawg 11 a 'how much/many• plus the suffix -ni possessor/enumerator refers to human PAGE 615 598 beings (8-2.24) . 1 Derived forms of kawki 'where' that are unmarked for human/nonhuman and gloss 'which' are kawki. ch"api and kawk. i: ri. Demonstratives may be used to modify human nouns, e. g. uka chacha.x 'that man'. As a syntactic summarizer, a demonstrative may refer to a human noun, as in Ma: sinurit irpa.ni.tayn uka.mpi one young lady bring 3+3 "'Enat RIK jaqi.cha.si.way.x.i. marry 3+3 s 'He married the young lady that he had brought.' (Compi) Some speakers would prefer to use the third person pronoun instead of uka in the above sentence. Otherwise,demon stratives are generally used as pronouns only to refer to nonhuman nouns. Uka.x misa.wa. Uka.x waka.pa.wa. 'That is a table.• 'That is his cow. 1 When the reference is human, a personal pronoun is used. Jupa.x wawa.xa.w. 'He/she is my child.' 3p child lp Using a demonstrative instead of a personal pronoun in the above context is perceived as rude. When derision or insult is intended, a demonstrative may be used. PAGE 616 599 Uka.xa.y yat.chi ~. that know NI other 'That one may know, anyone (might) (Sitajara) Personal pronouns are used only for human beings or anthropomorphized animals, or very occasionally, for domes ticated animals, as in the case of an old lady talking to her only companion, a cat. Juma.s 2p jaqi. :.sma people 2+3 0-1 8-2.22 Noun reference 'If only you were human (could talk) ... 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Certain nouns in La Paz Aymara (and presumably elsewhere) are basically nonhuman; others, basically human. Examples of nouns or noun phrases that are always nonhuman in reference are muxsa 1 sweet-tasting 1 ; nayra.p q 11 ipa.p 'back and forth' (e.g. a dog running back and forth); and jach 1 a 1 big 1 and jisk 1 a 1 small 1 except when they occur in the noun phrases jach 1 a tansa 'tall I and jisk 1 a tansa 1 short 1 A noun which sometimes has human, and sometimes nonhuman reference, is suma, which has a range of meanings including 'good, nice, tasty, delicious, very, nicely'. In Calacoa and Jopoqueri it means 'beautiful, pretty'; in Socca it is used in these meanings as well as the others. The following examples are all from La Paz: PAGE 617 Nonhuman reference: i~al i suma.w. Suma chayru.wa. soup 600 'It's very good/delicious.' 'It's delicious soup.' Aka.x suma ch'iyar lag'a.sa.:. This -black earth 'This is good black earth. 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:1.266) sum kanka.na Human reference: Suma Awki --suma aru.ni suma jaqi Suma jaq suma kankana 'good language, proper speech' 'to fry well' (8-2.23) 'God' ('good father', an archaic expression) 'well-spoken person' 'good person, of good charact~r, nice' mama.wa. 'She's a nice lady. 12 'of good character, good-humored' (8-2.23) The following examples occurred in the Peruvian dialects indicated. suma un. naga. s. i ri suma k I aj. k. i ri 'good-looking, having a good appearance' (Huancane) 'very bright' (Sacca) PAGE 618 601 suma.ki.y is.ch 1 uk.t 1 a.p.x.ita:ta listen 2+1 F 'you will listen to me nicely' (Sacca) In La Paz the verbalized noun suma.cha.na 'to pacify, to make amends, to decorate (e. g. a house)' takes a human subject. The noun suma verbalized with -ptatakes an ani mal subject, and probably also a human subject; see the example given for~, below. Use of suma alone (that is, not in one of the noun phrases given above) to modify a noun having human reference is usually perceived as obscene and/or derisive in Bolivia, as in the popular song Suma Tawagu 'Nice (?) Girl' (i. e. 'tasty dish'). There is some evidence that such an expres sion is not necessarily obscene in other dialects, suma kullaka 'good sister' being acceptable to a speaker from Sacca; however, he may have been influenced by Missionary usages (se 9-6.12). Certain nouns in Aymara always have human reference. One is jayra 'lazy person. 1 Another, of much greater im portance in the language, is the noun chosen by Hardman to designate Aymara and its sister languages: ~This means 'human being, person, people' in all the Jaqi languages. In Aymara the noun jaqi used alone usually refers to the Aymara people specifically. One speaker from La Paz rejected *Quechua~However, some speakers extend the term~ to other races or ethnic groups in such noun phrases as PAGE 619 602 jang'u 'white people', and the phrase suma jagi 'of good character' may be applied to non-Aymara persons who are judged to merit the designation. Another meaning of jagi is 'adult, married person', as is shown in the derived verb jagi.cha.na 'to marry', 'to make or cause person(s)'. Personhood in Aymara society is fully attained only upon marriage. Probably through a process of semantic identifica tion with the Spanish noun hombre, which means both 'man(kind) 1 and I human male', the noun jagi is sometimes used by bilinguals to mean 'male human being, man'. Naya jagi.xa Qalagala.t.wa. 1 I 1 m a man from Calacala. 1 lp (Yo soy hombre de Ca lac.ala.) (Calacala) Ma: a jaqi .w ju ta . tayn a. come 3+3 RIK (Habfa venido un hombre.) 'A man (not known to me) came. 1 (La Paz/Campi) These examples show how the Spanish gender distinction (one of the Spanish linguistic postulates) may affect the Aymara of bilinguals. Nevertheless, the native Aymara meaning of j_ill also persists in the speech of bilinguals and mono linguals alike. In this meaning the noun j_ill is the epitome of humanness. Its semantic opposite, the nadir of nonhuman ness, is anu 1 dog 1 If one does not behave like j_ill, one PAGE 620 603 isbehaving like a dog. The dichotomy is illustrated in the following, a La Paz retort to an insult. K 11 iti.ta.sa who 2-+3 s t t . . t h ? anu. a. Jag,. a.ca. dog2-+ 3 "f)e"fson s Jag.jam parla.m jan an.jam parla.m.ti. person like speak not dog like speak 2-+3 I 1 Who are you a dog or a person? Talk like a person, not like a dog.' (La Paz/Campi) The above is rude, using the unadorned Imperative. So is the following: Anu.r jagu. ni .m. throw 2-+3 I 'Throw it to a dog.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) aog The above sentence is a retort to someone who is throwing stones or otherwise being deliberately annoying; it means 'Go do it to a dog instead of to me.' The following is commonly said by wedding godparents to the couple for the stability of whose marriage they are responsible: un.ta.sa.w sar.naga.:ta. people looking at go around 2-+3 F 'Live (by) watching real people.' (La Paz/Campi) (Yapita 1975:1-2) CBehave the way you see real people behaving.') PAGE 621 604 When one partner in a marriage does not want to be reconciled with the other, someone may comment as follows: Anu.s dog nuwa.si.sin fighting suma.pt.i.sa. make up 3->-3 s (La Paz/Compi (Yapita 1975:3) 'Even dogs make up after fighting. (Why not people?) 1 The above is a strong rebuke. If the errant spouse still refuses to attempt a reconciliation, he orshe will hear the ultimate condemnation. Kuna.r un.ta.t sar.nag.ta.xa, anything look at go around jaqi.tak p'inqa, people same s anu.tak unra. aog honor 'How stupid you are. You are a shame to the human race, an honor to dogs. 11 (La Paz/Compi) (Yapita 1975:3) Bertonio (1603b:94) cited a sentence using aver + balized form of anugara 1 dog 1 meaning 'insult, make fun of'. + Uma.ta.na drunk anuqara.ch.tama. dog s 'As you were drunk he made fun of you (treated you 1 i ke a dog ) . 1 PAGE 622 605 In spite of the jagi/anu distinction, the Aymara generally treat their dogs humanely, as they do all useful domestic animals; one might say they behave like jagi toward them. One calls one's dog by name to go herd sheep. Tumaykaris, juta.m! come 2+3 I Iwis anaki.nani. sheep herd 4+3 F/I 'Come, Tumaykarisa! Let's you and me herd the sheep.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.205) The addressee is the dog, Tumaykarisa, and the fourth person inflection includes the dog as well as the human speaker. One may also say to a dog Aka.x mang'a.ma.w. this food 2p 'Here's your food.' However, one does not use the same forms in speaking to a dog as to a human being. The first of the above two sen tences would be rude if addressed to a person; the second would be insulting. In the first case the unadorned Impera tive juta.m 'Come!' would be avoided by using politive independent and final suffixes and/or by substituting the Future for the Imperative. Juta.ki.:ta.pi.y. 'Please (you will) come.' come 2+3 F PAGE 623 606 And as indicated in the discussion of uses of the fourth person (8-2.1 ), a polite way to tell someone that dinner is ready is to say Mang'a.si.nani. 'Let's eat, you and I.' eat 4+3 F/I The jagi/anu distinction affects the semantics of other nouns. One of these is awki, an archaic term for 'father'. As noted above, it occurs in the noun phrase suma awki as a respectful term of address or reference for God. In other contexts, awki has acquired canine connota tions. For example, to use it in inquiring about the health of someone's father is rejected as implying the father is a dog. That is, Awki.ma.sti? 2p and 'And (how is) your father?' implies the rude expression Anu awki.ma.sti? 'And (how is) your (SOB of a) father?' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Another context, in which awki refers to a real dog's father, is a jingle said while holding up a puppy's front legs to make it dance on its back legs. PAGE 624 607 Tunka paya.n awki.ni, ma: tayki.ni ... 10 2 owner l only mother owner 'It has 12 fathers, only one mother ... 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) (The jingle refers to the fact that a dog has any number of possible fathers.) 8-2.23 The noun kankana The noun kankana 'essence, nature, being, power' does not occur by itself, but only as the head of a noun phrase and only when modified by another noun referring to the Deity or a human being. 3 It is to be distinguished from the homophonous kanka.na 1 to fry'. Examples of kankana are Dios kankana kankana 'divine essence, Being of God 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 1 human nature• (la Paz/Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio 1612:2:120) jayra kankana.~ 1 their being lazy• j)yra 1 human lazi ness• (la Paz/Tiahuanaco qullgi.n kankana.pa.mpi.x 1 their being wealthy' (Puerto Acosta)4 qullqi.ni 1 rich person• uta.n kankana 'the power of being a landlord' uta.ni 'house-owner• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) When modified by warmi 1 woman 1 the meaning is somewhat disparaging. PAGE 625 608 Warmi kankana.x jani.w wali.k.i.ti. woman be1ng no good 3+3 s 'To be a woman alone is not good.' (La Paz/Compi) Warmi kankana.pa.mpi.x lura.p.x.i.w. woman be1 ng do 3+3 s 'In spite of their being women they did it.' (La Paz/Campi) Noun phrases in which kankana is modified by nonhuman nouns are usuai ly rejected*jang'u kankana 'to be white' This meaning is instead expressed by verbalizing the noun jang'u 'white'. jang'u.:.na 'to be white' If jang'u modifies a human noun, such as jagi, the noun phrase is acceptable to some speakers. jang'u kankana 'to be white people, White Power' {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) PAGE 626 609 As indicated previously, suma 'good' occurs with human reference when modifying kankana. suma kankana.mpi 'with good humor' (La Paz/Campi) This is to be distinguished from the phrase sum kanka.na 'to fry well' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) In this, suma is the zero complement of the nominalized verb kanka1 fry 1 8-2.24 Noun suffixes The noun suffix -ni possessor/enumerator is unmarked for human/nonhuman when it occurs as possessor. Uta.x punku.ni.w. 'The house has a door.' Jupa.x uta.ni.w. 'She's a house-owner.' r.: However, when it occurs as enumerator, -ni is always human.J On the interrogative gawg 11 a 'how much/many': Qawg 11 a.ni.sa? 'How many people are there?' PAGE 627 610 On numbers l to 10 and multiples of 10: Pusi.ni.wa. 'There are four people.• Tunka pusi.ni.wa. 'There are forty people.' On the nonhuman quantity nouns tagi 1 all 1 , wal.ja 'much, many', and juk'a 1 few 1 : taqi.ni 'all (the) people' wal.ja.ni 'many people' juk'a.ni 'few people' The personal possessive suffixes for lp, 2p, and 4p all refer to human possessors. The third person is unmarked for human/nonhuman. uta.n punku.pa 'the door of the house' Tp jupa.n uta.pa 'his house' (The -n in the above examples is the possessive suffix -na.) PAGE 628 611 8-2.25 Subjects and complements of verb roots, stems, and themes As indicated in 6-3, verbs in Aymara are inflected for tense, subject person, and complement person, in nine unitary suffixes for each tense. (Defective verbs created by verbalization with -kaor-:take only four inflectional suffixes, all with 3p complements.) In these tense/person suffixes (as in the case of personal possessive suffixes) 3p subjects and complements are unmarked for human/nonhuman, while lp, 2p, and 4p subjects and complements are human or anthropomorphized. A complement expressed in a tense/person suffix may be further specified in a sentence by a noun marked by one of the Aymara complement/relational (case) suffixes (5-3.31). These nouns are referred to by these suffixes as -ru, -ta, -mpi, -na, or -taki complements. Some verbs also select other nouns which are marked with case suffixes but do not reflect complements expressed in the tense/person suffixes; these case-marked nouns are called relationals. In addition to selecting subjects, complements, and relationals, most verb roots and stems select zero complements (5-3.33). Aymara verb roots and stems (roots plus derivational suffixes) belong to covert classes according to the semantic features of the subjects, complements, relationals, and zero complements they may take. The human/nonhuman distinction PAGE 629 612 is reflected in these semantic features, as is to be ex pected of such an important linguistic postulate in the language. Investigation of other semantic features of Aymara has only just begun. Among those tentatively identi fied so far, in addition to human/nonhuman, are distinctions of animate/inanimate {or moving/nonmoving), animal/nonanimal, plant/nonplant, and humanly processed/unprocessed. There is apparently no set hierarchy of features; rather, they cut across each other. Nonhuman may subsume animate and inanimate, but animate may subsume human, animal, and moving natural phenomena such as fire, sunlight, hail, and clouds. Inanimate may subsume plant, humanly processed agricultural products or manufactures, or nonprocessed non moving matter such as rock, earth, or places. Human may subsume a distinction of human persons vs. human body parts or secretions (e. g. blood, urine) and conditions affecting them {e. g. cold, sunlight). Illustrations of these dis tinctions are given below. They remain working categories pending further refinement as Aymara semantic studies pro ceed. One instance in which the human/nonhuman distinction is overriding with respect to verb stems and themes concerns the behavior of the nominalizing suffix -na (7-4.21.2). This suffix is unmarked for human/nonhuman on verb roots. All roots may take it, regardless of the semantics of their PAGE 630 613 subjects or complements. However, certain verb stems and verb themes that require a nonhuman subject reject nominali zation with -na because on them -na implies a human subject. Examples of stems and themes that reject -na are given below. The selectional rules for the semantic features of verb subjects and complements are very complex, changing according to the verb root and the verbal derivational suf fixes occurring in a verb stem. Although investigation of these rules was not formally undertaken for this study, examples are given to illustrate the interplay of semantic features and to suggest directions for future research. Verbs which usually require a human subject include verbs of carrying or moving specific shapes and consistencies of objects (zero complements) by various means (Tate 1970) and the general carrying verb apa.na 'to take, carry' (shape and consistency of object and manner of carrying not speci fied). In its basic form this verb takes a human subject but not a human complement. It may take a human complement when a nonhuman noun with the complement/relational suffix -ta occurs as a relational (instrumental) in the sentence. *(Naya.x) lp (Naya.x) lp (juma.r) 2p (juma.r) 2p -ru apa.:ma. F (Not possible) awtu.t apa.:ma. car -ta F PAGE 631 614 'I will take you by car.' The verb apa.na plus the Class l verbal derivational suffix -rpayaimplies a human subject and complement: apa.rpaya.na 'to leave someone•. However, when the Class l suffixes -suand -taare added to the root apa-, the new stem takes the moving natural phenomenon qinaya 'cloud' as subject; it will not take a human subject nor the suffix Qinaya.x ap.s.t.i.w. 'Clouds gathered.' (La Paz) 3+3 s Another carrying verb~ irpa.na 'to take a person', requires both a human subject and a human zero complement in La Paz. (Naya.x) (jum) irpa. :ma. 1 I will take you. 1 1+2 F In Salinas irpa.na may also take a domesticated animal as zero complement. In La Paz the derived verb irp.xata.na, with the Class l verbal derivational suffix -xata-, still requires a human subject but may take a human or nonhuman zero complement. Examples: PAGE 632 615 um irp.xata.na 'to direct water through a canal (if it water is going the wrong way)' (La Paz/Campi) jum awtu.ru.w irp.xata.na ap car 'to put you in a car (if you're sick and can't move) and take you somewhere' (La Paz/Campi) (An animal may be substituted for the person in the last example.) In classifying noun features it is necessary to recognize metaphoric usages whereby an apparently nonhuman noun is used where a human noun would be expected. The derived verb irpa.ra.na 'to take away, remove physically, as punishment', with the Class 1 verbal derivational suffix -ra-, may take a human subject and a human or animal zero complement. For example, a customs agent (human subject) may take away someone's dog (animal zero complement). Meta phorically human, the law may take children (human zero complement) from one parent and give them to the other parent. (These examples are all from La Paz/Tiahuanaco.) The verbs achu.na (La Paz) and pugu.na (La Paz and elsewhere) take a plant subject and no zero complement. Ch 1 ugi.w ach.u.} 'Potatoes ~(La Paz) s grow/are produced.' (Calacala) PAGE 633 616 When the Class 2 verbal derivational suffix~ is added to achuor pugu-, the verb takes a human subject, the original plant subject then turning into a zero complement. Ch'uq achu.y.t.wa. 'I grow potatoes. 1 (La Paz) s There is a homophonous verb achu.na 'to carry in the mouth' that requires an animal subject. The derived stem ach.ja.tata'to bite', with the Class 1 derivational suffixes -jaand -tata-, also requires an animal subject and therefore does not take the nominalizer -na. It can take a human -ru complement. Anu.w dog (naya.r) lp ach.ja.tat.itu. s 'The dog bit me. 1 (La Paz) The base verb mang'a.na 'to eat' permits a human or animal subject and an edible zero complement, but no human -ru complement. The derived verb stem mang'a.tata_with the Class 1 verbal derivational suffix -tata-, permits only an animal subject and does not take -na, but like ach.ja.tata it also can take a human -ru complement. PAGE 634 617 ch'ug mang'a.na 'to eat potatoes' {La Paz) Anu.w dog (naya.r) lp mang'a.tat.itu. 3-+ l s 'The dog bit me. 1 {La Paz) Two other verbs glossing 'to bite', both also with -tatain the stem, may be substituted for ach.ja.tataor mang'a.tata-. Anu.w naxna.tat.itu. Anu.w t 11 at 11 a.tat.itu. 3-+l s 'The dog bit me. 1 {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'The dog bit me. 1 {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) The verb t 11 at 11 a.tata.na may take a human subject when used metaphorically, meaning 'to snap at someone, to bite some one's head off'. Certain verb themes built on nouns verbalized with -ptarequire a nonhuman subject and do not take the nominalizer -na. Examples are ch'iyara.pta'turn black', muxsa.pta'turn sweet', and uma.pta'melt, turn to liquid'. When the Class 2 verbal derivational suffix -yais added, the new stems permit human and nonhuman subjects and zero complements, and will take the nominalizer -na. PAGE 635 ch'iyara.pta.ya.na muxsa.pta.ya.na 618 'to cause to turn black, to blacken' 'to sweeten' Nina.x ch 11 ullunk"ay uma.pta.ya.tayna. fire ice melt 3+3 RIK 'The fire melted the ice.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) The natural phenomena nouns JJ!ej_ 'sunlight' or inti 'sun' may be substituted for nina in the foregoing sentence. The verb jiwa.na 'to die' may take an animal or human subject without the addition of any Class 1 suffixes to the root, but not a plant subject; and it has no complements. The following examples from La Paz/Campi have the Class 2 suffixes -siand -kawith the Non-Involver -chi and the final suffixes -chiplus -m: Iwisa.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe the sheep died.' sheep die NI Jupa.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe he/she died.' 3p *Ch'ugi.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe the potatoes died.' potato Another noun accepted as subject in the above pattern is nina 'fire'. PAGE 636 619 Nina.x jiwa.s.k.chi.chi.m. 'Maybe the fire died out. I Nina.chi.m jiwa.s.k.chi. 'Maybe the fire died down. I Nina.chi.m jiwa.ra.s.k.chi. 'Look out, the fire may die out. I (The last example has the Class l suffix -rain the stem.) The addition of the Class 2 suffix~ to the root jiwadoes not change the semantics of its subjects but allows it also to take (formerly) living zero complements. Juyp 1 . 1 i.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. 'Hail killed the sheep.' hail sheep RIK Qamagi.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. 'The fox killed the sheep.' fox sheep RIK Jupa.x iwis jiwa.ya.tayna.w. 1 He/she killed the sheep.' 3p sheep RIK In La Paz/Campi, if the Class l suffix -suis added to the root jiwathe new stem may take a plant subject but not a human or animal subject. Ch'ugi.x jiw.su.s.k.chi.chi.xa. 'Maybe the potatoes potato NI died.• Ch'ugi.x jiw.s.u.x. s 'The potatoes died.' PAGE 637 Jawasa.x jiw.s.u.x. beans Ayru.x jiw.s.u.w. plant 620 'The beans died. 1 'The plants died.' Addition of the Class 2 suffix~ to the stem jiw.super mits an animate subject, and turns a former plant subject to a zero complement. In the following example, also from La Paz/Campi, the new subject is juyp 11 i I hail 1 : Juyp 11 i.chi.x pangar jiw.su.ya.s.k.chi. hail flower NI 'Perhaps the hail killed the flowers. 11 When a verb already has a human subject and a non human zero complement, the addition of~ to the root cre ates an agent (usually human) expressed in the verb inflection complement. If the agent is also expressed by a noun in the sentence, it will be marked by either -ru or -mpi complement/ relational suffix (see 5-3.31). um wayu.na 'to carry water (in container with handles) 1 Juwanti.ru.y wayu.ya.m. 'Have Johnny carry the water.' 2-+3 I Mama.ma.mpi.y wayu.ya.m. 'Have your mother carry the water. 1 PAGE 638 621 (In these contexts, as noted by Hardman, -mpi occurs when it is desired to show respect for the person who is to be the agent.) The Class 2 suffix combination -siplus -ka (-s.ka-) implies a human or anthropomorphized subject when it occurs on interrogatives and demonstratives that have been verbalized with -ka-. Kawki.n.ka.s.k.i.sa? 'Where is he/she?' 3+3 s Aka.n.ka.s.ka.:n.wa.y. 'He was here.' (referring to the 3+3 dog Tumaykarisa; Hardman et al. RDK 1975:1:205) Without -s.ka-, the interrogative or demonstrative plus -n.ka implies an inanimate, nonmoving subject. Kawki.n.k.i.sa? Kawk"a.n.k.i.sa? Aka . n . k . i . wa . 3+3 s r;,-. 'Where is it?' 'It's here.' (La Paz) In asking the location of a domestic animal, or even a per son, it is common to use an inflected verb, instead of kawki plus verbalization, e. g. PAGE 639 622 Asnu.x kawk"a.n.s mang'a.s.k.i? donkey where eat 3+3 s 'Where is the donkey feeding?' K"a: pampa.n mang'a.s.k.i. that 'He's feeding over on that pampa [flat place].• (La Paz/Compi) The suffix combination -s.kaon a verb or verb theme nominalized with-:instead of -ka-, does not imply a human subject. Aka.:.s.ska.tayna.w. 3+3 RIK 'Here it is.• (La Paz/Compi) The Class 2 suffix -rapibeneficiary occurs in stems which take human subjects and human -taki complements, and may also take a human -ru relational. There is also usually a zero complement. (Juma.x)(jupa.r) (naya.taki.w) ch'ug chura.rap.ita:ta. 2p 3p lp potato give 2+1 F 'You will give him potatoes on my behalf. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) The Class 2 suffix -ragavictimary occurs in stems which take human subjects and human -na complements; PAGE 640 623 relationals may also occur, and the zero complement is a possession of the -na complement. Juma.n wutilla.m 2p bottle 2p jala.g.ta.ya.rag.tam. knock over 3+2 s 'He knocked over your bottle.' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Some derived verbs based on nouns verbalized with the Class 1 suffix -jahave unrealized subjects but take human -ru complements and ingestible -ta relationals. The verbs may take the nominalizer -na only when they are stated with their -ta relationals; -ru complement nouns are usually not expressed. Examples: mang'a.t ~ mag'a.t awt.ja.na (*awt.ja.na) awti 'drought' Mang'a.t (naya.r) food lp uma.t awt.ja.na Uma.t awt.j.itu. water awt.j. itu. lack 3+1 s 'I'm hungry. 1 (all dialects) 'I'm thirsty.' (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) t II ~ uma. p ar.Ja.na (*p"ar.ja. na) p 11 ara 'dry' Uma.t .p"ar.j.itu. 'I'm thirsty.' (La Paz) PAGE 641 624 uma.t wan.ja.na (*wan.ja.na) wanu 'dry' Uma.t wan.j.itu. 'I'm thirsty.' (Calacoa, Sitajara, Bertonio 1603b) Another verb that takes a human -ru complement and may have an unrealized subject is jat.ja.na 'to weigh upon, to sadden'. Jat.j.itu. { 1+3 s 'It saddens me/weighs me down/weighs on me.' 'It's heavy.' (La Paz/Compi) Certain verbs with subjects that are human body parts or conditions affecting them, answer the ques tion Kuna.s kama.ch.tam? 11 What ails you?' what how 3~ s The examples, all of which are believed to take -na nomi nalizer, are from Hardman et al. (1975:1.181-184, 2.119) unless otherwise noted. Mallg' a.w throat ch 11 aja.nt.itu. 3+1 s "My throat is hoarse.' PAGE 642 625 T'aya.w k 1 at 11 ati .y. itu. 'The cold makes me shiver.' cold Puraka.w k'ich.itu. stomach Lupi.w lup.j.itu. sunlight Iki.w pak. itu. sleep T II aya . w t II ay. j . i tu . cold Ampara.w t'uk.utu. arm P'igi.w us.utu. head 'My stomach has cramps.' 'The sunlight makes me hot.' 'I'm sleepy.' ('Sleep overcomes me.') (Jopoqueri) 1 The cold chills me.' 'My arms are stiff.' 'My head aches. 11 There are also verbs that may take both human per sons and human body parts, or conditions affecting them, as subjects. With person subjects they may take inanimate zero or -ru complements but they usually do not take human comple ments; with body parts or conditions as subjects they may take human complements, in which case they answer the 'What ails you?' question. Examples: PAGE 643 puri.na 1 to arrive' Person subject: Jupa.w 3p 626 { (mark) } (marka.r) town pur.i. 3+3 s 'He/she arrived (in town).' (La Paz) Condition subject: Iki.w pur.itu. gari.na 'to tire' sleep 3+1 s 'I'msleepy.' (LaPaz) Iki.w puri.w.j.itu. ' I 'm sleepy. ' (Cal acoa) Iki.w pur.t.itu. 'I'm sleepy.' (Sitajara) Ch 11 uxu.w pur.itu. urine 'I need to urinate. 1 (La Paz) Person subject: Qari.ta.ki.t.wa. 1+3 s 'I'm very tired. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) PAGE 644 627 Qar.j.t.wa. 1 I 1 m tired. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Body part subject: Kayu.naka.w sar.naga.t gar.j.itu. feet walk 3+1 s 1 My feet are tired (tire me) from walking.• (Hardman et al. 1975:2.119) Unrealized subject: Qar.ja.s.k.itu.w. 3+1 sara.na 1 to go• Person subject: s 1 I 1 m tired. 1 (Hardman et al. 1975:1.355) { (mark) Naya.x lp (marka.ru.w) town sara.:. --1+3 F 1 I I ll go to town. 1 ( La Paz) Body part subject, body part -ta relational: Wila.w nasa.t sar.itu. blood nose 3+1 s 1 I have a nosebleed.' ('Blood from nose goes to me. 1 (La Paz) PAGE 645 sar.ta.na 'to get up' Person subject: Jupa.x 3p 628 sar.t.i.w. 3 3 s 'He got up. 1 (La Paz) Body part condition subject, condition -ta relational: Jinchu ch 11 ig 11 acha.w t 11 aya.t sar.t.itu. ear ache cold 3+1 s 'My ear aches from the cold.' ('Ear ache from cold gets up to me.') (Hardman et al. 1975:1.181-182) A verb that may take a human -ru complement with either a human person or bodily condition as subject is katu.na 'to grab'. Person subject, human -ru complement: Jupa.x (naya.r) kat.utu. 3+1 s 'He/she grabbed me.' (La Paz) PAGE 646 629 Condition subject, human -ru complement: Rumarisu.w kat.utu. rheumatism 3+1 s 1 I have rheumatism.' (Hardman et al. 1975:1.181-182) A verb that may take a human or animal subject with or without a h~man complement is ma.kata.na 'to go across or in front of'. Human subject, human -ru complement: Naya.x mallku.r ma.kat.t.wa. lp chief 1+3 s 1 I went before the chief.' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco; inspired by Bertonio 1603b:272) Human subject, place zero complement: Jawir ma.kata.m. river 2+3 I 'Cross the river. 1 ( La Paz/Ti ahuanaco; inspired by Bertonio 1603b:272) PAGE 647 630 Animal subject, human..:!]_ complement: Kusi.kusi.x ma.kat.istu. spider 3+4 s 'Spiders crawled over us. 1 (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) Most of the above examples are from La Paz. Evi dence of dialectal variation in the semantic features of verb subjects and complements is still scanty, but a few examples may be given. In La Paz, Juli, Calacoa, and Morocomarca the verb wawa.cha.na means 'for animals to bear offspring'. In Jopoqueri, Sitajara, and Salinas the verb is also used for human beings, with the general meaning 'to bear offspring'. Everywhere, however, derivatives of the verb usu.na 'to be ill 1 (such as usu.ri.:.ta.:.na, usu.r.ta.si.na, and us.xa.na) are commonly used for 'to be pregnant, to bear a child' (human subject). In Juli ik.nug.t.xa.si.na means 'for a human being to be born'. The corresponding verb in Jopoqueri is jiki.nugu.si.na. Metaphorically they may mean 'to be founded' taking as subject an organization, for example. In La Paz the usual verb meaning 'for a human being to be born' is nasi.na, from Spanish nacer. The corresponding native Aymara verb yuri.na ~ yawri.na still persists in Juli PAGE 648 631 and parts of La Paz department but yuri.na is considered to be Missionary or Radio Aymara by some speakers (see 9-6.2). 8-2.3 Directly/Indirectly acquired knowledge (data source) This postulate is expressed by verbal inflectional suffixes (6-3), the reporting verb sa.na (6-4 and 7-4.4) and certain final suffixes (7-2.22). Its cultural importance is conveyed in a saying found in almost all Aymara communities (see 7-4.22. l and Appendix D), which may be translated as 'Having seen, one must say 11 I have seen. 11 Not having seen, one must not say 11 ! have seen. 111 Closely bound up with this postulate is the cultural impor tance of learning by watching the behavior of respected people, as reflected in the expressions noted in 8-2.2 with reference to the human/nonhuman distinction. un.ta.sa.w sar.naga.:ta. people watching go around F Kuna.r un.ta.t sar.nag.ta.xa. anything watching go around s 'Live (by) watching real people. 1 'You go around looking at anything.' (How stupid you are.) (La Paz/Compi) In Aymara society, children are expected to learn by observa tion and in a very short time; they are expected to dis criminate, both qualitatively and in terms of who did and PAGE 649 632 said what and to whom. This expectation is reflected in the language. The Simple, Remote Direct Knowledge, and Remonstra tor tenses are used when (usually visual) direct experience on which to base a statement (or question) is available to the speaker, hearer, or both. The Future, Imperative, and Desiderative tenses are used for projections vouched for or desired on the basis of directly acquired personal knowl edge. The Remote Indirect Knowledge tense indicates non presence of the speaker at the event(s) discussed and second hand acquisition of the information, possibly accompanied by surprise or change of a former opinion. Compound tenses with the Inferential express conjecture based on evidence from personal experience, while compound tenses with the Non-Involver imply inability to vouch for information be cause of factors beyond one's control. The reportive verb sa.na places the speaker in the role of reproducing what someone else said. Varying de grees of directness or indirectness of acquisition of the information may be expressed by the verb sa.na as well as within the quoted statements themselves. The final suffixes -wa absolute and.:...! reiterator of known information are the strongest of the direct knowl edge markers. They often occur softened with the politive ~, but this does not detract from their absoluteness. PAGE 650 633 The interrogatives -sa and -ti elicit answers with -wa or .:.JU. even if no information is available. Jani.w yat.k.t.ti. 'I don't know.' (general) no know 1+3 s On the other hand, the final suffix -xa or its variant is nonabsolute, often tentative. The limited final suffix -chiand the disclaimer-mare the strongest indirect knowledge markers, the former very similar in both phonologi cal shape and semantics to the Non-involver suffix -chi. In fact, the final suffix combinations -chi.xa and -chi.m have occurred only with -chi Non-mvolver on the verb, although the latter often occurred without -chi.xa or-chi.min the sentence. Combining direct knowledge tenses with direct knowl edge final suffixes reinforces the directness. The final suffixes -wa and .:..i. do not co..,occur with the Non-involver, the most indirect of the tense markers. At this stage of research no regional variation in this postulate has been noted, but there is variation with respect to Missionary Aymara (see 9-6.13). PAGE 651 634 8-2.4 A nonpostulate: Singular/Plural In Aymara the distinction of singular/plural is not a postulate as it is for the Inda-European languages. Plural may be optionally indicated by the noun suffix -naka and/or the verbal derivational suffix .:..e.:._, as noted in 5-2.3, 5-3.25, and 6-2.26. The present section focuses on examples that show the optionality of number marking in Aymara. 8-2.41 Plural in translation, no plural marking in Aymara Juma. raki 2p and na.raki, juma.raki lp and uka.x kuna.s? Kayu.w. that what foot 'You and I, you and l, na.raki, what is that? Feet.' (Calacoa riddle) Wawa.j pirti.si.y.itu. child lp lose 3-+l s 'She made me lose my children." '(Socca) Yapu.sa.taki.wa. field 4p 'It's for our fields.' (Salinas) PAGE 652 635 strength sa.s uka.t uma.nt.iri.w. that drink 111 Drink chicha, drink this chicha, for strength, 11 so saying they drink. 1 (Sitajara) The following example has a subject consisting of two nouns conjoined: Uk 11 a. ru. x awk tayka. raki .w puri. n. iri tayn. then father mother and arrive 3+3 RIK 'Then the father and mother arrived.' (Juli) The second in the following minimal pair (contrast ing the phonemes /ch 1 / and /ch/) implies more than one per son as subject. Ch 1 ara.nt.chi.spa.xa.y. wet NI 3+3 D-1 Chara.nt.chi.spa.xa.y. thigh 1 (The rain) might get your clothes wet.• (La Paz) 'They may cross thighs.• (obscene) (La Paz) PAGE 653 636 8-2.42 Conjoined nouns as subject, plural marked on verb Tata.j mama.ja.w jark 1 a.si.p.x.itu. father lp mother prevent 3-+-l s 1 My father and mother don't let me. 1 (Juli) + g 11 amagi.mpi k 1 usillu.mpi jig.xata.si.p.xa.tayna fox monkey meet 3-+-3 RIK ... a fox and a monkey met ... 1 (Pacajes; LaBarre 1950:42) 8-2.43 Plural marked only on subject Alp 11 irawu.naka.w ut.j.i. alferado 3-+-3 s 'There are alferados. 1 (Sitajara) Uka.t uka piwuna.naka.x Y2.. uka chicha.mpi.x then that worker tunu.ri.w. strength 1 Then those workers are strengthened with that chi cha. 1 (Sitajara) Juma.naka un.ch 1 uk.ista.wa. 'You (pl.) are looking at me. 1 (Salinas; translated from S Spanish) K 11 iti.naka.s pur.ta.ni.w.x.i? who arrive s 'Who (pl.) arrived? 1 (Calacoa) PAGE 654 637 Uk 11 a.ma.ki.w kuwintu.naka.ja.x ... inas jan thus story l p maybe no wali.k.ch.i.ti. good 3+3 s 1 That 1 s the way my stories (are) perhaps not very good. 1 (Huancane) Kuna p 11 utu.naka.s whatever photo mistu.s.ka.s . come out 1 Whatever photos may come out. (Corque) 8-2.44 Plural marked only on verb A subject, complement, or relational noun without -naka but translating as plural may occur with .:Jc on the verb. Subject: Alp 11 a sa.p.x.t na.x. alfalfa say 1+3 lp •we say alp 11 a.' (Sitajara) s l . . k t 11 a .Ja.s,.p .. a naya.x. 'We buy . . ' (Calacala) buy 1+3 lp s Complement: na.ru.xa rispach.xa.p.x.it. lp dismiss 2+1 'Dismiss us (Si tajara) I Jani.w k 11 iti.ru.s aru.s.ta.si.p.xa.nta.ti. no anyone tell 2+3 F 'Don't [you sg.] tell anyone else.' (Salinas) PAGE 655 638 Wak liw.t'a.ya.ni.p.xa.:ta. cow feed F 'You [sg.] will feed the cows.' (Calacoa) Relational: Yapu.pa.t juta.p.x.i.x. field 3p come s 'She's coming from her fields.' (Juli) It is common for .:.P..:. to occur on the verb when a subject and/or complement is unexpressed by a noun in the sentence, but appears in plural form in translation. The suffix .:.P..:. may refer to the persons involved in the action, the extent or intensity of the action itself, or both. . k t" pugu.ya.s, .p. . a sara.si.p.k.ta s s 'we produce' (Calacala) 'you [pl.] are going' (Jopoqueri) May.ni.t may.ni.t parl.t'a.p.xa.m. other talk I 'You talk one by one.' (Calacoa) PAGE 656 am.tu.ni.p.xa.mama 1-+2 F amtu.ni.p.x.ita:ta 2-+l F 639 'we will remember you' (Juli) 'you will remember us' (Juli) Juma un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x. 2-+l 'You are looking at us. 1 (Calacoa; translated from s Tu nos est~s mirando.'You [sg.] are looking at us. 1 ) Kuwintt'a.p.xa.mama. 1-+2 F 1 I 1 11 tell you a story. 11 (Huancan~) Srta. Miss Lusi.xa Lucy a k. j a . ta . : ma . ta unexpectedly aka.ru.x here wisita.p.x.itu. visit 3-+l s 'Miss Lucy unexpectedly visited us here. 1 (Salinas) Sometimes one verb may have .:..E.::. while another with the same subject does not. Uka.t uka.x chich.x lur.i.xa k'usa.si.p.k.i then that chicha make 3-+3 make chicna 3-+3 wali sum. very well s s 'Then they make chicha,they make chicha very well . 11 (Sitajara) PAGE 657 640 Uka.t.x uma.nta.p.x.i uka.t wulpi chur.i.x give s then drink 3+3 then hit wal trawaj.i.x. well work 3+3 s s 'Then they drink, then they hit hard, they work hard.' (Sitajara) Wal sara.naqa.s.k.i wali sara.naga.si.p.k.i.x. well get along 3+3 well get along 3+3 s s 'They get along fine they get along fine.' (Sitajara) Jani.ray.s wali.:.wa.x.t.ti.x. Wal no and improve 1+3 very s (lla)k"ichu.si. be sad ta.p.x.i. 3+3 s 'I haven't gotten any better I've had a lot of trouble.' (Sitajara) In the immediately preceding example .:..P..:. acts more as an emphatic or intensifier than a plural. This is also true in the following sentences: Puri.t.ma.taki arrive 2p II t p uya.p .. wa. cook -1+3 s 'For your coming I cooked (a lot).' (Morocomarca) Tuk.t'a.si.p.x.ch.i uk charang. 'He was playing the charango (a lot).' (Juli) play 3+3 s It is possible of course that in the first example above more than one person was involved in the cooking and that in PAGE 658 641 the second the speaker refers to the audience for which the charango was played. 8-2.45 Plural marked on complement and verb In the following examples plural is marked on the complement and the verb; there are no subject nouns or pronouns in the sentences. Na.naka.ru.x lp sirwi .p.x. it. serve 2+1 I 'You serve us. 11 Uka.ta.raki na.naka.r arma.si.si.p.k.itasma. then l p -forget 2+ l D-1 'Now then, don't you forget us.' (Juli) Kuna p 11 utu.naka.s mistu.s.ka.s uka.nak any photo come out those apa.:.ni.p.x.ita:ta.pi.y. send 2-+l F (Sitajara) 'Please send me/us any photos that come out.' (Corque) 8-2.46 Plural marked on subject and verb When translating from Spanish, bilinguals usually mark a plural subject with -naka and the verb with..:..:., as in the following examples, all translations from Spanish: PAGE 659 Juma.naka 2p 642 un.ch'uki.s.ka.p.ista.x. look at 2+1 s 'You [pl.] are looking at me. 1 (Calacoa) Na.naka.x chik.t'a.si.p.k.t.wa. lp -ask 1+3 s 'We are asking. 1 (Salinas) Jupa.nak sara.p.xa.ta.pa.ta mama.pa.x k 11 atu.r 3p go 3p 3p market sara.:n.wa. go 3+3 RDK 'After they had left, their mother went to market. 1 (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; inspired by Ebbing 1965:185) Kullaka.nak.na sar.xa.p.x.i.wa. sister lp go 3+3 s 'My sisters left.' (Morocomarca) Juma.naka.x 2p na.r un.kata.p.itta. --;-p2+1 s 'You (pl.) are looking at me. 1 (Sitajara) This pattern may occur in the speech of monolinguals, as in the case of the following from Tschopik (1948:113), but it is not very common. + Jupa. naka. sti 3p inti.ru.xa kun.sa kama.cha.p.k.iri.tayna.ti. sun nothing do 3+3 RIK 'And they had done nothing to the sun.' (Chucuito) PAGE 660 643 8-3 Semantic Variation in Roots and Suffixes Apart from variation in the manifestations of lin guistic postulates (although not in the postulates them selves), there is some variation in the meanings of roots, suffixes, and stems across dialects. The same root, stem, or suffix may have one meaning in translation in one dialect, another in another; or the same meaning in translation may be expressed by different lexical items or suffixes from one dialect to another. As already noted, relying on transla tions to establish 1 same 1 or 1 different 1 meanings is unsafe; identity or difference of meanings must ultimately be decided by native speakers working within the language. 8-3.1 Noun system 8-3.11 Closed classes of noun roots The verbalized interrogative Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? has slightly different meanings in different dialects (see 52.12). The syntactic linkers kuna.layku.ti.xa (built on the interrogative kuna) and uka.mpisa (built on the demonstra tive uka) are discussed in 9-5. The positionals chika and ch 1 ina have slightly varying meanings, as do some of the temporals (see 5-2.5, 5-2.6, and 5-4). PAGE 661 644 The word jup"a, which is the 3p pronoun in Moroco marca, means quinoa (a grain) in La Paz where the 3p pronoun is~ as it is in most dialects. Some kinship terms vary in meaning across dialects. Only a few will be mentioned here. The term sullka means 'younger daughter' or 'younger' in most dialects. However, in Vitocota these meanings are rendered by p'uru. The noun achachi means 'grandfather' or 'old man' in Calacala and Calacoa, but in La Paz it signifies 'dirty (unwashed) old man, stupid old man'. The terms tatala (M) and mamala (F) are used in Vitocota by a mother addressing a son or daughter. In Sitajara they are used to refer to people from the alti plano (the department of Puna), otherwise known as the suni people. In Tiahuanaco tatala is an insulting term for 'father'. 8-3.12 Open class of noun roots 8-3.12. 1 One form in Aymara, different meanings in translation These are listed in alphabetical order. There may be some phonological variation in the root. Jiwa 'ugly' (Chucuito, Socca, Puno) 'beautiful, pretty, nice' (La Paz) 'dead' (Morocomarca) Jiwa uta.naka.ki.sa.: 'What nice houses!' (La Paz) 'Houses of the dead! 1 (Morocomarca) PAGE 662 jirwa ~ jiwra jirwa jup 11 a kusa k 11 usa k II us i k 1 acha k 1 acha.ta.ki. liju pachpa 645 1 quinoa 1 (Sacca, Puna) 'quinoa, dried corn, cornstalk' (Sitajara) 1 quinoa 1 (Calacoa) 'dried corn or dried wheat• (Morocomarca) 1 quinoa 1 (Morocomarca) 3p pronoun (elsewhere) 1 quinoa 1 (La Paz) 3p pronoun (Morocomarca) 'tasty• (Calacoa, Huancane) 'pretty, nice• (La Paz) 'beautiful 1 (Chucuito, Puna) 'pretty' (Calacoa) 'pretty' (Sitajara) 'slowly' (Huancane; similar forms have this meaning in La Paz, Morocomarca, and Sitajara. See 8-3.12.2.) 'all, completely' (La Paz, Salinas, Calacala, Calacoa) 'cloudless sky' (Morocomarca; probably metaphorical) 'same' (La Paz) 'afterwards' (Salinas, Corque) 'right there• (Sitajara) 'dear', as in quli mama 'dear lady' (Juli, Huancane;notused in La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) PAGE 663 illA. suma suma.ta.ji suma.t 11 a.ki t 11 aya wayra warya ~ wayra 646 'lake' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, La Paz, Juli) 'well full of water' (Calacoa) 'beautiful, pretty' (Calacoa, Socca, Jopoqueri) 'tasty, delicious' (nonhuman), 'kind, good' (human) (La Paz) 'slow(ly)' (Salinas) 'slow(ly)' (Jopoqueri) 'cold' (not 'wind!) (Calacoa, Morocomarca, San Andr~s de Machaca) 'cold wind' (La Paz; wind is by defini tion cold) 'wind' (Jopoqueri, Salinas; not used in Calacoa or Compi) 'wind' (in parts of La Paz) 8-3.12.2 One meaning in translation, different forms in Aymara 'all, completely' 'asthma' liju (La Paz, Calacala, Calacoa) liju ~ lliju (Salinas) limp"u (Morocomarca) tatji (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala, Sitajara; does not occur in Calacoa) tagpa ~ tagip (Morocomarca) k 1 ap 11 allja (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Naya.x k 1 ap 11 allja.ni.t.wa. 'I have asthma. 1 xarsa (Vitocota) Jupa.x xarsa.ni.w. 'He has asthma. 1 PAGE 664 'belt' (faja) 647 p"aja (San Andr~s de Machaca) t'isnu (Morocomarca; worn only by women in San Andres de Machaca; term not used in Sitajara) wak'a (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa, San Andr~s de Machaca) yapisa (Jopoqueri, Salinas; term not used in Sitajara) 'chicha' (fermented corn drink) 'cloud' 'comb' 'dog' 'family' k'usa (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Sitajara) k'usa (Calacala) winapu (Sitajara) ch'iwi (Jopoqueri) ginaya (Compi) ginayu (Huancane) chaxrana (La Paz/Compi; 'like a broom') sanu (La Paz, Calacoa) saxrana, tika (Huancane) anu (La Paz, Morocomarca, Juli, Sitajara, Calacoa) anugara (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara, Huancane, Vitocota) p 11 amilla (La Paz;< Spanish familia) yump"i (Vitocota) 'fast, in a hurry' anchicha (Sitajara) anchita (La Paz) apura (Sitajara, Jopoqueri; < Spanish apurar) PAGE 665 'fat' 'fat-taker' 'flower' 'fox' 648 jank'a (Sitajara) jank'a.ki (La Paz) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, Socca) lijiru.lla (!lave, according to Huancane source;< Spanish ligero) luku (Calacoa) ma:ji (Salinas, Morocomarca) ma:ki (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) mak.maki (Calacala) mak 11 i (Calacoa) lik'i (La Paz, Juli) lank 11 u (Salinas; in La Paz, means 'thick', e. g. wool) lunku (Calacoa) k 11 arik 11 ari (La Paz) k"ari.s.iri (Juli, Huancan~, Calacala, Morocomarca) lik'i.ch.iri (Salinas) ('fat-maker') kalawina (Calacoa; < Spanish clavel) panqara (La Paz; this and similar forms unknown in Calacoa) p 11 aq 11 ara (Morocomarca) p"anqalli (Jopoqueri) t'ika (Salinas; considered Quechua by Jopoqueri speaker) atux antunu (Salinas) lari (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) PAGE 666 'girl' (little) 649 gamagi (La -Paz, Huancan~, Sacca, Sitajara, Calacoa, Salinas) tiwla (Morocomarca) tiwula (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Sacca, Salinas) lulu (Sacca, Jesas de Machaca, San Andr~s de Machaca) mimilla (Sitajara; also Bertonio 1603b) imilla (elsewhere) 'grinding stone for grain 1 'hail' 'hat' 'hen' iyana (Juli) iyana ~ iyawjana (Jopoqueri; term not used in Sitajara or Salinas) kutana (Morocomarca) panhara (Sitajara) q"una (la Paz/Tiahuanaco, Morocomarca) chijni (Huancan~) ch"ijch"i (la Paz/Tiahuanaco) ch 11 ixni (Vitocota) ch"ulluqa (La Paz/Campi) ch'utq"u (Juli) k'ulu (Jopoqueri) sumiru (Sitajara;} surmiru (la Paz; < Spanish sombrero) atallpa (Sitajara) wallpa (la Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) + atawalpa (Bertonio 1603b:23) PAGE 667 'lung' 'much, too much' 650 chuyma (Salinas, Juli) samasama (Jopoqueri) pulmuna (La Paz, Sitajara; < Spanish pulm6n) alluxa (Salinas, Jopoqueri; not used by some La Paz speakers because of homophony with allu 'penis' plus -xa final suffix) ancha (La Paz/Campi, Jopoqueri, Salinas) ayncha (Corque) muspa: (Salinas) wakita (Jopoqueri) wal.ja (La Paz, Morocomarca) 'pretty, beautiful' jiwa (La Paz, Huancan~) 'quinoa' 'rooster' kusa (La Paz) k"usa (Sacca) k"usi (Calacoa) k'acha (Sitajara) k'ach"a (Salinas) suma (Calacoa, Sacca, Jopoqueri) jiwra (Sitajara, Calacoa) jiwra ~ jirwa (Socca) jupa (Morocomarca) -jup"a (La Paz/Campi, Huancan~) juyra (Jopoqueri, Salinas) pisqi (Sitajara) chanka (Calacoa) ch'uru (Sitajara) PAGE 668 1 slow ( 1 y) 1 651 gallu (Salinas; k 11 allu (Morocomarca; } < Spanish gallo k 1 ank 1 a (La Paz, Jopoqueri) ququrichi {Huancane) wallpa {Huancane) aski.ta.ki (Calacoa) jarita (Achocalla) k 1 acha:.ta.ji (Morocomarca) k 1 acha:.ta.ki (Sitajara) k 1 acha.ta.ki (Huancane) k 1 acha.t 11 a.ki (Morocomarca) k 1 ach 11 ita (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) suma.t 11 a.ji (Salinas) suma.t 11 a.ki (Jopoqueri) 'ugly, disgusting• axtafta (Juli) jaxtafta (Sitajara) 1 wind 1 jiru (Salinas; < Spanish feo ? jiwa (Socca) ftaxtana (Salinas) ftaxu (Jopoqueri) p 11 iru (Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa, San Andres de Machaca; < Spanish feo ? ch 1 isi (Huancane) suqi (Calacoa) t 11 aya (La Paz; also means 1 cold 1 ) PAGE 669 'young woman' 'worm' 652 wayra (Jopoqueri, Socca, Salinas; term not used in Compi) warya ~ wayra (parts of La Paz) palachu (Calacala, possibly other parts of Potos,) tawagu (elsewhere) sik"a (Morocomarca) lag"u (Calacoa) lag'u (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Salinas, Sitajara) 8-3. 13 Noun suffixes 8-3.13.1 One form in Aymara, different uses (and/or meanings in translation) -n.jama 'like in/on' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) -pacha uru.n.jama 'like in daytime' p"axsi.n.jama 'like on the moon' 'through' (Calacoa, La Paz/Compi) uta.n.jama 'through the house' 'every' (Bertonio 1603b:231) +uru.n.jama 'every day' 'self', on lp naya ~ na (Juli, La Paz, Calacoa; not used elsewhere) nay.pacha 'myself' 1 a 11 , same' (everywhere) PAGE 670 653 8-3. 13-2 One meaning in translation, different forms in Aymara Diminutives: 'through' '(the one} which' -cha {Calacoa, Huancane} -lla (Huancan~, Sitajara, Corque, Jopoqueri, Salinas} -ita, -itu, -situ (everywhere but ""Calaco~ : k" a ( Morocoma rca} uta.:k"a 'through the house' -na.ma (La Paz/Tiahuanaco} uta.na.ma 'through the house' -:ma (San Andres de Machaca} uta.:ma 'through the house' -n.jama (Calacoa, Compi} uta.n.jama 'through the house' -ra {Jopoqueri) uta.ra.n 'through the house' -chapi on aka, uka (Huancane) -ch"api on kawki, may.ni (Jopoqueri, s,tajara} -ch"ap.iri (Sitajara) -i:ri on demonstratives (La Paz, Huancan~) -i:ri on kawki {La Paz, Huancan~, Socca, Jopoqueri) -iri on kawki (La Paz) -n.iri ~ -n.i:ri on kawki (La Paz, Juli) ~cp.iri on kawki (Socca, Morocomarca) ~vp.iri on kawki (Morocomarca) PAGE 671 654 8-3.2 Verb system 8-3.21 Verb roots and stems Some variation in the semantics of verb subjects and complements due to different occurrences of verbal derivational suffixes on a root has been discussed under 8-2.25. The following examples from Morocomarca illustrate the meaning changes that may occur within one dialect when different verbal derivational suffixes (in this case the Class 2 suffixes -wiyaand -xa-) are substituted on a verb root (in this case chura'give'}. Chura.:.wa. 1+3 F Chura.wiya.:.wa. 1+3 F Chur.xa.:.wa. 1+3 F 'I am going to set a quota. 1 (Voy poner una cuota.) 'I will ~ive to/reach out to him/her. 1 (Levoy~ alcanzar.) 'I will give it to him/her. 1 Across dialects there exist sets or families of verbs built on the same or related roots. One such set is built on the noun/verb root aru 'word, language, speech, speak' or the derived frozen verb stem arusi-. In many dialects today aru.na exists only as a noun, 'cock's crow'. PAGE 672 655 (In Huancane, however, wall pa ar.ta is 'cock's crow'.) The Spanish loan verb parla.na 'to speak' has been adopted al most everywhere. Verbs built on aru or arusihave a variety of derived meanings. ar.s.t'a.na ar.su.na ar.s.xa.na ar.t'a.na ar.t'a.wiya.na arusi.na arus.naqa.na 'to speak' (San Andres de Machaca) 'to say' (Salinas) 'to speak' (San Andres de Machaca) 'to decide; to babble, be barely able to speak' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) +,to reveal' (Bertonio l603b:301) 'to babble' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to yell' (San Andres de Machaca) 'to call' (Salinas) 'to scold, protest, speak against some one' (San Andres de Machaca, Tiahuanaco, Compi) +'to speak' (Bertonio 1603b:87) 'to speak ill of someone' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco, also Bertonio 1603b:327; La Paz uses parla.si.na more often to convey this meaning) arus.ta.na ~ arus.t'a.wiya.na 'tongue-twister' (Salinas) arus.tata.na arus.t'a.si .na ar.xata.na ar.xaya.na 'to say to someone' (Salinas) 'to agree' (Huancane) 'to declare oneself in favor of' (San Andres de Machaca) 'to speak to' (San Andres de Machaca) PAGE 673 656 The following roots and stems, which are phono logically and semantically similar to each other,may con stitute another related set. ama:. na +. Jamawa~ amawaam.ta.na am.ta.si.na am. t. t I a. s i . na amtu.si.na am.t'a.na am.t'a.si.na amu.ki.na amus.t'a.na + amutaamu tu. : . na amuya.na muna.na + muna'to esteem, appreciate, love, want' (Sitajara) 'want, love' (Bertonio 1603b:244, 1612:2.227) 'to remember' (Huancan~, Calacoa, Jopoqueri) +, to t h i n k , d e c i d e 1 ( La Ba r re l 9 5 0 : 4 3 ) 'to long to restore, to wish to bring back 1 ( La Paz/Compi) 'to agree' (Huancane) 'to remember' (Juli) 1 to remember 1 (Cal acoa) 1 to remember 1 (Si taj a ra) 'to be quiet' (la Paz) 'to be quiet' (Calacoa) 'remember, think' (Bertonio 1603b:77) 'to be mute' (la Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to think, be careful 1 (La Paz, Sitajara) 'to warn' (Salinas, Jopoqueri) 'to esteem, appreciate, love, want' (everywhere except Sitajara) 'love, want' (Bertonio 1612:2.227) As indicated in 6-2 (and in examples in other chap ters) a stem consisting of the same root alone or of the same root plus derivational suffix(es) may gloss differently PAGE 674 657 from one dialect to another, although meanings are usually fairly close (see 8-3.21.1). On the other hand, across dialects the same Spanish example was translated sometimes by a stem with different derivational suffixes, and some times by a different root altogether (see 8-3.21.2). In the case of verbs for agricultural practices or activities re lated to the preparation and preservation of agricultural products, similarity or identity of Spanish gloss may ob scure real differences in meaning which may be uncovered in future research. Apart from this, Aymara is rich in verbs for processing agricultural products which are very cumbersome to translate because the processes do not exist outside Aymara culture. The following are examples of two such verbs from La Paz/Tiahuanaco: jamu.rpaya.na ~ mamu.rpaya.na 'To select from a pile of ground-up freeze-dried potatoes large pieces that have failed to be ground into small enough pieces (to be ground again}; to select by rinsing (enjuagar}. 1 qawi.na 'To put oca (apilla} in the sun for three days, taking it in at night (if not, it will freeze}, then to cook it in the morning, then to put it on the roof to freeze; the result is "Aymara ice cream. 111 PAGE 675 658 8-3.21.l One form in Aymara, different meanings in translation ati.na 1 to send water through a canal 1 (Sitajara) chuk.t'a.si.na jala.na jara.na jik.xata.iia juta.na kirki.na k'asa.na 1 to be able' (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Moroco marca, Calacala) 1 to block a door (e. g. of a corral) with small stones to keep animals from getting out' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; also Bertonio 1603b:217) 'to sit down (e. g. in a chair)• (Jopoqueri, Salinas) 'to squat' (La Paz) 'to fly' (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) 'to run' (La Paz; also Bertonio 1603b:271) 'to untie' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to throw out' (La Paz/Tarata) 'to get 1 ( San Andres de Machaca) 'to meet, find' (La Paz/Campi, Calacala) 'to arrive' (Salinas) 'to come' (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Calacoa, Juli, Huancane) 'to sing' (Salinas, Jopoqueri) 'plant for making plato paceno' (La Paz) 'for adults to cry' (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca) 'to sing very loudly' (Calacoa) 'to yell' (Sitajara) PAGE 676 k'iya.na parla.na puqu.na puri.na p"ichu.rpaya.na p"icha.rpa: .na q"ulli.na tuk i. na tunu.ra.na tulu.ra.na 659 'to grind red peppers or salt with a small round stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to grind corn with a rocking stone (bat~n)' (Salinas) 'to chat' (Salinas) 'to speak' (elsewhere) 'to grow, produce' (plant subject) (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala, Sitajara, Calacoa) 'to ripen' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco, La Paz/ Campi) 'to come' (Salinas, Sitajara, Calacoa) 'to arrive' (la Paz, Salinas, Jopoqueri, Calacala, Huancan~, Sacca) 'to card wool, removing dirty particles' (la Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to untie' (Salinas) 'to dig a field before planting' (escar bar) (Jopoqueri) 'to plow (with team of oxen)' (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) 'to inflate, to faint' (Sacca) 'to stretch out the legs' (La Paz/Compi) 'to turn numb, hard' (la Paz/Campi) 'to feel strengthened' (Sitajara) 'to feel strengthened' (Sacca) A set of phonologically similar verb roots with shifting meanings across dialects is the following: PAGE 677 ch"ik"a.na jik"a.na sik"a.wa.na 660 'to lead an animal with a rope' (Jopo queri) 1 to drive one little animal alone' (Jopo queri) 'to take (a horse) on a rope, behind or in front of one' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to take (a cow) 1 (Calacoa) 8-3.21.2 One meaning in translation~ different forms in Aymara 8-3.21.21 One Aymara root, different suffixes Only a few examples will be cited, as use of differ ent suffixes may depend more on stylistic than on semantic criteria in many cases. In most dialects Spanish aprender 'to learn' was translated as yati.qa.na, built on yati.na 'to know'. In Calacoa yati.qa.na means 'to learn from another', while yati.nta.na means 'to learn by oneself'. Whether this distinction is also made elsewhere but was simply not mentioned is not known at this time. In Salinas and Morocomarca aprender was rendered in Aymara as yati.na. Another example occurred with Aymara translations of the Spanish escuchar 'to listen'. In most places this is rendered as is.t'a.na, the base verb isa.na occurring infrequently if at all. In Morocomarca 'to listen' is isapa.na, which corresponds to modern Jaqaru and to the Aymara of Bertonio (1603b:77); the /pa/ is apparently a frozen suffix in Aymara. PAGE 678 661 Two other examples in context may be given: 1 Go throw it to a dog. 1 Anugara.r jagu.ni.m. (Vitocota; non-ironic) Anu.r jaq.xaru.ya.ni.m. (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; non-ironic) Anu.r jaqu.ni.m. dog I (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; ironic, e. g. 1 D0 it to a dog! (not to me) 1 The expression which in Vitocota is a simple request to throw a dog a bone, to a Tiahuanaco speaker sounds like an ironic retort (see 8-2.22). To convey a straightforward request to throw food to a dog, a Tiahuanaco speaker adds the derivational suffixes shown, among them the causative -yawhich sets the 2p subject at a greater distance from the dog complement. Another example occurred in a folksong in which a dove is warned to hide from a hawk. As rendered by a speaker from Jopoqueri, it contained the inflected verb im.t 1 a.s.xa.m 'hide yourself'. A speaker from La Paz/Compi preferred ima.nta.s.xa.m in the same context. To the Jopoqueri speaker the first version was more like an order and more forceful and hence to be preferred. PAGE 679 662 8-3.21.22 More than one Aymara root 'to be able' 'to arrive' 'to come' 'to cry' ati.na (Salinas, Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Calacala) puyri.na (La Paz, Sitajara, Calacoa < Spanish poder ira.nta.na (Calacala, Salinas) mak 11 ata.na (Huancanl) juta.na (Salinas) puri.na (elsewhere) juta.na (La Paz, Jopoqueri, Calacoa, Jul,; also Bertonio 1603b:81; not used in Sitajara) jawti.na (Calacoa) jawuti.na (Jesas de Machaca) puri.na (Calacoa, Sitajara, Salinas) jacha.na (adults or children) (La Paz, Salinas, Morocomarca, Sitajara, Calacoa} k'asa.na (adults) (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, parts of La Paz} 'to dig or hoe before planting' (escarbar) 'to be thirsty' junu.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas) llamayu.na (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~} q 11 ulli.na (Jopoqueri) uma.t p 11 ar.ja.na (La Paz) uma.t wan.ja.na (Sitajara, Calacoa; also Bertonio 1603b:279} uma.t wana.na (Socca, Calacoa) PAGE 680 'to fall' 'to fly' 'to go' 'to grind' 663 jala.nta.na (Morocomarca) jala.q.ta.na (La Paz, Sitajara) jaqux.t'a.na (Jopoqueri, Sitajara) tinki.na (Sitajara) tirrku.na (La Paz, Salinas) tink 11 a.na (Calacoa) tayu.na (San Andr~s de Machaca) tuyu.na (La Paz/Campi; also 'to swim') jala.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca) wala.na (Calacoa) jasta.na (La Paz/Compi) maqa.na (Achocalla) sara.na (La Paz. Jopoqueri, Salinas, SitaJara, Calacoa) t'iju.na (Jesas de Machaca) T'iju.ma.y yuqalla. I 1 Go away, boy. 1 (V~te muchacho.) iya.na (Jopoqueri, Calacoa; not used in Sitajara or Salinas; means bat~n 'rock ing stone' in Juli) wayk' iya.t.t'a.si.na 'to grind red peppers' (Corque) iy.ta.na (La Paz/Campi) k'iya.na 'to grind red peppers or salt, with a round stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco); 'to grind corn with a bat~n• (Salinas) siwar piqa.na 'to grind barley with a rocking stone' (Huancan~) PAGE 681 664 g"una.na 1 to grind corn into flour on a long stone' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) t'iki.na (Sitajara) 'to grow, produce' achu.na (La Paz) 'to irrigate' puqu.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala, Sitajara, Calacoa) ati.na (Sitajara) ch'axch'u.ni (Jopoqueri, Salinas) k'ayu.na (Sitajara) k'ayi.na (Calacoa) qarpa.na (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) q"ich'a.na (La Paz/Compi} siqi.na (Sitijara) 'to set out (e. g. poles)' 'to plant' 'to be quiet' 1 to run' ch'ak.kata.ta.na (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) lip'.kata.ta.na (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) p 11 at.kata.ta.na (Calacoa) llaxi.nta.na (Corque) llax.xa.na (Achocalla) sata.na (elsewhere) ampa.cha.na (Juli, Calacoa) amuki.na (Juli, elsewhere; not used in Calacoa) jala.na (La Paz/Compi, La Paz, Tiahuanaco) jal.t'a.na (Calacoa, Juli) al.ta.na (Sitajara) tani.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala) PAGE 682 'to sing' 'to sit' 'to sprout' 1 to thank' 665 t'iju.na 'to run over the ground' (San Andres de Machaca) t'ij.ta.na (Juli) kanta.na (La Paz; } < Spanish kant.t 1 a.si.wa.na (Sitajara; cantar) kirki.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas) k'asa.na 'to sing very loud' (Sitajara) q'uchu.na 'to sing hymns' (La Paz) wi rsu. iia (Cal acoa < Spanish verso I verse 1 ) chuk.t'a.na (Jopoqueri) chuk.t'a.si.na (Morocomarca, Salinas, Jopoquer,, Calacala, Sitajara) qunu.si.na (Juli) qun.ta.si.na (La Paz, Juli) ut.t'a.na 'to stay• (La Paz, Huancane, V,tocota) ut.t'a.si.na (Calacoa) ali.nuqa.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas) ali.ra.ni.na (Salinas. Calacoa) al.su.si.na (Sitajara) yapu ch 1 ilk 11 i.na (Salinas) jil.su.ni.na (Salinas, Morocomarca) mist.su.na 'to come out' (La Paz/Campi) juspajara.na yuspara.si.na (La Paz; } < (Huancane; Spanish Dias pagara 'God will repay 1 ) PAGE 683 666 yusulupay (La Paz/Tiahuanaco; < Spanish Dias~ lQ_ pague 'May God repay you.• 1 to think' amuya.na (la Paz) lup 1 i.na (la Paz, Jopoqueri) 1 to wait for someone• 'to weed' inas.t.a.na (Morocomarca, Calacala} unas.t'a.na (Calacoa) unas.t 1 a.wa.na (Sitajara) ansiya.na (Corque) suya.na (La Paz, Juli, Huancan~, Calacoa) wanqi.na (Jopoqueri, Salinas) wanq.t'a.na (Salinas) qura.fla (la Paz/Tiahuanaco, San Andr~s de Machaca) qura.ta.na (La Paz/Compi) qur.su.na (Achocalla, La Paz/Tiahuanaco) qur.ta.na (Achocalla) t"aru.na, t"aru.ra.na (La Paz/Campi) 8-3.22 Verbal inflectional suffixes Falling together of certain verbal inflectional suf fixes involving the fourth person was noted in 8-2.l. Structural homophony in verbal inflections (one form with several meanings) is rather limited in Aymara. The following examples may be noted: PAGE 684 667 1+2 S (Huancane) 4+3 S (Morocomarca) 4+3 D-1 (everywhere except Calacoa) 1+2 S (Salinas) 2+3 I (Juli, Socca, Huancane, Calacala) /-vtan(a)/, /-:tan/, /-:tna/ 4+3 F (Calacoa, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) 4+3 RDK (elsewhere) On the other hand, in certain tenses there is con siderable variety in phonological shapes that express the same tense/person meaning. Numerous examples were given in 6-3. 8-4 Metaphor Investigation of metaphor in Aymara was not really attempted for this study. The following comments and ex amples involve nouns mainly, since metaphorical use of verbs requires manipulation of verbal derivational suffixes in ways usually beyond the nonnative's grasp (either receptively or productively). PAGE 685 668 Hardman et al. (1975:3.34) pointed out that posi tionals are often used as metaphors for time. I have chosen to consider g"ipa 'after, behind' as both a positional and a temporal. Other examples of this overlap are layra ~ nayra 'eye, before, in front of 1 , pacha 'space, time', and chika 'halfway, middle' (see 5-2.5 and 5-2.6). Metaphor in Aymara involves moving lexical items from one semantic category into another, e. g. from human to nonhuman. The following humanizes an inanimate object, a chair, here the unspoken subject of the verb jaws.a.na 'to call'. Ak.sa.r mama, wali jaw.s.tam, ut.t 1 a.si.nani. 'This way, ma'am, (the chair) calls you, let's sit down.• i. e. 'Make yourself comfortable, let's sit down.• (Vitocota) (This same expression may be used in La Paz/Tiahuanaco, sub stituting gun.ta.si.nani for ut.t 1 a.si.nani.) Metaphors involving the use of human or animal terms for inanimate objects or plants are common, e. g. the use of ch 1 ina •ass, human posterior• to mean 'base, bottom• (of a cup or pot) in Compi. The following are names of varie ties of potatoes identified by Vasquez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco): PAGE 686 669 aja.w.iri imil la 'ajawiri girl' ch' iyar imil la 'black girl' jang 1 u imilla 'white girl 1 k"uchi ~u 'piglet' p 11 inu chara 'p 11 inu leg' q'illu k 1 awna •yellow egg' runtu 'egg' (Quechua) sani imilla 1 sani girl' waka laxra 'cow tongue' yugall ch'ugi 'boy potato' Two more potatoes have names of 1) another vegetable, and 2) an inanimate object: g I i 11 u sapa 11 u wislla p'aki 'yellow squash' 'bent serving spoon' (cuchar6n doblado) In fact, the only potato name cited that is not metaphoric, apart from the generic term ch'uqi, is rnOne of the commonest metaphors in Aymara is chuyma. It is usually translated 'heart' (coraz6n), but most speakers will explain that the anatomical organ it represents is actually the lung (bofe) or diaphragm. The anatomical term for heart is llugu. As a metaphor, chuyma always occurs with human reference. A common phrase is taqi chuyma.t 'whole heartedly, sincerely' (de todo coraz6n). The noun chuyma PAGE 687 670 also occurs in the following expression from La Paz/ Tiahuanaco: Juma.x 2p ) wal chuym ( t chuyma.x wal S jar.j.ista. s 'You untied my heartstrings.• (Me desataste coraz6n.) This means 'You made me forget my troubles. 1 Another ex pression, from La Paz/Campi, is chuym ut.t'a.si.na, 1 to seat the heart•, which means 1 to resign oneself, to accept circum stances one can't change•, as inthe following sentence: Kama.cha.raki.:ta.x niya uka.:.chi chuym what do already that NI F ut.t 1 a.ya.s.xa.k.chi.:ta.x. seat NI F 'What (else) can you do it's already happened (and it was beyond your control) resign yourself to it. 1 (La Paz/Campi) The derived noun chuyma.ni, with the possessor suffix -ni, means 'wise, mature person• in La Paz, and as such is usually reserved for older people. In Sacca chuyma.ni may refer to younger persons as well, conveying the ideas of emotional maturity and good character expressed in La Paz PAGE 688 671 The following is from Tschopik (1948:113): + aka .!E.l chuyma.ni jagi.naka.xa this people 'these ignorant people' Tschopik's translation is 'these demented people', but since .i2..i glosses as 'stupid' (sonso) in Sitajara today, the above gloss seems preferable. A few other noun metaphors involving the use of a nonhuman or nonliving noun used to refer to a human or ani mal are given below in alphabetical order. ch'uxna 'green' pang 11 alli 'flower' t 11 ant 11 a 'rags' Metaphorical: 'rebel' (human) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Metaphorical: the llama, 'flower of the altiplano'. According to legend the gods threw flowers on the pampa and they turned into llamas. (Jopoqueri) Metaphorical: 'poor, good-for nothing person' t 11 ant 11 a masi. a 'poor fell ow like me' Huancane) A metaphorical use of the noun/verb root t'ullku is 'in a hurry'. The verb t'ullku.na means 'to twist' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco). PAGE 689 672 The following phrases and sentences illustrate other metaphors involving nouns and verbs. Achaku.ma.w jal.ta.ni. mouse 2p run 3+3 F 'Your mouse will run." (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) ('You' 11 be hungry. ' ) Chamga.mp chayru.mp jir.t"api.ta.:.wa salad soup mix 3+3 RDK 'It mixed salad and soup.' ('The meeting was very disorganized and confused.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) Iki.n t 11 al.t 11 ap.i. bed shake 3+3 s 'He/she shakes the bed.' ('youngest child') (La Paz) Iskuyla.x ampara.naka.ma.n.k.i.w. school hand 3+3 s 'The schooi is in your hands.' ('The school is your responsibility.') (La Paz/Compi} Jayp'u.:.ta.x.t.wa. evening 1+3 s 'I'm evening.' ('I'm done for, finished.') (Socca) k 11 unu.t t 11 aya.t isi.ni. 'dressed in snow and cold' snow cold dress ('poverty-stricken') (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) 8-5 Summary and Conclusion Regional semantic variation in Aymara is relatively slight. As might be expected, nearby dialects tend to share PAGE 690 673 lexical items and meanings, some of which do not occur else where, but there are instances of widely separated dialects having lexical items with similar or identical meanings and usages. No one dialect shows a significant number of lexical items different from those of other dialects. Some variation in meaning relates to connotation. Forms which are innocuous in one dialect may be negatively loaded in another. lmpressionistically it seems that La Paz dialects may have a greater propensity for irony than dialects of some other places, but this impression may be the result of greater familiarity with and easier access to data from the La Paz area than to that from other areas. The study of Aymara semantics beckons for the future. Among the many possibilities for investigation is research into terms used in agriculture and related practices in different parts of the Aymara world to determine exactly what is meant by them. It is also to be hoped that with the growing attention being given by Aymara linguists to semantic studies (for example the work of Juan de Dias Yapita), the semantic distinctions governing selectional rules for verb subjects and complements will be clarified and appropri ate labels assigned them in Aymara. PAGE 691 674 Notes 1 1n Huancane g 11 awa 11 a occurred with human reference when suffixed with a personal possessive, e. g. Q 11 awg 11 a.ma.sa? 2p 'How many of your people?' Elsewhere this would mean 'How many of yours [nonhuman]?' 2 The phrase suma is not much used in Sacca, which instead uses jagi alone or the derived noun chuyma.ni (see 8-4). 3 An alternate analysis of this form would be as a sequence containing a noun suffix -ka (possibly related to the -ka that occurs finally on nounsin Morocomarca and Calacala), followed by -na possessive/locational plus -ka verbalizer. Or /kanka/could be analyzed as a unitaryverbalizing suffix -kankawhich occurs only on human nouns and is always followed by the nominalizer -na. Further in vestigation will, it is hoped, resolve theriiatter. 4 A small amount of data was collected in Puerto Acosta (province of Camacho, department of La Paz), near Lake Titicaca just below the Peruvian border. 5 -ni is ambiguous out of context on the numbers 11 to 19, 2lto 29, etc., glossing as human enumerator, non human possessor, or unmarked possessor, e. g. tunka.maya.ni 10 l '11 people' 1 11 [ten having one] things or animals' 'having 11 things or animals' PAGE 692 CHAPTER 9 MISSIONARY, PATRON, AND RADIO AYMARA 9-1 Introduction Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara are trans lation dialects not specific to any one region. That is, they are the result of translation from Spanish (or English) into Aymara, sharing a tendency to impose Spanish (or English) categories and patterns, both grammatical and cultural, upon Aymara. Missionary and Patr6n Aymara have their roots in the 16th century; Radio Aymara is a later development. As indicated in 2-4.12, until very recently all materials published in Aymara were of the Missionary -or Patron varieties. Missionary Aymara, identifiable by its idiosyn cratic use of certain syntactic linkers and lexical items, by weakening of the human/nonhuman and data source postu lates, and by a rigorous marking of plural, occurs in sermons, translations of religious texts, and several published grammars of the language, as well as in the everyday speech and storytelling of persons active in institutionalized religion. 1 Patron and Radio Aymara overlap Missionary to some extent. Patron Aymara, which occurs both in writing and 675 PAGE 693 676 in speech, is heavily Spanish-influenced in syntax and has an impoverished lexicon of suffixes. Radio Aymara is used by radio announcers translating orally directly from Spanish scripts. It is characterized by Spanish syntactic patterning and by a superabundance of Spanish loans, with the Aymara sometimes reduced to final suffixes. A number of announcers are now consciously trying to make their translations less literal, however, seeking to interpret the sense rather than gloss word for word. As noted in 3-3.3, the entry of Spanish loanwords into Aymara, which occurs in all Aymara dialects, is nothing new. Some early Spanish loans (certain roots and stems, diminutive suffixes, and expressions of thanks) have been completely adapted to Aymara phonology (Aymarized) and are perceived by monolinguals and bilinguals alike as natively Aymara; others are more or less adapted to Aymara phonology according to the degree of the speaker's control of Spanish and attitude toward Aymara. A rather large number of loans may occur even in the speech of mono linguals if they wish to show familiarity with the prestige language, Spanish; in that case loans may alter nate with native Aymara doublets, as occurred in the speech of an elderly monolingual woman in Tarata, Peru. (A definition of Aymara monolingual may here be attempted: a person who produces grammatical sentences only in Aymara, although possibly using a rather extensive Spanish PAGE 694 677 lexical component.) It was also observed in the course of this research that bilingual Aymara men talking to each other in Aymara in La Paz used Spanish syntactic linkers (like entonces 'then') with great frequency but did so only rarely when talking with monolinguals in rural communities. The whole matter of Spanish loans in Aymara deserves more study, taking into account situational factors like the presence or absence of listeners who have a greater command of Spanish (or English) than of Aymara. The point I wish to make here is that a large number of Spanish loans in a dialect does not in and of itself necessarily imply a corresponding weakening of Aymara grammatical processes or linguistic postulates or an im poverishment of the native Aymara lexicon. Nevertheless, it is true that Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara are generally characterized by a high proportion of Spanish loanwords in Spanish phonology, tending toward inclusion of whole Spanish phrases or even sefitences, or full-fledged code-switching. The tendency to keep or try to approximate the Spanish phonology of loanwords (when these are recognized as such) evidently reflects, in some persons, the view that Spanish is inherently superior to Aymara--a view fostered consciously or unconsciously by most writers of Missionary and Patr6n grammars (see 2-3 and 2-4.11) and accepted by adherents of certain religious sects (see 10-2.7). In contrast, PAGE 695 678 bilinguals literate in Aymara and Spanish, who consciously promote the development of Aymara literature, deliberately Aymarize Spanish loans, both in speech and in writing, as for example Istarusunirusa (from Estados Unidos 'United States') and winus tiyas (from buenos dias •good morning'). 2 In the following sections the three dialects will be discussed with respect to phonology, morphophonemics, morphology, morphosyntax and syntax, and semantics. It should be kept in mind in reading this chapter that it is primarily an analysis of Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara as spoken in the city of La Paz and (for Missionary Aymara only) in Campi, department of La Paz; and of published sources of Missionary and Patr6n Aymara (see 2-4.11}, most of which probably also reflect La Paz usages. For Radio Aymara, only recorded {spoken) texts were used; for Missionary, both recorded and published written texts; and for Patr6n, published written texts only. The analysis is based on interpretations and revisions of the texts and on additional examples provided by Vasquez (La Paz/ Tiahuanaco) and Yapita (La Paz/Campi). Vasquez furnished most of the initial interpretations and revisions of published texts (for example, Ebbing 1965, Paredes Candfa 1963, Wexler 1967, and the Aymara catalogues). Yapita reviewed some of these as well as the recorded texts. The chapter is thus a contrastive study of the three trans lation dialects and the two La Paz dialects, from the PAGE 696 679 point of view of the latter. A more definitive study would require further analysis of the three translation dialects by Aymara speakers from other dialect areas, with additional data from different areas. 9-2 Phonology From the point of view of speakers of other Aymara dialects (especially, those who are monolingual in Aymara), Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara tend to be spoken with a Spanish accent (albeit the Spanish is itself Andean, reflecting to an as-yet-undetermined extent a substratum of languages native to the area). The components of this accent include a tendency to produce the five cardinal Spanish vowels and intonation patterns associated with that language. Pronunciation is often perceived as overly precise and slow, except in the case of radio delivery which may be considered overly clipped and staccato. (To what extent these perceptions are due to phonological factors, and how much they are influenced by morphology and syntax, are questions needing further investigation.) As noted in 2-4.11, all published Missionary and Patr6n texts use the five Spanish vowels. Most confuse the velar and postvelar occlusives and fricatives and the plain, aspirated, and .glottalized occlusives. Even if these phonemes are distinguished, the writing systems PAGE 697 680 often fail to keep them apart or use cumbersome means to do so, as in the case of the velar fricative written j and the postvelar fricative written jj. When these cluster, as frequently happens, unwieldy and ambiguous sequences like jjj or jjjj can result whose disambiguation requires the use of hyphens, as in the following example from Herrero et al. (1971: 1969): paj-jjeta 'pay me'. In the Yapita phonemic alphabet this word would be unambiguously rendered as pajxita. 9-3 Morphophonemics Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara observe regular vowel-dropping and -retaining rules as do other dialects, except that stylistically-conditioned final vowel dropping occurs less often in Missionary and Patr6n Aymara than in other dialects. Stem-final vowel restora tion with stress thereby occurring on the antepenultimate vowel (see 4-3.33) occurs frequently on verbs, usually with the Imperative suffix, in radio advertisements or announcements urging listeners to buy something or be present at an event, as in the following examples: al.t'a.si.pfni.ma 'be sure to buy' buy I yati.ya.si.p.ka.rak.tama 'they are notifying you' notify s PAGE 698 681 An example of the pattern with 4+3 Simple tense occurred in a Baptist sermon in La Paz. kun .jam. s how sar.s.tana go 4+3 s . . how we are getting along' The antepenultimate stress pattern also occurs on examples given in the Patr6n Aymara catalogues, such as the following verbs with 2+3 Imperative: +Sara.ma 'go' +q I i'pi .ma 'carry on (your) back' + a . ap . ni .ma 'carry' +irpa.ni.ma 'take a person' These Patron Aymara forms are interpreted by most native speakers as rude orders, according to V~squez and Yapita (see 9-4). 9-4 Morphology As we have already seen, in Aymara some suffixes are used as softeners and politives: certain noun and verb derivationals (e.g. diminutives on nouns and the suffix -t'aon verbs), independents, and the final suffix -ya, alone or in combination. From the point of view of other speakers Missionary and Patr6n Aymara usually fail PAGE 699 682 to use enough politives with the Imperative and Future tenses. That is, they tend to use forms like those at the end of 9-3, which would be appropriate for a parent speaking to a child, among brothers and sisters, between spouses in certain circumstances, or between a buyer and seller who do not know each other. Between adult friends, compadres, a seller and buyer who know each other, and among family members, forms with politives are the norm, e.g. sara.ma.y 'please go• with -ya final suffix. According to Yapita and Vasquez, the drills pro vided by Herrero et al. (1971-2) sound like orders, some less brusque than others, but orders nevertheless, because they lack politive suffixes. Yapita and Vsquez indicate that use of such forms by persons in authority, such as a Catholic priest or a Protestant minister, is perceived by many Aymara speakers as evidence of a more or less arrogant assumption of superiority. Compared to Missionary and Patron Aymara, Radio Aymara uses more of the verbal derivational and independent suffixes, although not of -ya politive, 3 and is therefore perceived as more courteous. The passive in Spanish is often translated in Missionary Aymara by the verbal derivational suffix com bination -ya.si-, consisting of -yacausative followed by -sireciprocal/reflexive, as in the following example from a Baptist sermon: Jesucristo Tat.itu.ru iyaw sa.m uka.t.wa Lord yes say 2+3 then I PAGE 700 683 11 t g 1sp1.ya.s1.: a juma.sa 2p familia.ma.sa. family 2p save escape Missionary meaning: 'Put your faith in the Lord Jesus, and you will be saved, you and your household' (Acts 16-31, New English Bible) Non-Missionary meaning: 'Agree with the Lord Jesus Christ, and you and your family will cause yourselves to escape. 1 (La Paz/Compi) A non-Missionary revision of the latter part of the sentence is the following: juma.s 2p familia.ma.s uka.t family 2p then salva.ta.:.ni. save 3+3 F 'then you and your family will be saved. 1 (La Paz/Compi) The verb salva-, from the Spanish salvar 'to save', here has the resultant nominalizing suffix -ta followed by verbalization and the Future tense. This appears to be closer to the sense of the English. 9-5 Morphosyntax and Syntax Some final suffixes are used differently in Mis sionary and Patr6n Aymara than in other dialects. For example, the absolute suffix -wa tends to occur most often on verbs. In a Patr6n Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood (Sebeok 1951a) -wa occurs once on the negative PAGE 701 684 particle jani but otherwise always on verbs. This is not the case in other dialects. As indicated in Chapter 8, frequent use of -wa, especially with verb tenses already implying direct personal knowledge, increases the personal knowledge connotation (see 9-6.13). Some nominalizing subordination occurs in all dialects; however, the Sebeok story has very little. Spoken Missionary texts and the stories recorded by Wexler (1967) use normal levels of subordination by nominalization although they tend not to use uka as resumator. Certain syntactic linkers used in Missionary Aymara are composed of native Aymara roots and suffixes but have different meanings in Missionary Aymara than elsewhere. The following are the most common: kuna.layku,ti.xa uka.mpi.sa Missionary 1 because 1 1 but 1 Non-Missionary not used 'with that• Perhaps more than any other one feature, use of kuna.layku. ti.xa stamps a speaker as having some association with missionaries, usually Protestants, although the term has been adopted by some Catholics. It occurs in the conver sation of members of religious sects, but it did not occur in the Baptist sermon analyzed for this study, the Spanish PAGE 702 685 loan porgue being used instead. The expression kuna. layku.ti.xa is built on the interrogative kuna 'what' plus the suffix -layku 'on account of'. The query kuna. layku.sa is an incredulous, complaining question, like 1 Why?!? 1 To persons who do not use the Missionary term, kuna.layku.ti.xa retains some of the heavy semantic freight of kuna. layku.sa, injecting a jarring note into sentences like the following: Jupa.naka.x jik.xata.si.waya.p.x.i kuna.layku.ti.xa 3p meet 3+3 s wali suma t 11 uq.ta.wi.naka.w .. very good dance Missionary meaning: 'They met together because of the very good dancing. 1 Non-Missionary meaning: 'They met together--Why?!?There were very good dances.' Jupa.naka.t 3p ma : ju k ' . i ta a little kuna.layku.ti.x na.naka.x lp pant.xa.s.iri.:.p.x.t.w. make mistakes 1+3 s disculpa may.xa.p.x.ta pardon ask 1+3 s uras.pacha.x sometimes Missionary meaning: 'We ask them to pardon us because we sometimes make mistakes.' PAGE 703 686 Non-Missionary meaning: 1 We ask them to pardon us Why?!? We sometimes make mistakes.• The above examples were both said by a 20-year-old Baptist male speaker. A non-Missionary dialect speaker would omit the kuna.layku.ti.xa, subordinating one part of the sen tence to the other by juxtaposition as in the following: Uniwirsira.r university sara.: liyi.na.xa.w. go 1+3 read lp F (La Paz/Campi} I'll go to the university because I have some reading to do/to do some reading I have to do. 1 (La Paz/Compi) An example of Missionary Aymara use of uka.mpi.sa is the following from Wexler {1967:144): +Marfa, uta.sa.x wali suma.wa, house 4p very nice k 1 anu.wa. dirty uka.mpi.s cocina.sa.x kitchen 4p Missionary meaning: 'Marfa, our house is very nice, but the kitchen is dirty.• Non-Missionary meaning: Marfa, our house is very delicious, besides that, the kitchen is dirty.• (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) As the above shows, the non-Missionary meaning of uka.mpi.sa is conjunctive rather than disjunctive. In any case it is not much used. Vasquez perceived it as a mistaken rendition of uka.mpi.n.sa 1 in spite of that•. Other PAGE 704 687 Aymara translations of 'but' in addition to uka.mpi.sa are uka s.ipan.sti 'so saying', which is cited by Ebbing (1965:198) and consists of uka 'that' followed by the verb sa.na 'to say' with the subordinator -ipana and the final suffix -sti; and the Spanish loan pero 'but', often Aymarized as piru, which occurs in many Aymara dialects even among monolinguals. In addition to occurring on kuna.layku, the final suffix combination -ti.xa also occurs frequently in Missionary Aymara on other interrogatives serving as indefinites (and glossing as relatives in English or Spanish): kawk.n.iri.ti.xa 'the one where/in which', kun.jama.ti.xa 'whatever', k 11 iti.ti.xa 'whoever', and qawg 11 a.ni.ti.xa 'however many'. Examples (from Compi): Intrik.xa.:.wa anchit turn over 1+3 now F urasa.na hour sirlura lady kawk. n. i ri . ti . x who jupa.x 3p pirmit. itu permit 3+1 s ma: ratu parl.t'a.na.taki -a while talk ak.sa tuqi grawasyuna.t. here around recording. 'I will now turn over (the microphone) at this time (to) the lady who permitted me to talk a while on this re cording. 1 Juma.x 2p kun .jama. ti .x whatever 'You, as you said to me s.ista.xa 2+1 s PAGE 705 688 In these sentences the interrogatives with -ti.xa are not followed by uka resumator. In non-Missionary Aymara -ti.xa occurs infrequently, as a subordinator of verbs and demons stratives. It may also occur on interrogatives, but when it does it is usually ordered first in a sentence and followed later by uka resumator, as in the examples given in 7-4.24. An example of code-switching in which Spanish all but submerges the Aymara is the following sentence, again from the Baptist sermon referred to earlier: Yo creo gue jani.w hermana.naka.s. !think that no sister 1 I think not, sisters. 1 The only Aymara in the above sentence is the negative particle jani with the absolute final suffix -wa (reduced to~) and the Aymara plural suffix -naka, which is followed by the Spanish plural 2 . The meaning conveyed is some what stronger than the above translation would imply, due to the presence of -wa; a closer approximation would be 1 No, sisters, I know it 1 s not so. 1 Although successive embedding in noun phrases is possible in Aymara (see 7-4.2), it is not very common. It occurs with more than usual frequency in a story told by a Protestant minister from La Paz (Wexler 1967:454-456). PAGE 706 689 Two noun phrases have three nouns each, two have four, and one has five, as follows: +tiwula.n pisi chuyma.:.ta.p fox lack wisdom 3p 'the fox's stupidity' +tiwula.n wawa.naka.pa.n jiwa.ra.ya.ta.pa fox child 3p die 3p 'the murder (one by one) of the fox's children' + l . wa .Ja suma many beautiful .~ wawa.naka.ni wfieatchild haver colored 'haver of many beautiful wheat-colored children' + wallata.n suma beautiful paru wawa.naka.p wheatchild 3p colored 'the lake bird's beautiful wheat-colored children' + uka pisi chuyma puyri tiwula.x that lack wisdom poor fox 'that poor stupid fox' The high incidence of embedded noun phrases may be attributable to the influence of English-speaking PAGE 707 690 missionaries, since English makes greater use of noun phrase embedding than Spanish does. In other respects, however, the story does not appear to follow Spanish or English word order. In fact, it shows a rather high incidence of all kinds of subordination, with a more intricate manipulation of Aymara grammatical processes than occurs in most fo~k tales recorded for this study. For this reason, before high incidence of noun phrase embedding can be ascribed to English influence, further analysis of texts is needed. On the other hand, Patr6n and Radio Aymara yield many obvious examples of Spanish word order transferred to Aymara. The following is the introductory sentence of the Patr6n Aymara version of Little Red Ridinghood (Sebeok 1951a: 54): + Ma: uru ma: warmi one day a woman < Apa.m aka mang'a take 2+3 this food I sa.tayn imilla.~a.ru say 3+3 girl p RIK awicha.ma.ru, grand2p mother jich"a now usu. ta. : . s. k. i . w. > sick 3+3 s 'One day a woman said to her daughter, "Take this food to your grandmother, she's sick now."' In Aymara zero complements (such as aka mang'a 'this food') usually precede the verb. The above sentence and the whole PAGE 708 691 story from which it is taken are also unu$ual in the absence of -xa final suffix (the teller of the story is identified as being from La Paz, where use of -xa is the norm), in the occurrence of the final suffix -wa only on verbs (and once on the negative), and in the use of very few verbal derivational suffixes. The following example is from a radio announcement of a dance rehearsal for an impending festival. It contains an Aymara phrase translated word for word (or suffix for word) from Spanish and two untranslated Spanish phrases. Uka.t.rak jan sara.na.mpi, ut. j a. n i . wa be 3-+3 reunion y meeting and careful no go practica Sabado practice Saturday F diecinueve de agosto tagi.ni.s 19 of August all sara.nta.si.p.ka.:ta.wa. go 2-+3 F 'Be careful of not going (be sure to go), there will be a meeting and rehearsal Saturday August 19, all of you go.' The Aymara uka.t.rak jan sara.na.mpi translates the Spanish cuidado con no ir. The suffix -mpi translates con 'with' and uka.t.rak translates cuidado 'careful'. The following is a suggested revision by Yapita, to eliminate direct translation from Spanish: PAGE 709 692 Uka.t.rak jan sara.si.p.ka.sma.ti. (La Paz/Campi) careful no go D-1 'Be careful of not going . (be careful not to miss it). 1 This uses the Desiderative tense which, with -raki independent suffix, conveys the cautionary 'be careful'. Radio Aymara has developed distinctive phrases for indicating the time, such as the following, which also shows influence of direct translation from Spanish: Llatunka minutu.naka.ki.w. nine minute arum urasa.taki. night hours for p"a l t.xa. rak. i 11 atunka lack 3-+3 s 'And it's only nine minutes before nine p.m. 1 This sentence reflects the Spanish Nueve minutes faltan para las nueve horas de l! noche, 'Nine minutes are lacking for nine o'clock in the evening,' except that, instead of the more commonly used Spanish loan for nine o'clock, las nuywi (las nueve), it uses the native Aymara number llatunka 'nine' plus aruma 'time after dark and before dawn' followed by the Spanish loan urasa (horas). Removing the plura suffix -naka on minutu (superfluous on a noun preceded by a number} and the direct Spanish translation urasa.taki (-taki PAGE 710 693 translating para 'for'), the sentence is reworked by Yapita as follows: Llatunk minutu.mpi.x las nuywi.:.ni.w. (La Paz/Campi) nine minute with nine 3+3 F 'In (with) nine minutes it will be nine o'clock.' 9-6 Semantics 9-6.1 Linguistic postulates 9-6.11 Four-person system Since the 16th century the first and fourth grammati cal persons have often been confused by nonnative speakers of Aymara. Anomalies such as Na.naka.n Awki.sa still occur today as the first words of the Lord's Prayer, 'Our Father'. Na.naka.n is the exclusive lp possessive, 'our but not your', while Awki.sa has the inclusive 4p posses sive on the noun awki 'father', meaning 'father of you and me'. The whole phrase Na.naka.n Awki.sa is therefore a semantic impossibility, 'our-but-not-your father-of-you and-me'. However, merely correcting the phrase to Na.naka.n Awki.xa, with the lp possessive suffix -xa on awki, does not improve matters, inasmuch as the hearer would then feel excluded: 'our father but not yours.' Using the 4p for both, Jiwasa.n Awki.sa avoids exclusivity but might be objected to on the ground that 'Our Father' in the con text of the Lord's Prayer is addressed to God and that PAGE 711 694 therefore the exclusive lp plural is appropriate, rather than the inclusive 4p; God cannot be our father and simul taneously His own (unless, perhaps, He is being addressed as the Trinity). The real problem, however, according to Yapita, is that in Aymara, God cannot be humanly possessed. Therefore, a term preferred by some Aymara speakers as a term of address or reference for God is Suma Awki I Good Father•, as in Suma Awki yanap.ta.ni.p.xa.k.ita.y. help 2+1 I 'Good Father, help us. 1 (La Paz/Compi) 4 An example of another typical confusion of the first and fourth persons is the following from Tarifa (1969:127): + Na.naka lp lura.p.xa.nani. do 4+3 F Here, the pronoun subject is lp but the subject conveyed in the verb inflectional suffix is 4p, resulting in the contradictory message 1 We (not including you) and you will do it 1 The following sentence from one of the Patr6n Aymara phrase catalogues fails to use the 4p to include PAGE 712 695 the 2p hearer in what one proposes to do, as a form of courtesy. +Uka uma chur.,ta t par.J.1 u.wa. tnaf water give 2+1 thirst 3+1 I S The above sentence is supposed to mean!:!..!!. poco de~ d~me, tengo sed ('Give me a little water, I'm thirsty'). It is not particularly polite in any case, but the effect in non-Patron Aymara is closer to 'Gimme that water, can't you see I'm thirsty?' As we saw in 8-2.2, a polite request for water would use the 4p, including the addressee in the invitation even if he or she is being asked to provide the water. In the following example from Wexler (1967:144) rudeness results from using the 2p instead of the 4p as subject of the verb inflection, thereby implying that the addressee is a dog (a nonperson): + Aka.x mang 1 a.x Jose, mang 1 a.n mun.ta.ti? here food eat want 2 3 s The intended meaning is a matter-of-fact announcement that dinner is ready, but the impression conveyed is bad tempered, something like 1 Here 1 s food, Jose, will you shut up and eat it? 1 PAGE 713 696 9-o.12 Human/nonhuman Certain Missionary and Patr6n usages result from failure to take into account the human/nonhuman postulate. The following type of sentence occurs frequently: + Uka.x wawa.xa.wa. 'That is my child. 1 (Ross n.d. :9) that child lp As indicated in 8-2.21, use of a demonstrative as a pro noun referring directly to a human being is avoided unless rudeness is intended. This does not appear to be true of Missionary Aymara, but such sentences as the above are nevertheless perceived as rude by non-Missionary speakers. Certain nouns are used without reference to the human/nonhuman distinction in Missionary and Patron Aymara. For example, in these two dialects the common nouns jach'a 1 big 1 and jisk'a 'small I are used to refer to anything, human or nonhuman; the requirement that the nourr . ...J;lrases jach'a tansa 1 tall I and jisk'a tansa 'short' be used for human reference is not observed. Similarly, the usual restrictions on the noun suma 'good, tasty, very' do not apply. Use of suma to modify a human noun directly is not perceived as obscene, suma tawaqu being used to mean 'nice girl I and the verbalized form Suma.:.ta.wa, 'You're nice. 1 To Yapita, another anomaly results from attempted meta phoric use of suma laxra 'delicious tongue' {i.e. a meat PAGE 714 697 dish) for 'fine language,' in the title of the Tarifa grammar (1969). Another noun used generally for human and nonhuman in Missionary and Patr6n Aymara, but only for nonhuman reference in other dialects, is muxsa 'sweet'. In Mission ary and Patr6n Aymara it may mean either 'sweet-tasting' or 'sweet(ly), pleasant(ly),' with reference to food, activi ties, or people. A typical sentence is that cited by Ebbing (1965:79). + Virgen Maria. taki g'uchu.nani. Musxa muxsa sweet for sweet sing 4->-3 F/I The intended meaning is 'Let's sing sweetly for the sweet Virgin Mary,' but the non-Missionary meaning is 'Let's sing sweet-tastingly for the sweet-tasting Virgin Mary.' Certain other nouns used only for humans in other dialects are used for nonhumans in Missionary and Patron Aymara. These include jut'u, which Paredes Candfa (1963: 35) indicated could be used to refer to small objects, but according to Vasquez it is a term used to address a human adversary who is smaller than oneself. The noun 9 11 uru 'bad, vicious' is used by Wexler (1967:21) to refer to a dog; in other dialects it is used to refer only to people. The derived noun jamasa.ta 'in hiding from' is used by Ebbing (1965:91) to refer to sheep used as a metaphor for people, as follows: PAGE 715 698 +Awat.iri.p jamasa.ta oveja.naka.x manq'a.p.x.i.wa. shepherd 3p hiding sheep eat 3+3 s 'Hiding from their shepherd, the sheep ate.' According to Yapita, in Aymara culture sheep are encouraged to eat, and would in no case be considered capable of guile; their use as a metaphor for people is therefore not appropriate. In Missionary, Patron, and Radio Aymara, translation often results in what in other dialects would be violations of Aymara selectional restrictions on verb subjects and complements (refer to 8-2.25). For example, in the Baptist sermon already referred to, the following sentence occurred: Ma: an ejemplo hermana.naka.s example sister usku.:na, put 3+3 RDK no? This is intended to mean 'He was an example, wasn't he, sisters?' The Spanish noun ejemplo, associated in Spanish with the verb poner 'to put, place' as in poner un ejemplo 'to give or be an example,' may take either concrete or abstract complements. But the verb the speaker chose to translate poner is usku.na 'to put a small object in some thing' (e.g., a key in a keyhole), which in non-Missionary Aymara takes a nonliving, concrete zero complement. The meaning of the sentence outside of the Missionary context is therefore something like 'He put an example (a small something) in something. 1 PAGE 716 699 In non-Missionary La Paz Aymara the verb atipa.na takes a human subject and human complement, and means 'to defeat or overcome an adversary'. In Missionary Aymara it is extended to take nonliving complements such as sin and death. 5 The derived form atip.ja.na is also similarly used in Missionary Aymara, although in other dialects it means 'to defeat and then to escape'. The following example is from the Baptist sermon already referred to: Pas.ir lecciona.n.xa yati.ya:tan.wa Cristo.xa last lesson learn RDK jucha.ru.s jiwa.na.ru.s atip.ja.ta.pa.ta. sin death defeat 3p The intended meaning is 'In the last lesson we learned about Christ's overcoming sin and death.' In non-Mission ary Aymara the sentence implies Christ defeated someone and then escaped. The following occurred in a radio announcement. It illustrates failure to abide by selectional restric tions with respect to verb subjects: niya.ki.xa.y already fiesta.w jak'a.cha.si.n.ka.rak.i. close s The intended meaning of this is ' ... and the fiesta is already almost here', i.e., is nearing in time. The PAGE 717 700 implication, however, is that the fiesta is moving physi cally closer, since the verbalized noun jak'a.cha.si.n.ka takes a physically moving subject. A preferable verb in this instance, according to Yapita, would be puri.na 'to arrive', which can take a human or nonhuman nonliving subject (see 8-2.25). The following is also from a radio announcement. The Spanish reciban sus saludos 'receive your greetings' is translated word for word (although the word order is changed), giving the following: arum.t'a.naka.ma katu.g.t 1 a.s1.p.xa.ma. greeting 2p receive I Normally the verb katu.g.t'a.si.na means 'to receive an object' rather than something nonliving and immaterial like greetings. (The above expression is also odd in that the zero complement, arum.t'a.naka.ma, retains the final vowel even though it occurs before the verb.) Yapita suggested as a preferable substitute for the above: Arum.t'a.ni.p.x.tam. 'They greet you.' s In the following example there is no problem with the reference of subject or complement but the meaning is distorted by too literal translation: PAGE 718 701 Fabrica Nacional de Tejidos Polones tugi.n.xa factory national of knitwear around jich 11 a.w ya:mas now even ultimas modelo.nak.wa latest models more ap.s.t 1 a.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i. ta~e out 3+3 bring S 1 The Polonesa National Knitwear Factory is now having even more up-to-date models brought out. 1 The verb ap.s.t 1 a.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i translates the Spanish estan hacienda sacar 1 are having brought out'. In Aymara this implies physically taking or bringing something out, rather than producing, the derived meaning in both Spanish and English. A better translation in Aymara would be lur.ta.ya.si.p.ka.rak.i 'they are having made' (La Paz/ Compi). As a matter of fact, in the sentence just cited the announcer, apparently dissatisfied with ap.s.t'a.ya. si.p.ka.rak.i, added immediately after it p'it.t'a.ya.si. p.ka.rak.i 'they are having knitted'. Yapita has pointed out (personal communication) that radio announcers frequently use jiki.na 'to meet, to find' with an inanimate subject, to translate the Spanish se encuentra 'is found, is located' as in Kuriru.x kalli Ayakuchu.n jik.xata.s.i. post or ice street Ayacucho find 3+3 s 'The Post Office is found (located) on Ayacucho Street.' PAGE 719 702 To Yapita this is incorrect, the verb jik.xata.si.na requiring a living, moving subject. A correct way to ex press the meaning, he suggests, would be Kuriyu.x kalli Ayakuchu.n.k.i.wa. 'The Post Office is on Ayachucho Street. 1 (La Paz/Campi) Examples of correct sentences with jiki.na or derived forms would be P 11 isi.x achak jik.xata.tayna.w. cat mouse find 3+3 RIK 'The cat found a mouse.' (La Paz/Campi) Jiki.si.n.kama. 'Until we meet again.• (La Paz/Campi) 9-6.13 Directly/Indirectly-acquired knowledge A third linguistic postulate which is weakened in Missionary Aymara (though not in Patron or Radio Aymara) is the distinction of direct and indirect knowledge source. Usually Missionary Aymara uses tenses and final suffixes that imply direct personal knowledge, apparently as a reflection of the Christian emphasis on acceptance by faith. According to Yapita and Vasquez, use of such forms is appropriate for eye-witness accounts, but their use in stories or sermons telling of events the speaker could not possibly have experienced personally is perceived as inappro priate and ludicrous. PAGE 720 703 The only indirect knowledge marker used to any extent in Missionary Aymara (apart from RIK used as a surprisal) is the reportive sa.na, employed primarily in quoting Biblical texts. The following is an excerpt from the Baptist sermon aforesaid, the subject of which was the story of the doubting apostle Thomas: s i. wa < Ben:iventurados > s. i. wa < Kus i. si. na. w 6 said~ blessed said blessed Diosa.taki.x> s.i.wa jan un.j.ka.sina cree uka.ru. Fad for said no seeing believe that ... it says (in the Bible) 11 Blessed 11 it says "Blessed for God" it says "(are they who) not seeing, believe that. 111 But in many other instances preachers and storytellers associated with religious sects use the unadorned Remote Direct Knowledge or Simple tenses, as in the following from the same sermon: Kawki. :.ri discfpulo.pa.s hermanas jani cree.ka.:n.ti? which disciple 3p sisters no believe RDK The Missionary meaning of the above is 'Which of His disciples, sisters, did not believe?' To Vasquez and Yapita the sentence implies that the speaker and/or the addressees were present on the occasion of Thomas• expression of disbelief; it is as if the sentence contained the PAGE 721 704 additional reminder, 'You remember, we were there and heard him say so. 1 In non-Missionary Aymara the verb would have the 3+3 RIK tense conveying indirect acquisition of the information and sa.na embedding would probably also be used to increase the speaker's distance in time and knowl edge from the matter referred to. To Missionary Aymara speakers, use of indirect knowledge markers apparently implies disbelief, which is at all costs to be avoided. The influence of this attitude extends to the telling of folktales. Whereas 3+3 RIK suffixes (-tayna or ~ritayna or their variants) are very common in stories told by non Missionary speakers, the tense is almost entirely absent in stories told by Missionary-trained persons. A few -tayna's usually creep into Missionary-told folktales, however, attesting to the strength of the direct/indirect knowledge postulate in Aymara; although it may be suppressed, it cannot be entirely eradicated. As perceived by Vasquez, use of the Future tense with implied personal knowledge in the following sentence from Ebbing (1965:83) is ludicrous: +Jucha.cha.s.iri.naka.x jani.w alax.pacha.r sinner no heaven manta.ka.ni.ti. enter 3+3 F The intended meaning is 'Sinners will not go to Heaven', PAGE 722 705 but the implication is that the speaker will personally see to it that they don't. To avoid giving this impres sion, the following may be added. s.i.w Yusa.n aru.pa.n.xa. 'so it says in God's word.' says God's word (La Paz/Tiahuanaco} To Vasquez, another example using the Future also implies a threat (Wexler 1967:368}. 9-6.14 +Jupa.ti.x aymar jan yati.g.ka.ni.xa, 3p no learn F jani.w Wuliwya.r sar.ka.ni.ti. no Bolivia go 3+3 F 'If he doesn't learn Aymara, he won't go to Bolivia. (I'll see to it.}' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco} Imposition of singular/plural In contrast to failure to abide by Aymara linguistic postulates is the imposition of the singular/plural distinc tion. The most obvious overmarking of plural is that exemplified in the Baptist sermon referred to, in which the preacher used the Spanish loan hermana 'sister' plus the Aymara plural suffix -naka plus the Spanish plural suffix -s: hermana.naka.s 'sisters'. Elsewhere, Missionary and Patron Aymara mark the plural both on nouns and verbs with much more regularity than occurs in other Aymara dia lects. PAGE 723 706 As indicated in 8-2.22, the noun awki has acquired association with dogs in such expressions as Awki.ma.sti 'And (how is) your father?' To Vasquez, when the plural suffix -naka is added to awki (or even to the noun tata 'father') the insult is compounded, as in the following (Wexler 1967:21): +Awki.naka.ni.:.ta.ti? 2+3 s This is intended to translate the Spanish inquiry to a child, 'Do you have parents?', i.e., 'Are your parents living?' According to Vasquez such a question is culturally incorrect, as it is not something one would usually ask a person, even a child,directly. Secondly, awki 'father' is here misused to translate Spanish padre in the sense of 'parent'. Finally, adding -naka to awki gives the meaning 'Do you have fathers?" which is like saying 'Does your mother know who your father is?' 9-6.2 Other semantic peculiarities There are other semantic peculiarities in Missionary and Patron Aymara that may not be attributable to failure to recognize linguistic postulates but are nevertheless offensive to speakers of other dialects. An example is use of the noun yuqalla, which has derogatory connotations in most dialects unless it occurs followed by wawa 'child' PAGE 724 707 as in yugall wawa 'boy child, little boy. 1 Use of yugalla as a term of address is especially resented, as in the following (Ebbing, 1965:11): + Juta.m yuqalla.y! 'Come here, boy! 1 If said to an adult, this has much the same impact as the sentence would have in English, even though the positive suffix -ya occurs in the sentence. Said to a child, it means something like I Come here, you little bastard! 1 And even when it is not used as a term of address, yugalla is offensive. The sentence +K 11 1 ,.s who uka yuqalla.xa? that boy (Wexler 1967:263) intended to mean 'Who is that boy?' to non-Missionary speakers means instead something like 'Who's that poor little SOB?' The catalogues of Aymara phrases are full of examples of this type. In one case a spelling error changes what would be an impertinent question into a silly one. + Junt'a.ta.ma ut.j.k.i.ti? (Cat~logo 1971:36) pierce 2p exist 3+3 s The intended meaning of this is 'Do you have a lover?' But because of spelling errors, what is actually said is, PAGE 725 708 according to V~squez, 'Do you have your pincushion?' The intended meaning would be conveyed, rudely, by the following: Un.t 1 a.ta.ni.:.ta.ti? look 2+3 s literally, 'Do you have someone you look at? 1 The verb muna.na 'to want, like, esteem' occurs in a number of examples, such as the following (Wexler 1967:57): +Kun.s munta.ti? 7 As indicated by Wexler (1967), this means 1 Do you want something?' but to Vasquez it has overtones of a suggestive challenge. Another example is (Wexler 1967:345) +M . t t? un.,s a. ,. 2+1 s Intended to mean 1 Do you need my help?', it actually means, according to Vasquez, 1 Do you want/love/appreciate me? 1 Vasquez indicates that the correct Aymara for asking if someone needs help is Yanap.t 1 a.:ma.cha? 'May I help you?' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) ,~ F This has the Future tense and the alternative question suffix -cha. PAGE 726 709 Outside of Missionary or Patr6n Aymara the verb muna.na is not used with certain complements in certain contexts. The following sentences (Ebbing 1965:28,29) were rejected out of hand by V~squez and Yapita: *Naya.x lp tata.xa.r mun.t.wa. father lp s The intended meaning is 1 I love my father•, but the meaning conveyed is incestuous. The following implies sodomy: *Naya.x an mun.t.wa. lp dog s A more appropriate sentence for indicating that one would like to get a dog would be Naya.x an uywa.si.n mun.t.wa. lp dog raise s 1 I would like to raise a dog.• Other usages perceived as errors by V~squez are probably the result of mistaken translations or fanciful ety mologies, like the following from Paredes Candia (1963): PAGE 727 anu ch'ap 11 i jamp'atu tunta 710 Paredes Candfa 'dog excrement' 'vagina' 'potato starch' (almid6n de ~) V~squez (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'dog thorn', medicinal plant {Spanish amor seco) -'toad' 'potatoes which have been soaked in water, frozen, fermented, and sun dried'; an Andean staple food In Missionary Aymara certain lexical items have meanings different from those they have in other dialects, usually resulting from generalized applications of terms that have more specialized, or negative, meanings in other contexts. Some of these have already been mentioned in earlier sections; more examples are given below. Nouns: aski machaka muntu Missionary Aymara 'benefit, good, bene ficial' 'new', as in Machak Testamentu 'New Testament' 'non members of one's own sect' muntu 'world' < Spanish mundo 'person, people' Non-Missionary Aymara same meaning, but used only in certain set ex pressions (La Paz/Campi) 'new, unused' (e. g. clothes) (La Paz/Campi) Jich"a Testamentu 'New Testament' (La Paz/ Campi) taken as insult meaning 'people of the Devil' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) PAGE 728 Nouns (cont.) muntu warmi muntu chacha Verbs am.ta.si.na ir. naga. na 711 Missionary Aymara 'woman not a member of one's own sect' 'man not a member of one's own sect' 'to remember, recall a fact 1 'to work' (general) Non-Missionary Aymara 'Devil 1 s woman, prostitute' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'Devil 1 s man' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'to long to restore' (La Paz/Campi) 'to work in the fields in the morning' (La Paz/ Compi (The above is not to be confused with ira.naga.na 'to handle', which occurs in al1 dialects.) iyaw sa.na un.ja.si.n.kama yuri.na 'to believe, trust, have faith in; belief, trust, faith' 'until we see each other (again) 1 (~Jexler 1967:21) 'to be born' (also used in Radio Aymara for historical accounts) 'to say yes, agree; agreement' (La Paz/Campi) 'until we see each other's bodies' (La Paz/Compi) usually replaced by nasi.na < Spanish nacer (see 8-2.25) A final example of an expression used with a different meaning in Missionary Aymara than elsewhere is Yati.m, literally 'Know you (this). 1 The expression occurs at the beginning of a story (Wexler 1967:455) PAGE 729 712 when one character is about to tell another how to go about doing something. To V~squez, the meaning of the expression is closer to 1 It serves you right! 1 , 1 ! told you so! 1 , 1 Tough! 1 , or 1 Grin and bear it! 1 ; it would be said to someone who has done something against one's advice and is now complaining about the outcome. Radio Aymara has a few specialized terms not used in everyday speech, such as the verb atama.na 'to announce a message•. The following is an example of the way it would be used on the radio: Jupa.x 3p ma: a papil gillg.ta.ta paper write sa.sina. announce say I jay.t'a.si.way.i leave s 1 He left a written message to be announced. 1 ('He left a written message, 11 Announce it for me, 11 saying.') (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 9-7 Summary and Conclusion Missionary and Patr6n Aymara differ from other dialects primarily in their disregard of linguistic postulates. Missionary Aymara, additionally, has cer tain distinctive usages. Radio Aymara closely reflects Spanish syntax and lexicon. As perceived by V~squez PAGE 730 .,,, 713 and Yapita, Missionary and Patr6n Aymara are often offensive as well as grammatically incorrect, while Radio Aymara is more often perceived as merely incor rect. Whether the translation dialects are perceived as substandard by a majority of Aymara speakers (that is, to what extent the perceptions noted in this chapter represent those of the Aymara community at large) remains to be investigated. In any event, now that literary production in Aymara and linguistic studies of the language are being undertaken by native speakers, a more lively and open discussion of what constitute standard and nonstandard usages within and across dia lects may be anticipated. PAGE 731 714 Notes 1 There is some evidence that Aymara speakers who are not active in institutionalized religion may occa sionally employ certain Missionary usages when talking to or telling stories in the hearing of non-Aymara persons associated in the speaker's mind with mission aries or other outsiders who are persons in authority. For example, a source from Irpa Chico (Ingavi, depart ment of La Paz) not know to have any formal affiliation with missionaries, in telling a folktale to H. Martfn (1969:72-74), used direct knowledge verb forms, although he switched to indirect knowledge forms in midstream (see 9-6. 13). Yapita himself used kuna.layku.ti.xa (see 9-5) in a tape-recorded greeting to Hardman in the late 1960 1 s, but indicates that he would not use it today. 2 This is done, for example, by Hardman et al. (1975), who produced the only published grammar of Aymara to date that does not reflect Missionary or Patr6n usages. 3 There are times when the use of ..:..Y..! on an Imperative would be inappropriate, as in amu.ki.ma.y. If used to a baby it means 'please be quiet•, but if used to an adult it is very insulting, being what a rapist would say to quiet a victim (Briggs & England 1973:22). 4 Two fairly recent Protestant editions of the New Testament in Aymara, published by the British and Foreign Bible Society in 1941 and the American Bible Society in 1954, use Alax.pacha.n.k.iri Awki.sa 'Our Father in Heaven' (with 4p -sa). I heard Na.naka.n Awki.sa used in a Catholic wedding ceremony in Bolivia as recently as 1972, however. It is also still used in Puno, according to J. Llanque Chana (personal communication). 5 An example of Missionary Aymara use with a bodily condition as subject and with human complement is Atip.xa.s.ka.k.i.w. 3+3 s 'It (the headache) overcomes her. 1 ( Compi) PAGE 732 715 6 Although kusi.si.na is usually translated as 'to be happy', in La Paz/Compi Aymara it sometimes connotes happiness at someone else'e expense or over someone else's misfortune (Yapita, personal communica tion). Whether this is true in most dialects is not yet known. 7 In this example -sa functions as an indefinite, not as an interrogative. PAGE 733 CHAPTER 10 CONCLUSION 10-1 Dialectal Variation in Aymara The foregoing chapters have examined regional and social variation in Aymara grammatical structure. At this point a return to the questions posed in 1-3.2 is indicated to see what answers may now be given. As has always been supposed, Aymara is clearly one language. Regional and social variation exists but it does not significantly affect intelligibility except when certain utterances are taken out of context, primarily because the phonemic inventory is uniform (except for the velar nasal occurring in only two areas and in very few morphemes) and secondarily because all dialects share a basic set of morphophonemic rules and a basic inventory of morphemes with the same or very similar meanings and similar phonological shapes. Because of the nature of Aymara morphophonemic rules, certain morphemes vary in phonological shape within as well as across dialects. As shown in cross-dialectal and intra-dialectal phonological correspondences and in vowel-dropping or -retaining morphophonemic rules, certain Aymara phonemes are unstable. The most unstable are the sonorants (vowels 716 PAGE 734 717 and voiced consonants), then the fricatives, then the affricates and the velar and (to a lesser extent) the postvelar stops. The most stable are the bilabial and alveolar stops, but even the bilabial stop shows some instability in one dialect, Calacala. The morpheme class with the greatest variety of phonological shapes of allomorphs both intraand inter dialectally is the class of verbal inflectional suffixes (person/tense suffixes). They vary not only because of phonemic instability but also because of (1) preservation or loss of different submorphemic recurrent partials, (2) processes of analogy that may operate within a given dialect, and (3) different patterns of merging what were apparently four paradigms into two, the present Desiderative and Remonstrator tenses. In all tenses and dialects the same person/tense suffixes are the most variable: those involving the 2p as complement (1+2, 3+2) and that involving 2p as subject, lp as complement (2+1). The closed class of roots having the most cross dialectal variation in inventory (that is, in number of different phonologically dissimilar roots and stems) is the temporal noun class. There is also considerable variety in the inventory of open class nouns and verbs referring to agricultural practices. As for morphosyntactic processes, there is evidence of (1) an incipient merging of the subordinating suffixes -sa and -sina (and variants), PAGE 735 718 and (2) variation in the incidence and usage of the sub ordinator -ipana, which in some dialects is a member of a functioning four-person paradigm that has fallen or is falling into disuse elsewhere. While there is some cross-dialectal variation in meaning or connotation of certain common roots and stems, Aymara linguistic postulates are strong in all dialects except the heavily Spanish-influenced Missionary, Patr6n, and Radio Aymara. The primary linguistic postulates (a four-person system, a distinction of human and nonhuman, and a distinction of direct and indirect knowledge) reinforce the phonological and lexical unity already noted and make for cross-dialectal comprehension even in the presence of considerable lexical variation. It is primarily on the basis of the phonological shapes of a relatively few suffixes that Aymara dialects may be grouped regionally. Incidence of certain morphemes in a given dialect but not another and of differences in meaning play a much less significant role in defining regional groups, although they contribute to dialect diversity and give the speech of each community its indi vidual stamp. 10-2 Regional Dialect Groups and Features On the basis of regional patterning of certain morphemes by shape of allomorphs, incidence, and meaning, PAGE 736 719 Aymara dialects fall into two major groups: (1) a northern group of dialects located on or near Lake Titicaca and including La Paz (the city and the department), and (2) a southern group at a greater distance from the lake in the departments of 0ruro and Potosf. The intermediate dialects of Crlacoa and Sitajara in southern Peru southwest of Lake Titicaca share some features with the northern and some with the southern group; Calacoa has more northern features, and Sitajara, more southern ones. (Figure 10-1 is a preliminary attempt to distinguish the three dialect areas.) Apart from the division into northern, southern, and intermediate dialects, there is a distinction between a central group of La Paz dialects and those on the periphery of La Paz influence, whether to the north, south, or west. (It may be that certain dialects located in La Paz depart ment north and east of the capital may also have to be designated as peripheral when more is known about them.) Huancan~, a northern dialect sharing a number of features with La Paz, is also peripheral in sharing certain nonLa Paz attributes with the southern and intermediate dialects. (Figure 10-2 distinguishes. central from periph eral dialects.) In some cases features cut across regional lines. For example, Morocomarca, in spite of its remote ness from La Paz, shares with it certain features lacking in other northern and southern dialects. PAGE 737 \ ' 5 i.. .. , I) I? .d '.> \ PA)\1D0. --... '' 0 o D \ Cuc1,o'-~----•-.,.\ H~'?8n~.Mo1//"oA{/!t:~~ic~----o-rL I V I A I \ Puoo• ,,,I'< .' ;;1//1/, B ___ . , ,.//' /, _-,:'~~;..;_ 0Comp 0 'Q U I PA I //_Soccft V /fo La o/y' ),:>' ,$, \. A R E j-~" T 11~/_7 . Tarac;' / /. 1/ ;(//: --1 A \ . // ,/,_ 0 1 .i,hu,,.,co ,\ / / / . / C .lacoa /~V,_ 1 's Je l\l.11.:hac h' ~'"1 A_ ,/ 100 Mile, Northern Aymara . a csu , , de Mac a ~.'\..., ..,.'< .• l ' A,JN,S .. -. .. ... J>rn\, /.' '\ '<; '\ 0c',,1"~'" ./"-"-~c~ o,~.0~ror 6 c~mar<;; . .,.,. ', .. :\'-.; ' q,. .. \ .... :,_' . . _,-. / \).. Jopoqurn 0~ "L:C P~po ( '. / A 'A"" \o'lft)):o ,J..._,. "\ ! , :s:;" Other Sites Where Aymara Or Another J aqi Language Is Spoken Certain Other Towns Or Cities Mentioned In Text International Boundaries Departmental Boundaries '\~,'-&,;;i.~;,s;S'. ! I / G;:j L C oipasa ,-3.~...... (..' rc',a ~lcndoza / \ / . le>-'.:" , . --'"""'S,~; I ISACA_; "<;" I' ' " " F"" IC H u ?.. u . . . / C' >\ p O 'l' OS \-A R I J A / t!!; '(7/r . J \. "<....~,\\ ) Figure 10-1. Northern, Intermediate, and Southern Aymara Dialects -...J N 0 PAGE 738 ( \ p ANDO ,I : /J b '{ <1 -:, ' ---.... .. ....___ -1 .--,., Hu.. , 0 /f' ho ////~/\ --r I A , •,() ;_... '. / ,( , '/J' /'.OAy•"' I \, . , , , Puno• "J; . , /,., ... ,;,,.,..,, . .,,. /)Y, Oo B o L I V __ . . , '0~.. . Comp, .. ,;c, /j' ~ ,, . .., ____ A.;l E QUI PA ~!&~So~Jc:r~0? ,'.:J;i1\/;t;,f,%0,~0:.i$--...d,&> \\ SA N TA ,oo / J A ,,, , ....... 1/i/// -~ "' . y /A,"\;,-i',,hO;;ia,o . , Ml,., /. 0{,,,fo'.G/.Ja •y\~;Jc~&s .. ~i:,Mdac~1~~haca' // L.'!A . 1 ,./ C R U Z I , 1.y/ h... A. drcs c " , / '/...: ''7'->. ' Moquegua O . . .. / .,..,..,siin~n ? 7,>v Ll,llag1'/'-1 . ; ,a Dialects i . 1 0 s;.,;~'1/1/ /. ~/ / O@uro• I Und; /// D ~aras Centcal Ayma 'T,,,.,• /,\/'/.", //~ /. A0Calacala // -\ / Corqu';.,-0 // ;.0c\lor:Co'mar13 ,,... \ /// Peripheral Aymara Dialects 0 Primary Aymara Sites For This Study 0 Secondary Aymara Sites For This Study Other Sites Where Aymara Or Another J aqi Language Is Spoken Certain Other Towns Or Cities Mentioned In Text International Boundaries Departmental Boundaries .. ,, , , ,. A; , , , /. . ,.,_/ 1opoqo;ci P L' Poopo ( \ ,... -..... 'Arica •,,.lh./."//// ,/)~' '-•'\ I ,..,,.,, ':u R u ,..R ;o .F . . / \(n• / 1/,,, I I ;.::::, ,.... /-"s,,;,,,. "' . . . G L. Coipasa '.;,' 7:,.:; G,"'' """"~" / \. , --, -J o I ..,,.,, : 1.1,,., u ' .. I ' I s A C A , " (/-'.1/,,," '"" !CHU~~----, .Q;' CL. \ Po?os i~~RI J A /4$' ~7/.(_~\ I 'i Figure 10-2. Central vs. Peripheral Aymara Dialects ......i N __, PAGE 739 722 In the following sections, features characteristic of the northern, southern, and intermediate dialects and of the peripheral as distinguished from the central dialects are listed according to whether they occur in all dialects in the group or only in some of them and whether they in volve phonological shapes and morphophonemics, incidence of morphemes, or semantics. When a given feature also occurs in a dialect outside the group, the name of that dialect is indicated. Peripheral features of limited occurrence are then listed, followed by features occurring in both central and peripheral dialects and those cutting across regional lines. Finally, cross-dialectal percep tions and attitudes toward Aymara language and culture encountered in this study are described. 10-2.l Northern group: La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancan~ 10-2.11 Features shared by all members of northern group 10-2.11.l Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.11.11 Initial velar or postvelar fricatives in lp possessive and Future suffixes 10-2.11.12 /-mpi/ sole allomorph of noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti 'with' 10-2.11.13 /-ka-/ sole allomorph of incompletive verbal derivational suffix PAGE 740 723 1 0 2 . 11 . 1 4 Prep on de ran c e of / s a/ forms i n D 1 and D 2 tenses, and /iri/ forms of those tenses with /k(s)/ or /s(k)/ (also Calacoa, Morocomarca) 10-2.11.15 Optional initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.na when inflected 10-2.11 .16 /-sina/ or /-sna/ allomorphs of -sina subordinator 10.2.11.2 Incidence of morphemes 10-2.11.21 Temporals aruma 'night, early morning' and arumanti 'tomorrow' (also Calacoa) 10-2.11 .22 Negative sentences usually accompanied by /-ka-/ incompletive or /-xa-/ completive verbal derivational suffixes on the verb (also Calacoa, Sitajara) 10-2.12 Features shared by certain northern dialects (not including La Paz) 10-2.12.1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.12.11 Variable morphophonemics of -na possessive/ locational noun suffix (Juli, Sacca; also Calacoa) 10-2.12.12 /-wa-/ allomorph of distancer verbal deriva tional suffix (Juli, Sacca, Huancane; also Calacoa) PAGE 741 724 10-2.12.13 /-mama/ 1+2 Future (Juli, Sacca, Huancan~, all of which also have /-:ma/) 10-2.12.14 Tolerance of final consonant clusters in cer tain Imperative inflections (Juli, Sacca, Huancane) 10-2.12.2 Incidence of morphemes 10-2. 12.21 .9..!!l.:!.. 'dear, kind' (Juli, Huancane, Sacca) 10-2. 12.22 -chi NI plus 3+3 Simple used as narrative device in stories (Juli, Huancane, Sacca) 10-2.12.23 -iri plus 3+3 RIK used as narrative device in stories (Juli, Sacca) 10-2. 12.24 -sa subordinator used only on sa.na (Juli, Sacca) 10-2.2 Southern group: Jopoqueri (and/or Corque), Salinas, Morocomarca (and/or Calacala) 10-2.21 Features shared by all members of southern group 10-2.21 .1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.21.11 Initial palatal or velar nasals in lp possessive suffix (Salinas, Morocomarca, and Calacala have /n/; Jopoqueri has /nh/ as does Sitajara also.) 10-2.21 .12 /-nti/ allomorph of noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, and Calacala also have /-mpi/.) PAGE 742 725 10-2.21.13 /-ja-/ allomorph of incompletive verbal derivational suffix, either as the sole allo morph or alternating with /-ka-/ by free variation or morphophonemic rule 10-2.21 .14 /-2i-/ or /-wiya-/ allomorph of distancer verbal derivational suffix 10-2.21 .15 No initial /si/ or /ji/ on the verb sa.na when inflected 10-2.21.2 Incidence of morphemes 10-2.21.21 Negative sentences usually not accompanied by presence of incompletive or completive verbal derivational suffix on verb 10-2.21.3 Semantics 10-2.21.31 Use of certain verbs with meanings different from those they have in northern dialects, for example: 10-2.22 ati.na 1 to be able' jala.na 'to fly' pugu.na 1 to grow, produce• (also Calacoa, Sitajara) (For northern meanings see 8-3.21 .1.) Features shared by certain southern dialects PAGE 743 726 10-2.22.l Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.22.11 Initial velar or palatal nasal in 1+3 Future (Jopoqueri, Salinas; see also 10-2.41.15) 10-2.22.12 Shared or very similar allomorphs of 0-1 and 0-2 suffixes, with a preponderance of /iri/ over /sa/ forms; /iri/ forms with /j/, not /k/ (Jopoqueri, Salinas; also Sitajara) 10-2.22.13 /-pu/ allomorph of final suffix -pi (Jopoqueri, Salinas; also Sitajara) 10-2.22.14 /-sana/ allomorph of -sina subordinator (Jopoqueri, Morocomarca, Calacala) 10-2.22.15 10-2.22.16 10-2.22.17 /ki!!_sa/ 'three' (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) /maq'a.na/ 'to eat' (Salinas, Morocomarca) /tan(a)/ ~/-:tan/~ /-:tna/ allomorphs of V 4+3 Future (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala; also Calacoa, which lacks /-nani/ 4+3 F) 10-2.22.18 /ma:ji/ 'fast' (Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala) 10-2.22.19 /-ji/ and /-ki/ allomorphs of -ki 'just' nonfinal independent suffix (Salinas, Morocomarca) Phonological shapes of a few morphemes found in southern Aymara dialects are identical to the shapes of PAGE 744 727 those morphemes in the Quechua spoken in the area, for example /kinsa/ 'three', /~ura.na/ to make', (Morocomarca), and /-nti/ 'with, by', but such shared items are of minor significance, given the fact that similar shapes of those morphemes and several others are pan-Andean (Hardman, personal communication). Only one instance of a possible occurrence in Aymara of a Quechua suffix was noted, in Calacala (see 7-2.22.11 and footnote 2). The present evidence is that the Aymara spoken by Aymara-Quechua bilinguals in areas where Quechua has the greater prestige, remains remarkably free of Quechua admixture, perhaps because of the diglossia mentioned in 1-1 .l. 10-2.3 Intermediate dialects: Calacoa, Sitajara As indicated above, Calacoa shares the following features with the northern group: 10-2.ll. 14, 10-2.11.21, 10-2.ll .22, 10-2.12.ll, and 10-2.12.12. It shares the following with the southern group: 10-2.21 .31 (the verb pugu.na, not the others) and 10-2.22.17. Sitajara shares the following with Calacoa and the northern group: 10-2.11.22. With the southern group it shares the features 10-2.21 .ll, 10-2.21.31 (pugu.na), 10-2.22.12, and 10-2.22.13. Calacoa and Sitajara share the following feature concerning the incidence of a morpheme: 10-2.31 Nonoccurrence of temporal root g 11 ara (in free PAGE 745 728 or frozen form) that occurs in all other dialects (but see 10-2.41.21) Other features shared by Calacoa and/or Sitajara are the peripheral features 10-2.21.14, 10-2.41.18, 10-2.41.19, and 10-2.41.21, and the cross-regional features 10-2.51.31 and 10-2.52. 10-2.4 Peripheral (as distinguished from central) dialects The following features, most of which involve phonological shapes, do not occur in the two La Paz dialects most thoroughly investigated until now: Campi and Tiahuanaco. They do occur in certain other dialects already identified as northern, southern, or intermediate. 10-2.41 Features shared by several dialects 10-2.41.1 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics 10-2.41 .11 Voicing of prevocalic stops after homorganic nasals Northern: Huancan~ (optional) Intermediate: Sitajara (optional) Southern: Salinas (obligatory within morphemes, optional otherwise; also occurs after palatal lateral); Corque (optional) 10-2.41.12 Demonstrative /k"u/ ~ /k"u:/ ~ /k 11 uyu/ Northern: Huancane (also has /k 11 uri/) Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca PAGE 746 729 10-2.41.13 Variable morphophonemics of personal possessive suffixes Northern: Huancan~ (preceding consonant by three-vowel rule, preceding vowel otherwise) Intermediate: Sitajara (consonant preceding 4p -sa and all possessives after nominalizer -ta; vowel otherwise) Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala, Morocomarca (preceding consonant permitted unless a stem-final consonant cluster would result) 10-2.41.14 /-t 11 a/ allomorph of -t 1 a ~ -ta 1 of, from• Northern: Juli, Huancane Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca (Juli, Huancane, Calacoa, and Jopoqueri also have the unaspirated allomorph.) 10-2.41.15 Initial or medial alveolar, palatal, or velar nasals in three Future suffixes: 2+3, 3+2, and 2+1 Northern: Huancane Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas (which also have initial velar or palatal nasals in 1+3 F) 10-2.41.16 Four-member subordinating paradigm of which -ipana is 3p PAGE 747 730 Northern: Huancane Southern: Jopoq~eri, Salinas, Morocomarca 10-2.41.17 /-raji/ allomorph of -raki nonfinal independent suffix Northern: Huancane Intermediate: Sitajara Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala (All also have /-raki/ in some environments.) 10-2.41.18 /-lla/ allomorph of -lla ~ -ya politive final suffix Northern: Juli, Socca Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Calacala 10-2.41. 19 /-:/ allomorph of -xa final sentence suffix Northern: Juli Intermediate: Sitajara, Calacoa Southern: Salinas, Morocomarca 10-2.41.2 Incidence of morphemes 10-2.41.21 Temporal g'alta ~ g 11 alt 1 i 'morning, tomorrow' Northern: Sacca (/q'alta/) Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara (/q'alta/) Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca (/q 11 alt 1 i/) PAGE 748 731 l 0-2. 41. 22 Noun suffix -cha pi ~ -ch 11 api the one which 1 Northern: Huancane Intermediate: Sitajara Southern: Jopoqueri 10-2.41-.23 Diminutive noun suffix -lla Northern: Huancan~ Intermediate: Sitajara Southern: Corque, Jopoqueri, Salinas 10-2.41.3 Semantics 10-2.41 .31 Falling-together of lp and 4p in certain verbal inflections 10-2.41.4 Northern: Huancane Intermediate: Sitajara (also in personal possessives) Southern: Morocomarca Morphosyntax Peripheral dialects tend to use more different kinds of verb subordination (see 7-4.2) than does La Paz, where the most common verb subordinator is the sentence suffix -xa. 10-2.42 Peripheral features of limited occurrence Apart from the peripheral features that occur fairly generally, there are certain features found in only PAGE 749 732 one or two peripheral dialects and having identical or similar reflexes in present-day Jaqaru. Such features are (1) the velar nasal phoneme, which in Aymara occurs in only two limited areas, Tarata (Peru) and Carangas (Bolivia); (2) the Aymara diminutive noun suffix -cha, which corresponds to the Jaqaru limitative and occurs in only two Aymara dialects so far investigated, Huancan~ and Calacoa; and (3) the 4+3 Future allomorph /-tana/ (and its reduced forms /-tan/ and /-tna/), which is identical to the form of the suffix in Jaqaru but persists as an Aymara allomorph of the 4+3 F suffix in only three dialects so far encountered, Calacoa (where it is the sole allomorph) and Salinas and Morocomarca (where it varies, apparently freely, with /-nani/, the allomorph of 4+3 F found in other Aymara dialects). In this research certain Aymara variants cited by Bertonio (1603b) were found only in Sitajara, for example /mimilla/ 'girl 1 , /marmi/ 'woman', /-itta/ 2+1 Simple tense, and ama:.na 'to want'. (Elsewhere the equivalents are /imilla/, /warmi/, /-ista/, and muna.na.) Bertonio listed full paradigms of /sa/ and /iri/ forms for what are here called the D-1 and D-2 tenses. The present-day dialect having the greatest number of /sa/ and /iri/ forms for the two tenses (some of them different from those cited by Bertonio) is Salinas, which also has other features that mark it as one of the most distinctive Aymara dialects. PAGE 750 733 (Whether it is the most conservative will require a more careful comparison of Jaqaru, Kawki, and Aymara dialects than is possible here.) Some of the distinctive features of Salinas are the following: (1) Use of only the aspirated form of the noun suffix -t 11 a ~ -ta I from, of 1 , and of only the allomorph /-nti/ of the noun suffix -mpi ~ -nti; (2) a vowel harmony rule affecting both vowels of the suffix -iri when it occurs on verb stems ending in /u/; (3) rules obligatorily voicing stops after nasals and the palatal lateral within morphemes and optionally otherwise; and (4) a rule for the obligatory frication of the velar stop before consonants, changing /k/ to /j/. The voicing rule occurs sporadically in certain other dialects, and corre spondences of /j/ and /k/ occur elsewhere, but the rules are obligatory only in Salinas. 10-2.5 Cross-regional features The following features cut across the north/south, center/periphery distinctions. 10-2.51 10-2.51.1 10-2.51.2 Phonological shapes and morphophonemics /-nani/ sole allomorph of 4+3 F Northern: Huancan, Juli, Socca, La Paz Intermediate: Sitajara Southern: Jopoqueri /-:ma/, but not /-mama/ allomorph of 1+2 F PAGE 751 734 Northern: La Paz Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas, Morocomarca, Calacala 10-2.51 .3 Morphophonemics of 2+3 I suffix /-m(a)/ 10-2.51.31 Always requiring a preceding vowel Northern: La Paz Intermediate: Calacoa, Salinas Southern: Jopoqueri, Salinas 10-2.51 .32 Requiring a preceding consonant after /-ka-/ incompletive; otherwise a preceding vowel Northern: Juli, Sacca, Huancane 10-2.51.4 Southern: Morocomarca Nonoccurrence of/-:/ allomorph of -xa final suffix Northern: La Paz, Sacca Southern: Jopoqueri (Notice also feature 10-2.11.14, which occurs in the northern dialects, Calacoa, and Morocomarca.) 10-2.52 Incidence of morpheme: Optional occurrence of verbal derivational .:...:_ plural without a following incompletive or completive suffix Northern: La Paz (Hardman, personal communication) Intermediate: Calacoa, Sitajara Southern: Morocomarca PAGE 752 735 10-2.6 Cross-dialectal perceptions There is a general belief among Aymara speakers that the 'best• Aymara is spoken in La Paz. Apart from that, Aymara speakers share the common human tendency to prefer their own particular dialect over others. A woman from Oruro indicated that the Aymara spoken in Oruro and La Paz was leg1timo, while that of Salinas was tosco (coarse or crude). Speakers from Socca thought Tarata and Sitajara Aymara sounded like baby talk, apparently because of its velar nasals, and found Tarata Aymara 1 less developed 1 than that of the province of Chucuito. They also termed 1 archaic 1 a Sitajara usage dropping initial /lla/ and found the occurrence of initial /ji/ or /si/ on sa.na in other dialects 1 old-fashioned'. Similar attitudes could probably be elicited elsewhere. In addition to generally preferring their own dialect, speakers tended to hear the features of that dialect in other dialects, overlooking certain differences until they were pointed out. For example, speakers from La Paz who use only the longer forms of the distancer suffix -waya tended to hear a vowel /a/ in its occurrences in other dialects, such as Socca, in which the allomorph /-wa-/ reduces to /w/ before consonant-requiring suffixes. Speakers who usually used /-pini/ independent suffix tended to hear /-puni/ as /-pini/ and vice versa. The native speaker's virtual deafness to nonsignificant differences PAGE 753 736 in detail points up the need for collaborative research by native and non-native speakers in studies of regional and social linguistic variation. 10-2.7 Attitudes toward Aymara language and culture From the evidence of this study it appears that many Aymara speakers are ambivalent about their language and culture. As pointed out by J. Llanque Chana (1974) for Peru, negative attitudes are fostered by an educational system unprepared to deal with language and cultural back grounds of students whose first language is not Spanish and by the undeniable fact that acquisition of Spanish makes the difference between living an economically and socially marginal existence and entering the mainstream of modern Peruvian life. The same factors prevail in Bolivia. The most negative attitudes were found in Tarata and Sitajara, Peru. In the former, few persons would even admit to knowing Aymara, although eventually one was found from a nearby town who seemed to enjoy speaking (and singing in) the language. In Sitajara a very articulate elderly monolingual woman, obviously a gifted talker, expressed considerable bitterness against Aymara, as if its presence in her brain were to blame for her failure to know Spanish. A bilingual man in Huancan~, a Seventh Day Adventist, ex pressed the belief that Aymara language and culture were inferior to Spanish and that no useful purpose would be served by teaching people to read and write Aymara. PAGE 754 737 Similarly, persons trained by missionaries in Bolivia revealed a certain self-deprecation, as expressed in the example in 9-5: 'We ask you to pardon us because we sometimes make mistakes'. Yapita (1967) noted a ten dency to reject Aymara language and culture in Rosario (province of Pacajes, department of La Paz), a community that had been under Seventh Day Adventist influence since 1919. Whatever their origin, such negative attitudes do have an effect. In some communities where bilingualism in Spanish and Aymara has existed for decades if not longer, there is now a trend toward eventual disappearance of Aymara, since young people under 20 no longer speak the language although some still understand it. In Juli children 12 and under in a family whose older members were all bilingual neither spoke nor understood the language. In farms on the outskirts of Salinas children still use the language when helping grandparents with farm work, but in town they use only Spanish. Nevertheless, there is also ample evidence of deep attachment to the Aymara language and pride in Aymara culture. A wish to believe that Aymara is indeed the equal of, if not superior to, Spanish probably contributed to the positive reception given my statement of research purposes during the course of field work. In explaining those purposes, I alluded to certain basic anthropological PAGE 755 738 and linguistic notions, such as that Aymara is a language, not a 'dialect'; that it possesses a complex grammar, like any other language; that it can be written, read, and used as a medium of communication and instruction; that knowledge of Spanish and Aymara structure facilitates teaching either language to speakers of the other; and similar concepts. With only one or two exceptions, these ideas found a ready acceptance, as if they confirmed already-held assumptions. Certain educated bilinguals are now articulating their cultural heritage and seeking out its guardians in order to reformulate it and bring it to public attention. The work of Yapita and his associates in Bolivia, and of D. and J. Llanque Chana in Peru, is in this vein. The most positive attitudes toward Aymara are found in and near the city of La Paz. Although La Paz Aymara is taking in Spanish loanwords at an accelerating rate, speakers revert to less Hispanicized usages when talking to monolinguals or when visiting rural communities. This happens even in the case of children who attend school in La Paz, use Spanish among themselves and with other children in the city, but speak Aymara on visits to the Lake Titicaca communities where their parents and grandparents still own and cultivate the land and where Aymara is spoken by all ages. Aymara communities where everyone is virtually monolingual reportedly still exist in remote parts of the department of La Paz. Although PAGE 756 739 some communities may be losing Aymara, natural increase due to population growth (as noted in the Peruvian census of 1972} will offset this at least during the next few generations, and its extinction is not in sight. The Peruvian government's action in 1975 designating Quechua an official language on a par with Spanish, to be used interchangeably with Spanish in education, the courts, and the like, has had repercussions among speakers of other indigenous languages in Peru and in Bolivia, where Peruvian developments have considerable influence. Among Aymara speakers the Peruvian action vis-a-vis Quechua has had the effect of fostering rising expectations of a similar designation for Aymara, reinforcing the underlying positive attitudes that exist. 10-3 Interpretation of Research Results and Their Implications In the absence of archaeological or historical evidence concerning population movements and trade routes or of a more complete knowledge of existing Aymara dialects, interpretations of the data analyzed in this study are somewhat speculative and raise more questions than they answer. The basic division between dialects near Lake Titicaca in the Peruvian department of Puno and the Bolivian department of La Paz and those farther to the PAGE 757 740 south in the Bolivian departments of Oruro and Potosf implies a social/political split at some time in the past. Such a split would account for the apparent lack of any gradual shading of features from northern to southern dialects, although a definite determination in this respect must await further research in borderline areas of southern La Paz and northern Oruro departments. Within an area, existing similar usages may be reinforced by trade. The intensive marketing and related travel that occur around Lake Titicaca (Appleby 1976) are obvious to any visitor. Similar movements associated with trade also occur in the southern dialect area. The evidence of a split between northern and southern dialects does not disprove Torero's theory (l-2.l) of a probable (gradual?) north to south expansion of Aymara on the altiplano, since such an expansion might have taken place before the split, but a simple southward expansion does not account for the dialectal complexities revealed by the present study, such as the existence of {l) certain similar features in noncontiguous areas like Tarata, Peru and Carangas, Bolivia, (2) features linking peripheral as distinguished from central dialects or crossing north-south, center-periphery lines, or (3) features shared by certain Aymara dialects with contem porary Jaqaru and Kawki far to the north. These com plexities may be the linguistic reflection of equally PAGE 758 741 complex population movements associated with what Murra (1968 and 1972) has identified as the pan-Andean pre occupation with controlling different ecological floors. Populations speaking different dialects might have been linked in one vertical archipelago, such as that controlled by the Lupaca in the 16th century (1-2.2). Present-day differences among the dialects of Moquegua, Tarata, and Juli may reflect differences already existing in ancient times, since Murra has pointed out that Pacaje colonies were interspersed among those of the Lupaca (Murra 1968: 123), and that in any case colonies were of different types, some consisting of subordinated local populations and others of groups brought in from the political center or elsewhere. Similarities in noncontiguous dialects such as Tarata and Carangas may reflect descent from one community some of whose members moved to a different ecological level either voluntarily or as the result of subordination or conquest (Murra 1968:121). The fact that contemporary Aymara speakers in Tarata and Carangas are apparently unaware of each others' existence as speakers of dialects sharing certain features lacking elsewhere, and the nature of the similarities themselves, suggest that the separation occurred at an early date, before the Spanish conquest. But all remains in the realm of speculation at this point. Certain puzzling similari ties between the widely separated dialects of La Paz and PAGE 759 742 Morocomarca may result from more recent contacts, but since the examples for Morocomarca came from only one source, that dialect needs further checking. A different explanation than that of population movements may account for similarities among dialects distant from La Paz, whether to the north, south, east, or west, and their differences from dialects in or close to the Bolivian capital. Most of the features that distinguish peripheral dialects from those of La Paz are conservative in terms of the latter. That is, peripheral features represent a survival of forms or of complex morphophonemic processes that La Paz probably once had but has since lost, such as stop voicing after nasals and other voiced nonstop consonants, complex morphophonemics of possessive suffixes and certain verbal inflectional suffixes, the four-member -ipana subordinating paradigm, and the native Aymara diminutive suffix -cha. The hypothesis that La Paz dialects once had such forms or processes is supported by the existence today of certain relics like Tayk.s Mariya (5-3.24.4), Na.nak.n awki (5-3.31 .2), and s.ipna {7-4.44), but requires a convincing explanation for their loss. In many cases it may be attributable to Spanish influence, always stronger in the capital city and areas accessible to it than in remote areas. La Paz dialects conform more closely to Spanish phonotactics in avoiding stop-nasal or stop-fricative PAGE 760 743 clusters that result in other dialects from operation of the morphophonemic vowel-dropping rules La Paz has lost. La Paz has no alternations of voiced and voiceless allophones of stops; such alternations do not occur in Spanish, where voiced and voiceless stops are separate phonemes. (La Paz Aymara, like other Aymara dialects, does have rules for voicing and frication of intervocalic velar stops, but not rules for voicing without frication.) In La Paz Aymara the diminutive suffix has been replaced by Spanish loans. Not all innovations fostered by La Paz can be attributed to Spanish influence, of course. An example of a usage that is on the way out because of internal pressures within Aymara is the 4+3 Future allomorph /-tana/(and its reduced variants). Only one contemporary dialect, Calacoa, was found to use it to the exclusion of the allomorph /-nani/ found elsewhere, and only two other dialects, Salinas and Morocomarca, were found to use the /-tana/ allomorph at all, in apparently free variation with /-nani/. Elsewhere only /-nani/ was heard. The shift from /-tana/ to /-nani/ may have arisen from an avoidance of homophony of /-tana/ with (l) the 4+3 Simple tense suffix (although it requires a preceding consonant), (2) 4+3 Remote Direct Knowledge tense allomorphs that occur in certain dialects including La Paz, or (3) certain allomorphs of the 3+3 Remote Indirect Knowledge PAGE 761 744 tense. The allomorph /-nani/ may have derived from the nominalizing suffix -na plus -ni possessor/enumerator which are also used in all dialects (but without person reference) to connote (future) obligation, e.g., sara.na.ni 1 going is necessary, one must go'. (Why this homophony should be acceptable while the other is not is evidence for the arbitrariness of language change.) Whether or not they may now be changing under La Paz influence, Aymara dialects have changed in the past and are still changing in accordance with their own internal processes. Analogous patterning within a dialect accounts for certain idiosyncratic allomorphs such as /-ray/, /-tay/, and /-y/ in Sitajara for morphemes which in other dialects end in /ki/ or /ji/ rather than /y/, and the allomorphs of and person/tense suffixes in Juli. The future of these and other idiosyncratic features that characterize individual dialects will depend on the extent to which they resist, or yield to, innovations from within and without. That the dialects of La Paz should be influencing others to change, rather than vice versa, is the logical result of the economic and social power concentrated in and near the Bolivian capital. The prestige of La Paz is reflected in the general belief that the best Aymara is spoken there, and this belief predisposes speakers from other areas to adopt La Paz usages. Also, since PAGE 762 745 speakers of La Paz dialects hold the most positive attitudes toward the Aymara language, La Paz usages are likely to survive longer than those of places like Salinas, where Aymara may disappear in the next generation. It therefore seems likely that the influence of La Paz Aymara will continue and that it may eventually supplant other more conservative dialects. On the other hand, it is also possible that positive attitudes toward Aymara emanating from La Paz may encourage a revival of Aymara localisms, thereby engendering a conservative counter trend. If remote communities where Aymara is the primary language still exist, they may serve educated bilinguals as a source of renewed 1 Aymarization 1 of their Spanish-influenced Aymara. Furthermore, if Peruvian government policies for the development of bilingual education reach implementation, a second center of Aymara prestige might develop in Peru, perhaps in Puno. Should the positive forces prevail, certain factors augur well for the future of the Aymara language as a vehicle of literature and education. Its phonemic uniformity means that it can be written everywhere with the Yapita phonemic alphabet. The velar nasal can easily be symbolized by nh, the digraph used for it in the practical Jaqaru alphabet developed by Hardman and Bautista. No other special letters are necessary, since voicing of stops within morphemes is predictable in Salinas and PAGE 763 746 voicing is otherwise optional. Persons interested in developing Aymara literature might do well to recall the lessons of ancient Greece. According to Palmer {1949) each Greek city-state used its own dialect in its public inscriptions. But apart from this, each literary genre required the use of a particular dialect, not necessarily that of the writer. The epic dialect was a fusion of Aeolic and Ionic elements; choric odes were always written in Doric; iambic and trochaic poetry were written in Ionic. Still, certain localisms persisted; Melic poetry was written in the dialect of Lesbos, and the writings of Corinna of Tanagra were in Boeotian {Palmer 1949:271-2). There seems to be no reason why Aymara literature should not develop genres based on local dialects, should its speakers desire to do so. Persons literate in Aymara will decide. 10-4 Directions for Future Research Future research into Aymara dialects should aim toward the compilation of a linguistic atlas of the language, and soon, lest certain dialects be lost before they are recorded. For the reasons cited in 10-2.6, such an admittedly utopian task will require the cooperative efforts of Aymara native speakers trained in linguistic field methods as well as of linguists who are native speakers of other languages such as Spanish and Quechua. The PAGE 764 747 research should be coordinated with similar areal studies of Quechua dialects and of other local languages, including Spanish. Specific areas already suggested for future research in Bolivia include western Cochabamba department, northern and western Potosf, all parts of the departments of La Paz and Oruro (including areas thought to be Quechua speaking, since Aymara and Quechua communities are often interspersed). The following communities in Cantdn Timusf, Munecas province, department of La Paz, were identified as Aymara speaking in 1973 by a rural schoolteacher from La Paz: Sococoni Huancoiro Timus, (hacienda of Jesus Machaca) Ocomblaya There is a sectional school (escuela seccional) in Huancoiro. In Peru linguistic surveys should be undertaken in the areas identified as Aymara speaking in the Peruvian census of 1972, and these should be coordinated with the search for surviving relics of other Jaqi languages along the ancient trails of the southern Peruvian Andes, from Arequipa north through the departments of Ayacucho, Huancavelica, Lima, and Junfn. Investigation should also be extended into Aymara speaking areas of Chile. PAGE 765 748 In future field work a special effort should be made to obtain more data from monolingual speakers and to determine whether or not monolingual communities or communities bilingual in Quechua and Aymara but without knowledge of Spanish exist. In addition to the collection of field data, written sources in libraries and private collections should be con sulted, such as materials on Aymara reportedly in the Universidad Nacional de San Agustin in La Paz and colonial documents cited by Rivet, especially the works of Bertonio and Torres Rubio. These, together with sources of Missionary and Patron Aymara mentioned in 2-4.11, should be analyzed with the participation of native Aymara-speaking linguists, annotated, and made available to the Aymara community. As for Aymara grammar itself, the following are suggestions of areas needing further study. Phonology: Incidence of the velar nasal in other dialects Incidence of aspiration and glottalization (are they decreasing in some dialects?) Intonation Morphophonemics: Morphophonemics of certain Future suffixes and 2~3 I Conditioning of final vowel dropping on verb sub jects and complements, and on verbs PAGE 766 Nouns: 749 Conditioning of morphophonemics of -taki after -na, Jopoqueri The range of allomorphic variation and conditioning affecting internal vowel loss/retention in peripheral dialects Incidence of positionals and temporals Verbs: Incidence of verbal derivational suffixes Influence of Spanish se on Aymara verbal deriva tional -siCompletion of verbal inflectional paradigms Morphosyntax and Syntax: Incidence of final suffixes Conditioning of occurrences of different final suffixes Semantics: Determination of basis of distinction, if any, between -sa and -sina (and variants) Semantics of verb stems with different derivational suffixes Restraints on verb subjects and complements Ethnosemantic studies of agricultural practices, of the time system, and how they interrelate Additional investigation may be undertaken into matters of style in the narrative, oratory, prayer, and PAGE 767 750 poetry and the uses of politeness, irony, and metaphor. Studies of the speech of different social groups (e.g. women, men, young people, the elderly), of bilingualism and monolingualism, of language acquisition, and all the other proliferating subfields of contemporary linguistics may also be conducted. Whether or not such studies as these will be under taken for Aymara in the foreseeable future depends on many interrelated factors, such as the priorities set by govern ments and scholarly institutions, the extent to which linguists participate in the setting of such priorities, and most important, the interest of Aymara speakers them selves in fostering the use of Aymara as a vehicle of written literature and education. Only if such interest continues to grow will Aymara linguistics attract the support it needs to develop its potential. PAGE 768 APPENDICES PAGE 769 Spanish M-1 Cormion expressions Le hare una pregunta. Sr. (Sra.). C6mo se llama Ud., Sr. (Sra.)? Yo me llamo --De d6nde es Ud.? Yo soy de --No soy de aqui'. A donde vas? De d6nde llegas (estas llegando)? Estoy llegando de la chacra. C6mo est~; Sr. (Sra.}? Bien, gracias. Gracias. APPENDIX A ELICITATION LIST OF WORDS, PHRASES, AND SENTENCES La Paz Aymara Tata (Mama), mayay jiskt'asi:ma. Kunas sutimaxa, tata (mama)? Nayan sutixaxa ___ wa. Kawki nki ritasa? Nayax ___ nkiritwa. Janiw akankiriktti. Kawks sara:ta? Kawksats puriskta? Yaput puriskta. Kamisaki, tata (mama)? Wal ild :sktwa. Juspajara:tam. English Sir (Ma'am). may I ~sk you a question? What is your name, sir (ma'am)? My name is --Where are you from? I'm from --I'm not from here. Where are your going? Where are you arriving from? I'm coming from the field. How are you, sir {ma'am)? Fine, thank you. Thank you. -..J CJ'I N PAGE 770 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2 Closed noun classes 2.1 Interrogatives c6mo como cu~l cu~ndo cufoto quiE!n D6nde est~? D6nde estar~? Qu~ es eso (esto)? Por quE!? No hay nadie aquf. . No hay nada La Paz Aymara kamisa kunjamasa kawk1:r1, kawkni:ri kunawrasasa, kunapachasa qawq"asa k"itisa Kawk"ankisa? Kawkinkpachasa? Kunas ukaxa (akaxa)? Kunatraki? Janiw k"itis ukankiti. Janiw kunas utjkiti. English how like what which when how much who Where is it? Where can 1t be? What's that (this)? Why? There 1s no one here. There 1s nothing. 'i 0, w PAGE 771 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2.2 Positionals afuera detras de la tienda dcntro de mi casa directo por la casa Ser~ verdad o serS mentira? hacia nuestra casa encima de tu casa en medio de la gente abajo, bajada, declive arriba junto a la casa El vive por aquf (este lado). El rfo pasa por mi chacra. alrededor de las casa La Paz Aymara anqa tinta q"ipan utax manq"an uta chiqa Chiqa:ch k'ar1chi? utas tuqiru utam pataru jaqi taypin aynacha amsta utawjitaru Askatuqinkiriwa. Jawirax yapux chiq pas1. utax muyt'a English outside 'behind the store inside my house straight through the house Can it be true or 1s 1t a lie? toward our house on top of your house in the midst of people below, slope above next to the house He lives around here. The river goes through my field. around the house ""-J 0, .i::,. PAGE 772 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English AA-2.3 Numbers uno maya one dos paya two tres kimsa three cuatro pusi four cinco pisq"a five seis suxta six ...... siete paqallqu seven C.1'I C.1'I ocho kimsaqallqu eight nueve 11 atunka nine diez tunka ten once tunka mayani eleven doce tunka payani twelve trece tunka kimsani thirteen PAGE 773 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2.3 (continued) veinte cien mil diez mil La Paz Aymara pa: tunka pataka waranqa tunka waranqa English twenty one hundred one thousand ten thousand -..J u, ' PAGE 774 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2.4 Pronomfnals AA-2.41 Demonstratives aquf, este all f. ese all!, aquel mis all~. aquel roos all~ AA-2.42 Personal pronouns yo tu el, ell a nosotros, tu y yo La Paz Aymara aka uka k"aya k"uri naya juma jupa jiwasa English here, this there, that over there, that over there further over there, that further over there I you he, she we, you and t -...i 0, -...i PAGE 775 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-2.S Temporals ayer anteayer hoy anoche tarde (antes de oscurecer) noche esta noche por la noche hace rato manana {no noche) esta manana por la manana manana (no hoy) La Paz Aymara masu:ru, wasu:ru walu:ru jich"u:ru masayp'u, wasayp'u jayp'u aruma j i ch"arma, j ich"aruma arumch' i qaru nink"ara arumirja, alwa ch"armanti, ch"armirja q"ar:ru, arumanti English yesterday day before yesterday today last night afternoon (before dark) night tonight at night a while ago morning this morning in the morning tomorrow "'-J U1 CX) PAGE 776 APPENDIX A (continued) Span-ish AA-2.5 (continued) hasta manana hasta otro dfa Hazlo otra vez. pasado manana hasta luego ahora de ahora en adelante antes, adelante despu~s antiguamente aiio pasado al ano La Paz Aymara q"aru:rkama q"1pu:rkama, mayu:rkama Mayamp luram. jurpu:ru ma: ratkama jich 11 a akat q"iparu . nayra, nayraqa ta q"ipata (Positional) nayra, nayra timpuxa maymara, miymara marana, jutir mara English until tomorrow until another day Do 1t again. day after tomorrow so long now from now on before, in front of afterwards formerly, long ago last year next year ...... <.J'I I.O PAGE 777 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English AA-3 Noun suffixes (closed class) AA-3.l Basic sentence types illustrating possessives, plural •naka,. and complement suffixes AA-3.11 Inanimate subject Su casa de ~1 esta allf. Su casa de el es grande. Nuestras casas estan allf. Nuestras casa son grandes. Las chacras de mis hijos estan lejos de aquf. Su llegada fue postergada. Tu cama es grande. Tus tejidos son bonitos. Utapax uk"ankiwa. Utapax jach'awa. Utanakasax k"ayankiwa. Utanakasax jach'anakawa. Wawanakaxan yapunakapax jayankiwa. Ikinamax jach'awa. Sawutanakama jiwitanakakiw. His house is there. His house is big. Our houses are there. Our houses are bfg. My children's fields are far from here. Her arrival was postponed. Your bed is big. Ycur weavings are beautiful. -....J en 0 PAGE 778 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-3.12 Inanimate complement Vamos a nuestro pueblo. Voy a mi Casa rnai'iana. Trabajo mis chacras. en su tejido para tu llegada Haremos la chacra. Es para nuestras chacras. de sus chacras Con qu~ se escarba papa? Con que se come chuno? Estoy en mi casa. No voy a salir de mi casa. La Paz Aymara Markasar saranani. Arumantix utax sara:. Yapunakax lurta. sawutapanxa purinamataki Yap lurai'lani. Yapusatakiwa. yapunakapata Kunampis ch'uqix llamayuna? Kunampis ch'unux manq'ana? Utaxankasktwa. Janiw utaxat mistaka:ti. English Let's go to our town. I'm going home tomorrow. I work my fields. in her weaving for your arrival We'll prepare the field. It's for our fields. from his fields What do you dig potatoes with? What is chui'lo eaten with? I'm in my house. I'm not going to leave my house. -...J O"I ..... PAGE 779 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-3.13 Human subject Tengo una casa pequena. Quien lleg6? Quienes llegaron? Mis hijos ya comieron. Tu hijo ya se fu6. Mi hennana ya se fu~. Mis hennanas ya se fueron. La Paz Aymara Jisk'a utanitwa. K"itis puri? K"itinakas puri? Wawanakaxax manq'xiw. Yuqamax sarxiw. Kullakaxax sarxiw. Kullakanakax sarxapx1w. sarxiw. English I have a small house. Who arrived? Who (pl.) arrived? My children have already eaten. Your son already left. My sister already left. My sisters already left. -...J ' N PAGE 780 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-3.14 Animate complement (usually human) a mf Estot esperando a mi esposo. mi mujer. mis hennanas. Hablaremos de tf. Hablaremos de tus hijos. para mf para mf hijo para tu hermana para tus hermanas para tus hijos Con qui~n estabas hablando? Hazlo comprar con tu mam~. tu hermana. tus hermanas. De mf padre su chacra es. De mis hijos su casa es. La Paz Aymara nayaruwa Chachaxaruw suyaskta. Warmixaruw Kul lakanakaruw Jumxat parla~ani. Wawanakamat parlaftani. nayataki wawaxataki kullakamataki kullakanakamatakf wawanakamataki K"itimpis parlaskaya:ta? Mamamamp alayam. Kullakamamp Kullakanakamamp Tataxan yapupax. Wawanakaxan utapax. English to me I'm wafting for my husband. wife. sisters. Let's talk about you. . We'll talk about your children. for me for my child for your sister for your sisters for your children With whom were you talking? Have your mother buy it. sister sisters It's my father's field. ~t•s my children's house. -...,J ' w PAGE 781 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara AA-3.2 Other noun suffixes and compound fonns nar1c1ta sin nariz c1ego sordo sin sal entre mujeres hasta la casa como casa, perro Pas6 pora casa. Yo vine en vez de ella. Por ~l he venido. Esa mesa no es mfa. Por que no me hiciste avisar? El no est~ aquf. yo mismo/a jfsk'a nasa Jan nasani juyk"u uqara ch'apaqa, ch'ap"aqa, jayuwi sa warmikama, warmfpura utakama utjama, anjama Utanjam } sari Utanam Jupa lantiw jutta. Jupalaykuw jutta. Uka misax janiw nayankkiti. Kunatrak jan awisayanista? Jupax janiw akankkiti. na:pacha English little nose without a nose bl ind deaf without sa 1 t among women as far as the house like a house, a dog It passed through the house. I came instead of her. I came on account of him. That table isn't mine. Why didn't you let me know? He isn't here. I myself "'-J O'I PAGE 782 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-4 Verb suffixes and verb subordination Ta nos est~s mirando. Uds. me est~n mfrando. Yo trat~ de aprender. 'No debfas haber ven1do todavfa, 1 me dijo. Por qu~ has venido? He venido para hablarte. Qu~ quieres hacer? Quisiera aprender aymara. Para qu~ has vcnido? He venfdo para aprender roos aymara. Cuando vfenes te ver~. 1 La Paz Aymara Jumax u~ch 1 ukfyasfpkistaw. Jumanakax nayar uNch'uki yasipkistaw. sistwa. situwa. Kunarus jutta? Jumar parl friw J.utta. Kuns luran munta? Aymar yatiqan munirista. Kunatakis jutta? Aymar juk'amp yatfqanatakfw. Juta:t uk"aw jik1sfnan1. English You're looking at us. You (pl.) are looking at me. I tried t~ learn. 'You shouldn't have come yet~• he said to me. Why have you come? I've come to talk to you. What do you want to do? I would like to learn Aymara. What have you come for? I've come to learn more Aymara. I'll see you when you come. ....... m 01 PAGE 783 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-4 (continued) Por qu~ se lo has bajado? S1 me dejas, me voy a morir. 1 No habiendo se fue. l El zorro estaba muy contento, bailando. dando vueltas Adivinanza de la rueca Refran: Viendo hay que decir 'He vi sto 1 r:o hay. No hagas. Nos~. No quiero. Loque veo es feo. 2 Loque quise se perdio. 2 La Paz Aymara Kuna ts aparaqta Kunatak1s Jayti:taxa, jiwaw ap1tan1, Jan utjipan sarxi. T1wulax wali k'uchikiw, muyuska:n, t"uquska:n. Ma: tawaquw muykas muykas wal q'ipti. Kunasa? Qapuw. Unjasaw sanax, jan unjasax janiw sanakiti. Janiw utjkitf. Jan luramtf. Janiw yatkttf. Janiw munktti. Wali p"ir u~janta. Munaya:t ukaw ch"aqata. English Why did you take it away from him? If you leave me, I'll die. As there was none, he left. The fox was very happy, dancing, whirling around. Riddle of the distaff . Saying: If you have seen, say 1 I have seen' There is none. Don't do that. I don't know. I don't want to. What I see is ugly. What I loved got lost. -...J O'l O'l PAGE 784 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-4 (continued) Me falta poco para aprender aymara. 2 Quiz~s porque soy hu~rfano, no he podido t~rminar mis estudios. 3 Hay alguien para ir? 4 Volvf para ver mf chacra. 4 Si ta no quieres ir. yo fr~. Si ta quieres papa. trae un costal. Ven ac~. Tengo que ir. Vo tenfa que fr. Td tienes que ir. Tu tenfas que ir. Tiempos verbales La Paz Aymara Juk'akiw aymar yatiqanatak p"altitu. Inas waxch'a:t ukat jani isturyux tukuystti. Vapux unjiriw jutanta. Jan saran munka:tax, nayaw sara:. Ch'uq munstaxa,.kustal apanim. Ak"ar jutam. Saranaxaw. Sarai'laxa:nwa. Saraiiamaw. Sarai'lama:nwa. English I lack only a little to learn Aymara. Maybe because I'm an orphan, I haven't been able to finish my studies. Is there anyone to go? I came back to see my field. If you don't want to go, I'll 90. If you want potatoes, bring a sack. Come here. I have to go. I had to go. You have to go. You had to go. Verb tense paradigms (see 6-3) -..J en -..J PAGE 785 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-5 Particle ,. Si AA-6 Nouns (Open Class} AA-6. 1 Frequently occurring as modifiers dulce bonito, lindo, hennoso negro mucho muchas casas harto poco igual, mismo diferente, otro pequeno bien La Paz Aymara j1sa muxsa jiwak1 ch 1 iyara walja walja utanaka walja juk 1 a pachpa mayja jisk'a wa11 English yes sweet pretty, beautiful black much many houses a lot, too much little (small quantity). same, equal different, ether small well '-I ' CX) PAGE 786 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-6. 1 (continued) Tenemos que escribir todo en aymara. Todo ha entrado. Ll~valo todo. Todos entraremos. r~pfdo despacfo La Paz Aymara Taqi kun aymarat qillqanasaw. Taqpach apam. Taqfniw mantapxananf. jank' aki k'achata English We have to write everything tn Aymara. Everything has gone in. Take it all. We'll all go in. fast slow -....i en \0 PAGE 787 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-6.2 Age tenns and other human categories nii'\o/a n ii'\a muchacho. hijo joven (M) joven (F) adulto mujer, esposa hombre. mar1do viejo vieja anciana 1 ancianita ancianito soltera/o alcalde paisano La Paz Aymara wawa jisk'a imilla yuqalla wayna tawaqu jach'a:q1 warmi chacha achachi 1 awki awicha, tayka chuyman tayka chuyman aw!d sapaki al kalti markamasi English child girl boy. son youth, young man young woman adult woman, wife man, husband old man old lady 1 ittle old lady little old man spinster. bachelor mayor native of same town. -...J -....... 0 PAGE 788 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English. AA-6.3 Parts of the body cabello iifk 1 uta hair trenza pfchika braid mejilla, cara ajanu cheek, face barba sunk"a beard ojo, vista nayra eye, sight coraz6n chuyma (metaphorical) heart lluqu (physical) pulm6n pulmuna lung " " __, espalda jik 11 ani back PAGE 789 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English AA-6.4 Animals and animate nature alpaca alpaqa alpaca llama qarwa llama burro asnu donkey gall ina wall pa hen huevo k 1 awna egg gallo k'ank'a rooster gusano laq'u wonn -....I -....I honniga k'isfmfri, k'is1m1rta ant N perro anu dog cachorro jisk'a anu puppy perdiz pisaqa partridge zorro qamaqi, tiwula for. paja ch'illiwa, wich"u straw quinoa jup"a quinoa flor panqara flower oca congelada y secada k"aya freeze-dried oca conejo wank'u guinea pig PAGE 790 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-6.5 Inanimate nature cielo espina lena lluvia nube quebrada viento frfo AA-6.6 Inanimate manmade azad6n faja gancho (aguja) puerta (apertura) puerta (lo que se abre y cierra) sombrero topo (gancho) La Paz Aymara silu ch'ap1 lawa jayu qinaya wai'ia jawira t"aya t"aya lijwana wak'a yanchu punku (jist'an) punku surm1ru English sky thorn firewood rafn cloud gully, dry riverbed wind -..J cold -..J w hoe belt, waist cinch pin (needle) door (opening) door (barrier) hat pin for urk"u PAGE 791 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish M-7 Verb roots and derivational suffixes M-7.1 Carry/take verbs (human subjects) cargar cargar en burro levantar cosa llevar, jalar anfmales llevar gente llevar en brazos una wawa, un animalito llevar awayu, costal etc. llevar en espaldas llevar granos en la mano llevar clarinete. quena, lampa, escoba llevar en balde, canasta o maleta La Paz Aymara apai'la k"umui'la aptai'la jfsk"ai'la jaq apai'!a . ichui'la 1qai'la q I ipii'la jach'ii'la ayai'la wayui'la English to carry, take to carry on donkey back to 11ft something to lead, pull animal to take people to carry a baby or small animal to carry awayu, saddle bag (cloth) to carry on back to carry grainy substance in hand to carry clarinet, flute. hoe, broom (long, rigid object) to carry in pail, basket, or suitcase (by handle) -...J -...J PAGE 792 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish AA-7. 1 (continued) 11evar barril llevar piedra en los dedos llevar en plato, bandeja poner, colocar, meter AA-7.2 Verbs with nonhuman subjects arder un fuego brotar/salir la siembra producir la chacra r.acer animales apana irai'la asana La Paz Aymara uskuna, uchaiia nak"ana, aqana mistsui'ia achuna wawachana English to carry barrel to carry small stone or other round object in the fingers to carry on plat~. tray to place, put, put in for a fire to burn f~r a seed to sprout for a field to produce for an1mal(s) to be born ....., ....., u, PAGE 793 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish M-7.3 Other verbs (human subjects) abrazarse andar bailar botar caer cantar cocinar comer conocer gente contar contentarse, estar contento correr decir, La Paz Aymara qumantasina sarnaqana t"uquiia 1 iwtana jalaqtai'la kantai'la p 11 ayai'la manq'ai'la unt'ai'la sai'la, jak"ui'la kusisita:i'la jalai'la, t~ijtai'la sana English to embrace, hug to walk to da:ice to throw away to fall to sing to cook -....J -....J to eat ' to. know a person to count to be happy to run to say PAGE 794 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish M-7.3 (continued) encontrarse con alguien entrar escarbar escrib1r escuchar esperar estimar. querer. desear gritar hablar hacer lavar ropa levantarse. pararse llamar llegar La Paz Aymara j1k1s1i'la mantai'la llamayui'la qil lqai'la ist'ana suyt'ai'la munaih art'ai'la parlai'la lurai'la 1s t'axsui'!a sayt'ai'la jawsai'la puriiia English to m!?et someona to enter to dig (e.g., potatoes) to write to listen to wait to appreciate, 11ke, love. \'1ant -....J -....J to shout, scream -....J to talk to make, do to wash clothes to get up, stand up to call to arrive PAGE 795 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish La Paz Aymara English AA-7.3 (continued) llorar jachaiia to cry mandar k"itai'la to order mirar untai'la to look moler q"unai'la, piqai'ia to grind morir j1Wi!Oa to die enfermarse. dar a luz usui'la to be 111 or pregnant; to bear a child ......, nadar tuyui'la to swim ......, co odiar ui'lisina to hate pasar pasai'la to pass pelear nU'.~asiila to right (physically) pensar lup'ii'la. amuyai'la to think perder algo ch"aqayai'la to lose something poder puyrii'la to be able preguntar jiskt 1 ai'la to ask PAGE 796 APPENDIX A (continued) Spanish M-7.3 (continued) quemar {lena). hacer arder recordar regar regresar, volver sentarse tapar un agujero tapar una olla Tengo sed. Tengo su':!no tomar, beber tostar en tostadera (maiz) venir ver volar La Paz Aymara nak"antayana amtai'la qllich'ana kutt'ai'la quntasiiia llupt'aiia q"upina Umat p"arj1tu. Ik1w puritu. umt'aiia jamp' iiia jutaiia uiijaiia muyuiia, tuyuiia English to burn (wood), •light a f1ra to remember to water, irrigate to return to sit down to cover a hole to cover a pot I'm thirsty. I'm sleepy. to drink to toast in toaster (e. g. corn) to come to see to fly --.J --.J \,0 PAGE 797 APPENDIX A (continued) Jaqaru AA-8 Jaqaru /nh/ word list 5 anhshishpta inhatza jinhara kanhara lanhtina panhara qunhtza tinhya wamanhripa wamanhtanqa yanha Spanish disputar, discutir pe6n, trabajar corno pe6n moco cuerda de maguey seco planta que cura heridas moledor hermano de un hombre tambor pequeno que tocan mujeres en fiestas ganaderas flor para jarabe para la tos papa amaril 1 a companero, ayudar English quarrel peon, work like a peon nasal mucus, snot dried maguey cord plant that heals wounds grinder. corn mill man's brother small drum played by women during cattle festivals flower used to ~~ke cough syrup yellow potato comrade, help "'-J co 0 PAGE 798 781 Notes 1 Hardman 1966:73. 2 Hardman 1966:75. 3 Hardman 1966:76. 4 Hardman 1966:77. 5 Hardman {personal communication). PAGE 799 782 APPENDIX B ONOMATOPOEIC PARTICLES The following onomatopoeic utterances, class fiable as particles (7-2. 1), occurred in this research. Some are reduplicative; most are monosyllabic. Most were obtained from La Paz/Tiahuanaco. No formal attempt was made to elicit them elsewhere. It is hoped that additional examples will be found in future research. ch 11 ullx ch'uti jam jam jam jam krum k"urm k" ut "u p"ut"um sound of two glasses or bottles hitting (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of two small balls hitting (glass marbles, ball bearings, etc.) (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of dog panting (Sitajara) sound of horse or donkey eating hay (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) 'crunch' (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of cow chewing cud (Calacoa) sound of fox's tail brushing the ground as it runs {Huancane) sound of explosion {Jopoqueri) PAGE 800 p'utx p'utx g"upx talalax tulx tun tun ---t'alx t'ugx 783 'pop! pop! 1 {Sacca) sound of crunching, e. g. a carrot {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of explosion {Huancan~, La Paz) 'crunch' {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of a tin can falling and hitting another {La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of door slamming {La Paz/Campi) sound of explosion (Huancane) 'plop! 1 ; sound of fish falling on the floor (La Paz/Tiahuanaco) sound of raw egg in the shell, hitting the floor (La Paz/Tiahuanaco); sound of knock on the door, or of loud footsteps (La Paz/Campi) PAGE 801 784 APPENDIX C REGIONAL VERSIONS OF GREETINGS AND COMMON EXPRESSIONS AC-1 Greetings The most common greetings between adults in con temporary Aymara may be a simple mama 'ma'am' or tata 'sir', sometimes suffixed with~ politive, as in mama.y and tata.y (Morocomarca and Calacala). The first syllable appears to have vowel length in Huancan~: ta:ta, ma:ma. The usual greeting by a child to an adult is 1.i.Y.!!_ (uncle) or~ (aunt) in La Paz, and tata. la.y or mama.la.yin Morocomarca. According to V~squez, the term tatala is derogatory in La Paz and would not be used there as a term of address, while in Vitocota it is used by a mother speaking to her son, as is mamala in speaking to a daughter. In Sitajara tatala and mamala are said to be used to refer to people from the highlands (department of Puno). Apart from tata and mama, the most common greet ings are probably Aymarized forms of the Spanish Buenos d1as ('good morning') and Buenas tardes ('good afternoon'), like the following: PAGE 802 785 Winus tiyus. (La Paz/Campi) Winas tartis. (La Paz/Campi) Waynus tiyas. (Sitajara) Wa_ynas tartis. (Sitajara) An unusual greeting and reply apparently borrowed from 16th century Spanish persist in Calacoa. The original Spanish was identified for me by a native speaker of Span ish from Moquegua, who said the full reply would be Sin pecado concebida ('conceived without sin'). Maraptis. < Spanish Ave Marfa Purfsima Simpikaw. < Spanish sin pecado 'without sin' In several places Aymara greetings said to be archaic and no longer in use were elicited. In one case a verb with 2+3 F appears to be reduced from 3+2 and to repre sent a kind of frozen contraction or ellipsis, as the meaning is what it would be if the inflection were 3+2 F. Dias aski.y chura.:ta. God give 2+3 F 'God's blessing you will give.' (Juli ) Aski.y chura.:ta. 'Blessing you will give. 1 (Torata, Moquegua) PAGE 803 786 Yusak God (Dias awki) ma: -father some Yusak ma: chura.nt tata. 2+3 F chura.ntama. give F 'God will give you (blessings). 1 (Jopoqueri; one speaker) Sum uru. ki. : . pan. 1 Let it be a good day. 1 ( Jopoqueri) good day 3+3 Suma diosa.r good god I chura. :ta, give F tata.y. sir 'You will give to (bless?) the good God, sir. 1 {Morocomarca) AC-2 Common Expressions A list of common expressions for La Paz (Campi and Tiahuanaco) was given at the beginning of the elici tation list in Appendix A. The expressions will be re peated here with analysis for comparison with similar expressions from other dialects. A number of the expressions contain vowel length verbalization (see 5-3.41.2) which does not appear in the transcription because the verbalization is followed by a suffix that requires a preceding consonant, causing the lengthened vowel to reduce to plain vowel. That is, PAGE 804 787 a form that has vowel length verbalization at the morphemic level may not have it at the phonemic level. For example, kawki.n.k.iri.:.ta.sa with vowel length verbalization before the inflectional suffix S /-eta/, is pho nemically /kawkinkirjJ_asa/ and therefore so written. If there were no vowel length verbalization, the form would be */kawkinkirtasa/, which does not occur. It should also be noted that several homophonous suffixes occur in the expressions: -ta ~ -t 11 a 1 from, of' (5-3.31.4), -ta~ -t 11 a S (6-3.31), -ta S (6-3.31), and -ta nominalizer (7-4.21.3). In the following examples the verbal inflections are identified; the others are identifiable by context and gloss. AC-2. l Northern dialects AC-2.11 Huancan~ Sik.t'a.si.mam may, mama. ask one F Sik.t'a.si.mam.ch mama. Sik.t'a.si.n mun.sma.y, tata. want D-1 Suti.ma.x kuna suti.ni.sa? name 2p what name 1 May I ask you a question, ma'am? 1 'I would like to ask you a question, sir.' 'What is your name?' PAGE 805 Tata, suti.ma.st kuna.sa? Na.n suti.ja.xa 1p lp Kawki.t.s jut.ta? where come 2+3 s Kawki.ta.s juma.x? 2p 788 'And what is your name, sir?' 'My name is __ _ 'Where do you come from?' 'Where are you from?' Na.x jut.t.w Punu 1p come 1+3 marka.t"a. city 'I come from the city of Puna.' s Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? 2+3 s Aka.n.k.iri.t.wa. here 1+3 s Kawki.n.ka.rak.ta.sti? 2+3 Naya.x lp s Li ma. n. k. t. wa. 1+3 s 'Where are you usually?' 'I'm usually here. 1 'And where are you now?' 1 I I m in Lima. 1 Yusulupay. < Dias se 1.Q pague 'May God repay you.' PAGE 806 Yuspara.natpa. 3+2 F Yuspar.ka.natpa.y. Yuspar.sna.w. 1+2 s Ma: rat.kam. one while AC-2. 12 Sacca Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p Kawki.tugi.ta.sa where ? Juma.xa. 2p Kawki.t pur.ta.ni.w.ta.xa? arrive 2+3 Kawk.s sara.:ta? go 2+3 F s Jani. w kawk. s sar. ka. : . ti. no where go 1+3 F Yuspagara. 789 1 Thank you. 1 1 See you later. 1 1 What is your name? 1 1 Whereabouts are you from? 1 1 Where are you arriving from? 1 1 Where are you going? 1 'I 1 m not going anywhere.' 1 Thank you. 1 PAGE 807 Ma: rat.kama. one while Sar.x.ma. lla. go 2-+3 I Sara.waya.w.ma.lla. 2-+3 I Sara.w.ma.lla. 2-+3 I Jaki.si.n.kama. meet AC-2. 13 Juli Kuna.s what Na.n lp Naya.n suti.ma.xa? name 2p suti.ja.xa lp suti.ja.xa Kawki. ta. s where Kawki.ta.ta.s 2-+3 s ? Juma.xa. 2p 790 •see you later.' 'So long, go ahead, on your way.. 1 •until we meet again.• 1 What is your name? 1 1 My name is sa.ta.wa. 1 My name is called say 'Where are you from? 1 PAGE 808 Naya.x Juli marka.ta.t.wa. l p town l +3 Kawki.t.s jut.ta? where come 2+3 s sara.:ta? ( 2+3 Kawk.s) F where / l sara. :ta.x? Kawki.t.s where . t ? pur,.n. a. arrive 2+3 s Yapu.t field . t" pur,.n. a. Kamisa.k tata? how Wal i . k i . way . Diyuspagara. Ma: rat.kama. one while 1+3 s s 791 'I'm from Juli.' 'Where are you coming from?' 'Where you are going?' 'Where are you arriving from?' 'I'm arriving from the field.' 'How are you, sir?' 'Fine, thank you.' 'Thank you. ' 'See you later.' PAGE 809 Jaki.si.n.kama. meet 792 'Until we meet again.' AC-2. 14 La Paz {Campi and Tiahuanaco, unless otherwise noted) Tata {mama), maya.y jisk.t'a.si.:ma. 'Sir {ma'am), may I ask you a question?' sir ma'am one ask M k t' . ? JlS a.s,. :ma. F 'May I ask you a question?' {San Andr~s de Machaca) Kuna.s suti.ma.xa, tata {mama)? 'What is your name, sir {ma'am)?' what name 2p Naya.n lp suti.xa.xa lp Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? where s .wa. Naya.x .n.k.iri.t.wa. s Jani.w aka.n.k.iri.k.t.ti. no here Kawk. s where sara.:ta? go F s 'My name is __ 'Where are you from?' 1 I'm from --'I'm not from here.' 'Where are you going {to go)?' PAGE 810 Kawk.s sara.s.k.ta? 2+3 s Kawk.sa.t.s puri.s.k.ta? where arrive 2+3 s Yapu.t puri.s.k.ta. field arrive 1+3 s Kamisa.ki, tata (mama)? how Wali .ki. :.s.k.t.wa. well 1+3 s ~Jal i. ki. Juspajara.:tam. 3+2 F Jiki.si.n.kama. meet 793 'Where are you going (now)?' 'Where are you arriving from?' 'I'm arriving from the field.' 'How are you, sir (ma'am)?' 'I'm fine.' 'Fine.' (San Andr~s de Machaca) 'Thanks will be to you.' 'Until we meet again.' AC-2.2 Intermediate dialects AC-2.21 Calacoa May jisk.t'a.si.mama. 'M~y I ask you a question?' one ask 1+2 F PAGE 811 Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p Na.n suti.ja.x lp Kawki. t. s where pur.ta? arrive 2+3 s .wa. Kawki marka.t pur.ta? town Kawki marka.sti? Kami sa. raki? how Wal i . k i . wa. good Usulupaya. AC-2.22 Sitajara Jisk.t 1 a.si.wa.mam. ask 1+2 F Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa? how 2+3 s 794 1 What is your name? 1 1 My name is -1 Where are you arriving from? 1 1 What town are you arriving from?' 'And where is the town?' 1 How are you?' 1 Fine.' 1 Thank you. 1 1 May I ask you a question?• 1 How are you called?' (to child) PAGE 812 Kuna suti.ma.s? what name 2p Kawki.n.k.iri.ta.sa? where 2+3 s Kawki.y marka.ta.sa? where town Kawki.ta.sa? where Kawki.t.s pur.ta.x? s AC-2.3 Southern dialects AC-2.31 Jopoqueri Maya.y chis.t 1 a.si.:ma. one ask 1+2 F M h 11 k t 1 !'.:@Y. c , . a. s 1 : ma . Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa? how 2+3 s Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p 795 'What is your name?' (to adult) 'Where are you usually?' 'What town (are you) from?' 'Where (are you) from?' 'Where are you {coming } from? arriving 'May I ask you a question?' 'What is your name?' PAGE 813 Naya.xa lp Suti.nha.xa name lp Kawki.ta.ta.s where 2+3 s sa.ta.t.wa. l+3 s sa.ta.wa. ? Juma.x. 2p 796 1 I 1 m ca 1 led -1 My name is -'Where are you from?' Naya.x aka Urur marka.ni.t.wa. 1 I 1 m from this town of Oruro. 1 lp this Oruro town 1+3 s Jani.w naya.x aka.ta.j.t.ti. 1 I 1 m not from here.• no lp here 1+3 Kawki.t.s . t ? pur. J. a. 2+3 s juta.ta? Yapu.t pur.j.t 11 a. field 1+3 Kawki. ru. s where s . t ? sar .J. a. go 2+3 s s 'Where are you {arr~ving} from?' coming 1 I 1 m arriving from the field. 1 'Where are you going?' PAGE 814 Jani.w kawki.ru.s sar.j.t.ti. no where go 1+3 s Kuna.ma.:.s.j.ta.s wiraxucha? how 2+3 s Wali.ki.:.s.j.t.wa. 1+3 s Jani wali.j.t.ti. no 1+3 Yuspajar.pan. 3+3 I s Ma: rat.kama. a while Jiki.si.n.kama. meet AC-2.33 Morocomarca Maya.y jisk.t'a.si.:ma. one ask 1+2 F Kuna.s sut.ma? what name 2p 797 'I'm not going anywhere.' 'How are you, sir?' 'I'm fine.' 'I'm not very well.' 'Thank you.' 'See you later. ' 'Until we meet again.' 'May I ask you a question?' 'What is your name?' PAGE 815 798 Na_ya.n sut.na.ka .wa. lp name lp 'My name is Na_ya.n sut.na sa.ta.wa. Kawki.ta.sa? where Na_ya lp aka.t.pini.t.wa. here 1+3 Kawki.t.raj where s jut 11 a.n.ta? 2+3 s pur.ta? Yapu.t jut 11 a.n.t 11 a. field 1+3 Kawki.ru.raki.sti where s sar.k.ta? go 2+3 s 'Where (are you) from?' 1 I 1 m really from here.' 'Where are you {coming } from?' arriving 'I'm coming from the field. 1 'And where are you going?' Jani.w kawki.ru.s sar.k.t.ti. 'I'm not going anywhere.' Wali.ki.s.k.ta.ti? 'Are you well?' good 2+3 s PAGE 816 Wali.ki.s.k.t.wa. 1+3 Juspagar.pa. 3+3 I Ratu.kama. while Sar.xa.: .w, go 1+3 F s jiki.si.n.kama. meet AC-2.34 Calacala Kam.sa.ta.x sut.ma.x? how name 2p Naya sa.ta.t.wa l p 1+3 s 799 'I'm fine.' 1 Thank you. 1 1 See you later. 1 'I'm off, see you later. 1 'What is your name?' 'I'm called II Kawki.ta.raki.ta juma.xa? 'And where are you from?' where 2+3 2p s Naya jaqi .xa Qalagala. t.wa. 1 I am a person (man) from Calacala. 1 lp person Yuspaka.rap.sma.w. 'Thank you. 1 1+2 s PAGE 817 AC-2.35 Salinas May chik.t'a.:ma. one ask 1+2 F Kam.sa.ta.raki.ta? how 2+3 s Kam.sa.ta.ta.sa? 2+3 s Kuna.s suti.ma.xa? what name 2p Naya.x lp sa.ta.t.wa. 1+3 s Kawki.ta.ta.sa where 2+3 (juma.xa)? 2p s Kawki.ta.raki.ta? 2+3 s Naya.x aka.ta.t.wa. lp here 1+3 s Jani aka.ta.t.ti. no here 1+3 s 800 'May I ask you a question?' 'What is your name?' 1 I 1 m called -'Where are you from?' 1 I'm from here. 1 'I'm not from here. 1 PAGE 818 801 Naya.x Salina.ta.t.wa. 'I'm from Salinas.' lp 1+3 s Na.n marka.na.xa Salinas de Garci Mendoza sa.ta.wa. lp town lp 'My town is called Salinas de Garci Mendoza.' Kawki. t. ra(j) where ) pur. ta? l jut. ta? Yapu.t pur.j.t 11 a. field 1+3 Kawki. ru. rak where s sara.nta? go 2+3 F Jani kawki.ru.s. no where Kuna:ma.s.ka.raj.ta? how 2+3 s Wa 1 i . k i . wa good Juspagar.pan. 3+3 I 'Where are you {arr~ving} from?' coming 'I'm arriving from the field.' [saranda] 'Where are you going?' 'Nowhere. 1 'How are you?' 1 Fine. 1 1 Thank you. 1 PAGE 819 .!y u k 11 ama. 11 a. x. sa. so Ratu. ka :ma. while 802 'Well, just that (thank you). 1 'See you later.• PAGE 820 803 APPENDIX 0 REGIONAL VERSIONS OF A SAYING ANO A RIDDLE A0-1 Unjaiia Saying: 'See before you say. 1 This saying, which illustrates the direct/indirect knowledge postulate (8-2.3) and variation in usage of the subordinating suffixes -sa and -sina (and variants) (7-4.22.l), was elicited in all dialects investigated except Calacoa and Sitajara. (Is is interesting to note that the saying does not occur in Jaqaru either, accord ing to Hardman [personal communication].) The different versions obtained are grouped regionally below. There is some variation within as well as across dialects, but the meaning is always almost identical. The verb sa.na that occurs in the saying is an obligatory. It may be translated variously as 'one must say', 'must be said', 'it is necessary to say', or 'is to be said'. I have arbitrari~y opted for 'one must say'. AD-1. l Northern dialects AD-1. 11 Huancan~ Un.ja.w.sin sa.na.xa , jan uii.j.ka.w.sin.xa see see say no see s (continued) PAGE 821 no see 1+3 s 804 sa.na.wa. say 'Having seen, one must say 11 1 have seen"; not having seen, one must say 11 1 have not seen 11 1 AD-1. 12 Sacca Un.ja.sn.wa see see 1+3 s sa.na.xa. say Jan un.ja.sn.xa jani.w no see no see 1+3 s sa.na.ti. say 'Having seen, one must say 11 1 have seen 11 Not having seen, one must not say 11 1 have seen 11 1 AD-1.13 Juli see 1+3 s sa.sin.xa say Jan un.ja.sin.xa no see see 1+3 s sa.na.wa. say sa.na.wa. say no see 1+3 s 'Having said 11 1 have seen 11 3 one must say 11 1 have seen". Not having seen, one must say 11 1 have not seen 11 1 (The first part of this version appears to be garbled.) PAGE 822 805 AD-1. 14 San Andr~s de Machaca Un.ka.sa.w sa.na.x. see see 1+3 say Jan no suri.ja.sa.sti }jani.w lun.j.ka.sa.sti no see 1+4 sa.na.k.i.ti. say see 'Having seen, one must say 11 ! have seen". Not having seen, one must not say 11 ! have seen". 1 AD-1. 15 La Paz/Compi Jan no un.ja.sa.x see no see 1+3 sa.na.w. say 'Not having seen, one must say 11 ! have not seen". 1 AD-1.2 Southern dialects AD-1.21 Jopoqueri {version 1) Jan no in.ja.san.xa see l 3 s see no In.ja. sana see see 1+3 s sa.na.wa. say sa.na.wa. say 'Not having seen, one must say 11 ! have not seen". Having seen, one must say 11 ! have seen". 1 PAGE 823 806 AD-1.22 Jopoqueri (version 2} Un.ja.san.xa see see s s.irijt.wa. say D-1 Jan no un.ja.san.xa see no see 1+3 s sa.s.ja.pani.w. say 'Having seen, l can say 11 1 have seen 11 Not having seen, 11 1 have not seen" really saying. 1 AD-1.23 Morocomarca Jani no in.ja.sana see 1+3 sa.na.wa. say In.ja.sana see see 1+3 s s sa.na.wa. say 'Not having seen, one must say 11 1 have not seen". Having seen, one must not say II l have seen 11 1 AD-l.24 Salinas Un.ja.sa.xa see see 1+3 s sa.na.wa. say no see sa.na.wa. say s Jan un.ja.sin.xa no see 'Having seen, one must say 11 1 have seen". Not having seen, one must say 11 1 have not seen 11 1 PAGE 824 807 AD-2 Spindle Riddle No attempt was made to elicit this riddle every where, but it occurred spontaneously with great frequency. It is probably general to all dialects. Like the unjana saying, it illustrates different usages of -sa and -sina (and variants). The riddle shows more stylis tic variation than does the saying. AD-2. l Northern dialects AD-2. 11 Juli (version l) K k k l . 11• t .. ? una.s una.s muy. a.sa wa .J q 1p .. 1ri.x. what turn very swell Qapu.w. spfriclTe 'What, what turning swells up? A spindle. 1 AD-2. 12 Juli (version 2) Ma: tawaqu.x A girl t 11 uoa.sa t 11 uga.sa wal g'ip.t.i.xa. dance very swell 3+3 Uka.x kuna.sa? Qapu.w. that what spindle s 'A young girl dancing, dancing becomes pregnant. What is that? A spindle.' PAGE 825 808 AD-2. 13 Juli (version 3) T 11 ug 11 u.sin t 11 uq 11 u.sin usu.ri.pt.i.x. dance i 11 3+3 s Kuna.s uka.xa? Qapu.wa. what that spindle 1 Dancing, dancing [she] becomes pregnant. What is that? A spindle. 1 AD-2. 14 La Paz/Tiahuanaco T 11 ug.ta.s t 11 ug.ta.s Muy.ka.s muy.ka.s turn Qapu.w kuna.raki.:.ni.x. spindle what else 3+3 F kuna.s wal g 11 ip.t.iri.x? 1 Dancing, dancing (turning, turning) what swells up? A spindle, what else is it to be. 1 AD-2.2 Southern dialects AD-2.21 Jopoqueri Tan.ja.s tan.ja.s wal g'it.iri. Uka kuna.s? run very pregnant that what Uka.x qapu.x. that spindle 1 Running, running [she] gets pregnant. What is that? A spindle. 1 PAGE 826 809 AD-2.22 Morocomarca Ma tawagu muy.ka.sa muy.ka.sa wal g 1 ip.t.x.i. a girl turn very pregnant 3+3 s Uka kuna.raki.:.spa. that what 3+3 D-1 Qapu.w. spindle 1 A young girl turning, turning gets pregnant. And what can-that be? A spindle. 1 AD-2.23 Salinas (version 1) Muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa muy.t.ka.sa turn wa l q I i nt. x. i . very pregnant 3+3 s Q 11 apu.xa t 11 ug 11 .ka.sa, t 11 ug.ka.sa, spindle dance t 11 ug 11 .ka.sa uyru.nt.x.i. fill 3+3 s 'Turning, turning, turning, turning--[she] gets pregnant. A spindle dancing, dancing, dancing--fills up. 1 AD-2.24 Salinas (version 2) Ma: tawagu.xa muy.ka.s muy.ka.sa wal a girl turn very Uka kuna.sa? Uka.pi.y that what that spindle I •t Q 1 .x.,. pregnant 3+3 s 1 A young girl turning, turning becomes pregnant. What is that? That's a spindle, of course.• PAGE 827 810 AD-2.3 Intermediate Dialect: Calacoa Ma: warmi.k.s wilt.ka.sin wilt.ka.sin usu.r.ta.si.w.x.i. A woman turn i 11 3+3 s Uka.x kuna.s ? Q 11 apu.w. that what spindle 'A woman turning, turning becomes pregnant. What is that? A spindle. 1 PAGE 828 811 APPENDIX E INDEX OF SUFFIXES The Aymara suffixes that have occurred in this study are here listed in alphabetical order. (Suffixes beginning with vowel length/:/ followed by a consonant are listed under that consonant, e.g. /-:ta/; suffixes consisting of vowel length alone are listed between suffixes beginning with /u/ and /w/; and zero complement is listed last.) The morphophonemics of each suffix are given in the notation indicated in 1-3.6. In cases of general rules (such as that all suffixes beginning with /i/ take a preceding consonant) the morphophonemics are not shown. For further information on the morphophonemics of each suffix see 4-2 and the section cited for each suffix. Abbreviations used are v. der. verbal derivational v. infl. verbal inflectional v. nom. verb nominalizer v. subord. verb subordinator indep. independent (nonfinal) PAGE 829 cha -vcha-v--cha /-cchapi/ /-vchi/ ~ C chi -c/-cchista:na/ /-cchistani/ /-cchistasapa:na/ /-cchistaspa /chistpana/ C /chistu/ C /-cchita:na/ /-cchitasapa:na/ /-cchitaspa/ /chitaystu/ C /chitu/ C /chja-/ C /-cchjama-/ 812 /ch/ noun; diminutive (5-3.22.1) v. der., verbalizer/causative (6-2.11) final, alternative interrogative (7-2.22) noun, 'the one which' (5-3.12.1) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.ll. 11) v. infl., Non-Involver (6-3.36.1) v . i n fl . , 4 RD K ( 6 3 . 3 5 . l ) v. infl., F (6-3.32) v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.21) v. infl., D-1 (6-3.34.11) V i n fl . , I ( 6 3. 3 3) V i n fl . , S ( 6 3 . 31 ) v. in fl . , RD K ( 6 3. 3 5. l ) V i n fl . , D2 ( 6 3. 3 4 . 21 ) V. in fl . , D-1 ( 63. 34. 11 ) v. infl., RIK (6-3.35.2) V. in fl . , S ( 63. 31 ) v. der., 'likely' (6-2.3) v. der., 'likely' (6-2.3) PAGE 830 /ch 11 api/ C /ch 11 i/ C ch 1 a -c-1ch 1 ak 11 a-/ C /-cch 1 i/ /ch 1 uki-/ C -i /-ichja-/ /-ijana/ /-ill a/ -imana /-inhana/ /-inana/ /-ipana/ /-i :pana/ /-ipnaf, /-ipuna/ /-iri/ 813 /ch 11 / noun, 'the one which' (5-3.12.l) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11) /ch 1 / noun, 'size, extent• (5-3. 12.2) v. der., sustained action (6-2.18. l) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.11) v. der., sustained action (6-2.18.l) /i/ V i n fl . , 3+ 3 S ( 6 3 . 31 ) v. der., 1 likely 1 (6-2.3) v. subord., 1+3 (7-4.22.2) noun, diminutive (5-3.22.2) v. subord., 2+3 (7-4.22.2) v. subord., 1+3 (7-4.22.2) v. subord., 1+3 (7-4.22.2) v. subord., 3+3 (7-4.22.2) v . s u b or d . , 3+ 3 ( 7 4 . 2 2 . 2 ) v. subord., 3+3 (7-4.22.2) v. subord., 3+3 (7-4.22.2) v. nom., subord., actor/purposive (7-4.21.l) PAGE 831 814 /-irija:na/ v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijasma:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irija:ta / C v. infl., l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijatama:na/ V. inf l. , 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijat 11 ac/ v. infl., l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /--irija:t 11 a / C V infl., l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijiv/ v. infl., D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijista:na/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijistu/ V infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-i:rijistu/ v. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijita:na/ V. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijitu/ v. infl., D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijma/ v. infl., l +2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijma:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijsma/ V infl., l +2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijsma:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijstam/ v. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijstama:na/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijsta:na/ V. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijta/ v. infl., 2+3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) / i ri j tam/ V. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) /-irijta:mac/ v. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irijtama:na/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irijt"ac/ V. infl., l +3 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) I i r i k a : s ma/ v. inf l. , l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) PAGE 832 815 /-irika:tac/ v. infl., 1 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irika:tam/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irika:t"a / C v. infl., 1 +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irikiya:sma/ v. infl., 1 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irikiyata:ma/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriksma/ V. infl., 1+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iriksna/ V. infl., 1+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irikstac/ v. infl., 1+3 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) /-irikstam/ v. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irikstan/ v. infl., l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irikst 11 a/ v. infl., l +3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iriktac/ v. infl., 1 +3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irikta:na/ v. i nvl . , 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriktma/ v. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irikt"ac/ v. infl., l +3 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) V /-irik 11 a/ v. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34. 12) /-irik"asma:na/ V. infl., 1 +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irik 11 at 11 a / C v. infl., 1 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irik 11 atma:na/ V. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriskasama:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriskasapa:na/ v. inf l . , 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriskatam/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-iriska:tac/ v. infl., 1 D-2 {6-3.34.22) /-iriskatama:na/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 {6-3.34.22) PAGE 833 816 /-irisma/ V. i nfl . , l +2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irisma:n/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irista / C v. infl., 1+3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iris tam/ V. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iristma/ V. infl., 3+2 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irist 11 ac/ v. infl., l +3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-iritasama:na/ v. infl., 2+1 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irja:na/ v. infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irja:ta/ v. infl., 2+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irjat 11 a / C v. inf l. , l +3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irji/ v. inf l. , 3+3 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irjistu/ v. infl., 3~ D-1 (6-3.34. 12) /-irjitu/ V. infl., 3+1 D-1 (6-3.34.12) /-irkasma:na/ v. infl., l +2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irkatama:na/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.22) /-irka:t 11 a / C v. infl., 1+3 D-2 (6-3.34.22) -isana v. subord., 4+3 (7-4.22.2) /-ista/ v. inf l. , 2+1 s (6-3.31) /-istan/ v. infl., 2+1 RDK and 3+4 RDK (6-3.35.l) /-ista:na/ v. infl., 3+4 RDK (6-3.35.l) /-istani/ v. inf l. , 3+4 F (6-3.32) /-istasapa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-istaspa/ V infl., 3+4 D-1 ( 6 3. 34. 11 ) /-istaspa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21) PAGE 834 817 /-istasp 11 a/ v. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.21) /-istasp 11 a:na/ V. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3. 34. 21) /-istata/ v. infl., 2+1 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-ista:sta/ V. infl., 2+1 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-ista:ta/ v. infl., 2+1 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-istaya:ta/ v. inf l. , 2+1 RDK (6-3. 35. l) /-istpa(n)/ v. infl., 3+4 I (6-3. 33) /-istu/ v. infl., 3+4 s (6-3.31) /-istusapa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-istuspa/ V. infl., 3+4 D-1 (6-3.34.11) /-istuspa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-is tutu/ V. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-istu:tu/ v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) -ita noun, diminutive (5-3.22.3) /-ita/ v. infl., 2+1 I (6-3.33) /-itan/ v. infl., 3+1 RDK (6-3.35.l) /-ita:na/ v. infl., 3+1 RDK (6-3.35.l) -itani v. i nfl . , 3+1 F, I (6-3.32, 6-3.33) /-itanta/ v. infl., 2+1 F (6-3.32) /-itanhata/ v. infl., 2+1 F (6-3.32) /-itasama:na/ v. infl., 2+1 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-itasapa:na/ v. inf l. , 3+1 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-itasma(n)/ V. infl., 2+1 D-1 ( 63. 34. 11 ) /-itasma:na/ v. inf l. , 2+1 D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-itaspa/ v. infl., 3+1 D-1 (6-3.34.11) PAGE 835 /-itaspa:na/ /-itasp 11 a/ /-itasp"a:na/ /-ita:sta/ /-ita:ta/ /-itayasta/ /-itayista/ /-itaysta/ /-itaytu/ /-ititu/ /-itma/ /-itpa/ /-itpan/ /-itpana/ /-itp 11 ana/ /-itta/ / -i tu/ -itu /-itutu/ /-itu:tu/ /-iya:sta/ 818 v. infl., 3-rl D-2 (6-3. 34. 21) v. in fl . , 3-r l Dl ( 6 3. 34. 11 ) v. infl., 3-rl D-2 (6-3.34.21) v. infl., 2-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 2-rl F (6-3.32), 2-rl RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., 2-rl RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., 2-rl RDK (6-3.35. l) v. infl., 2-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 3-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 3-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 2-rl I (6-3.33) v. infl., 3-rl I, 3 4 I (6-3.33) v. infl., 3-rl I (6-3.33) v. infl., 3-rl I (6-3.33) v. infl., 3-rl I (6-3. 33) v. infl., 2-rl S (6-3.31) v. infl., 3-rl S (6-3.31) noun, dimi~~ti-ve (5-3.22.4) v. infl., 3-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 3-rl RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 2-rl RDK (5-3.35.l) /j/ noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) noun, 'amount, quantity' (5-3.12.3) PAGE 836 j a-c/ja-/ C ~ C /-vj a-/ /-vja/ /-vja:/ /-:ja/ /-cjama/ /-cja:ma/ /jata-/ C /-vjata/ / vj a: ta/ /-vji/ jita -v-/ka-/ C /ka-/ C -ka -:ka .:.vkama C 819 v. der., divider (6-2.12) v. der., 1 preceding 1 /continuative/ incompletive (6-2.25) noun, lp possessive (5-3.24) noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.l) v. infl., l F (6-3.32) v. infl., (6-3.33) F (6-3.32), 1+3 v. infl., F (6-3.32) noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) noun, 1 like 1 (5-3.32.3) v. der., 1 across 1 (6-2.17.1) v. infl., F (6-3.32) v. infl., F (6-3.32) I indep., 'just, only' (7-2.21.1) noun, 'exactly in a place' (5-3.21) / k/ noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.1) v. der., 1 preceding 1 /continuative/ incompletive (6-2.25) final, topic/resumator (7-2.22.1, 7-2.22.11) noun, 'general location' (5-3.12.5) noun, aggregate/attainer (5-3.32.1) PAGE 837 /-ckata/ /-ckata-/ /kati/ C . /-vki/ lie.! -c .:.vkipa.:.vkipta~ C ku -v-kucha /k 11 a/ C /k 11 a-/ C : k II a /k 11 ata-/ C la -v/-vlayku/ C /-11 a/ 820 noun, 'across' (5-3.21) v. der., 'across' (6-2.17.1) noun, 'across' (5-3.21) indep., 'just, only' (7-2.21.l) noun, 'every other' (5-3.12.4) v. der., 'past a point' (6-2.15.l) noun, verbalizer (accelerated) (5-3.42.2) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3. 11.12) indep., 'or if' (7, fn. 14) / k II/ noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) v. der., continuative/incompletive (6-2.25) noun, 'through' (5-3.12.6) v. der., 'across' (6-2.17.l) /1/ noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.13) noun, 'on account of' (5-3.12.17) /11 / noun, diminutive (5-3.22.2), lp possessive (5-3.24); final, politive (7-2.22, 7-2.22.2) PAGE 838 ~ ~ C V ma -vc /-vma:/ /-vmama/ /-:man/ /-vmma/ C /-mna/ /-mnam/ /-vmpa/ /-:mpa/ /-vmpi/ /-: mu/ /mucha-/ V 821 /ml final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3) V. i n fl . , 2 +3 I ( 63. 3 3) noun, 2p possessive (5-3.24); kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.14) noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) no u n , 1 l i k e 1 ( 5 3 . 3 2 . 3 ) , 1 th r o u g h 1 (5-3.32.3); v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32), 1+2 I (6-3.33) v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32) v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32), 1+2 I (6-3.33) v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32), 1+2 I (6-3.33) v. infl., 1+2 F (6-3.32) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.14) final, disclaimer (7-2.22.3) final, disc l aimer (7-2.22.3) v. inf l. , 3+2 F (6-3.32) v. i nfl. , 3+2 I (6-3.33) noun, conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/ instrumental (5-3.31. l) noun, 'like' (5-3.32.3) v . de r. , 1 away , off 1 ( 6 2 . l 7 . 4 ) PAGE 839 na -v-c C V /-:na/ nama -C'-V naga-v C /-vnatma/ /-vnatpa/ ni -vni -vni-v-/nma/ V nta-v-/-vnta/ /-vntam/ /-vnti/ /nuku-/ V /nuqa-/ C /nuqu-/ V 822 In/ noun, possessive/locational (5-3.31.2) v. infl., 3+3 RDK (6-3.35.1) noun, plural (5-3.25) noun, 'through' (5-3.32.3) v. der., 'around, aimlessly' (6-2.17.2) v. infl., 3+2 F (6-3.32) V. in fl . , 3+2 F ( 63. 32) noun, possessor/enumerator (5-3.23) v. infl., 3-->-3 F (6-3.32) v. der., approacher (6-2.23.l) v . i n fl . , 3+ 2 F ( 6 3 . 3 2 ) , 3-->2 I (6-3.33) v. der., 'into'/slow inceptive (6-2.17.3) v. infl., 2+3 F (6-3. 32) V. in fl . , 3+2 F ( 6-3. 32) noun, conjointer/accompanier/ agent i v e / i n s tr u men ta 1 ( 5 3 . 31 . 1 ) v. der., 'away, off' (6-2.17.4) v. der., placer/cessation of action (6-2.15.2) v. der., placer/cessation of action (6-2.15.2) PAGE 840 /-vna/ ~ C na V !-/fol /-vna:/ /-vnani/ /-vnha/ C /-vnha/ /nha:ta/ V /-vnhata:ma/ /-cpa/ pacha -c-=-cpacha /-cpa(na)/ :..vpaya823 /n/ noun, lp possessive (5-3.24) V nom. , v. subord. (7-4.21.2) v. infl., 1-+3 F (6-3.32), 1-+3 (6-3.33) V infl., l +3 F (6-3.32) v. infl., 4+3 F (6-3.32), 4+3 (6-3.33) /nh/ noun, l p possessive (5-3.24) v. inf l. , 1-+3 F (6-3. 32), 1-+3 (6-3.33) V . inf l. , 2-+3 F (6-3.32) V . infl., 3+2 F (6-3. 32), 3+2 (6-3.33) /p/ v. der., plural (6-2.26) noun, 3p possessive (5-3.24) v. infl., 3-+3 I (6-3. 33) noun, 'all, same' (5-3.32.2) I I I I v. infl., Inferential (6-3.36.2) v . i n fl . , 3-+ 3 I , 3-+2 I ( 6 3 . 3 3 ) v. der., compassionate/fun-poker (6-2.19.l) indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2) PAGE 841 /-vpi/ /-pi(:)/ /-vpini/ -=-v~ /-pu(: )/ /-vpuni/ -=-v~ C /p"ana/ C /-cqa-/ /-vqa-/ /-qa/ qata -v ra -vra-v/-vra/ /-vra(: )/ C 824 indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2) final, reiterator of known information (7-2.22.4) indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2) noun, verbalizer (5-3.42.1) final, reiterator of known information (7-2.22.4) indep., emphatic (7-2.21.2) noun, 'between, among' (reciprocal) (5-3.12.8) /p"/ v i n fl . , 3+ 3 I ( 6 3 . 3 3 ) /q/ v. der., completive (6-2.25.2) v. der., 'down'/remover (6-2.15.3) final, topic/attenuator (7, fn. 2) noun, 'below' (5-3.12.9) Jr/ noun, 'through' (5-3.12.10) v. der., serial/reverser (6-2.14.1) i n de p. , ' st i1 1 , yet ' ( 7 2 . 21 . 3) indep., aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4) PAGE 842 / : ra/ /-Y,raji/ C rapi-v--=--raqa-v_ ...... __ rara -v-/-vrara/ /-vray/ /rpa:-/ V /rpaya-/ V ru -v-v C sa -csa Y. C sa -v825 indep., 'still? yet' (7-2.21.3) indep., aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4) indep., aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4) v. der., beneficiary (6-2.24.1) v. der., victimary (6-2.24.2) noun, intensifier (5-3. 12.11) indep., 'still, yet' (7-2.21.3) indep., 'still, yet' (7-2.21.3); aggregate/cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4) noun, 'on account of' (5-3.12.7) indep., aggregate/ cautionary etc. (7-2.21.4) v. der., 'multiple action'/ intensifier (6-2.19.2) v. der., 'multiple action'/ intensifier (6-2.19.2) noun, directional 'to, at' (5-3.31.3) v. nom., subord., purposive (7-4.21.12) /s/ noun, 'side' (5-3.21) noun, 4p possessive (5-3.24) v. subord. {7-4.22.1) PAGE 843 826 -sa final, information int=rrogative/ indefinite/ linker (7-2.22, 7-4.23.l) /-vsama:na/ V. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-vsana/ v. subord. (7-4.22.l) /-vsana/ v. i nfl. , D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-csapa:na/ V. infl., I (6-3.33) /-vsapa:na/ v. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-vsa:sna/ v. infl., D-2 ( 6 3 . 34 . 21 ) /-cschista:na/ v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) /-cschistani/ V. infl., F (6-3.32) /-cschistaspa/ v. infl., D-1 (6-3.34.11) /-cschistasapa:na/ V. infl., D-2 (6-3.34.21) /-cschistpana/ V. infl., I (6-3.33) /-cschistu/ v. inf l. , s (6-3.31) /-cschitani/ v. infl., 3+4 F (6-3.32) /-cschitasapa:na/ v. infl., 3+4 D-2 ( 6 3. 34. 21 ) /-cschitaspa/ v. infl., 3+4 0-1 ( 63. 34. 11 ) I c s ch i ta ys t u / V. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-cschitaytu/ v. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-cschitu/ v. inf l. , 3+4 s (6-3.31) si-vv. de r. , (6-2.21) reciprocal/reflexive /-vsina/ v. subord. (7-4.22.l) /-vsina:n/ v. subord. (7-4.22.l) /-vsinana/ v. infl., 4+3 0-2 (6-3.34.21) PAGE 844 827 /-vsisama:na/ v. infl., 2-+3 D-2 {6-3.34.21) /-vsisapa:na/ v. infl., 3-+3 D-2 {6-3.34.21) /-csistpana/ v. infl., 3-+4 I {6-3.33) /-csita:na/ v. inf l. , 3-+4 RDK {6-3.35.l) /-csitani/ V. inf l. , 3-+4 F {6-3.32) /-csitasapa:na/ V. infl., 3-+4 D-2 { 6 3 . 34 . 21 ) /-csitaspa/ V. infl., 3-+4 D-1 {6-3.34. 11) /-csitaystu/ V infl., 3-+4 RIK {6-3.35.2) /sitpana/ C v. infl., 3-+4 I {6-3.33) /-csitp 11 ana/ V. infl., 3-+4 I {6-3.33) /-csitu/ v. infl., 3-+4 s {6-3.31) situ -v-noun, diminutive (5-3.22.5) /sja-/ C V. der. , 'likely' {6-2.3) /-vsjamach-/ V de r. , 'likely' {6-2.3) /-csma/ V. infl., l -+2 s {6-3.31) /-vsma/ V. infl., 2 -+3 D-1 { 6 3. 34. 11 ) /-:sma/ V. inf l. , 2-+3 D-1 { 63. 34. 11 ) ; 1-+2 RDK {6-3.35.l) /smach-/ V v. der. , 'likely' {6-2.3) /-vsmachja-/ V. de r. , 'likely' {6-2.3) /sman/ V V. infl., 1-+2 RDK {6-3. 35. l) /sma:na/ v. infl., 2-+3 D-2 {6-3.34.21); V 1-+ 2 RDK {6-3.35.l) / s na/ C V. infl., 4-+ 3 s {6-3.31) /-csna/ V infl., 1-+2 (6-3. 34. 11) s (6-3.31); 4-+3 D-1 PAGE 845 /-csna(n)/ /-vsna'!,/ C /-:sna/ /-vsna:na/ /sna/ C /-vsna/ /-vspa/ /-vspa:na/ /-(:)sp 11 a(na)/ /sp 11 ana/ V /-cstani/ /-cstaspa/ -st i / s tu/ C SU-cta-c/-eta/ /-ctac/ /-vta/ /-v ta/ /-vtac/ V 828 v. infl., 4+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11) v. subord. (7-4.22. l) V. infl., l +2 RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., 4+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21) v. i nfl., 4+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11) v. infl., 4+3 s (6-3.31) v. inf l. , 3+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11) v. infl., 3+3 D-2 ( 6 3. 34. 21 ) V. inf l. , 3+3 D-1 (6-3.34.11) V infl., 3+3 D-2 (6-3.34.21) V. inf l. , 3+4 F (6-3. 32), 3+4 I (6-3.33) V. inf l. , 3+4 D-1 (6-3. 34. 11) final, follow-up (7-2.22) V. i nfl., 3+4 S (6-3.31) V. der. , 'out'/completive (6-2.13) /t/ v. der., 'up'/inceptive (6-2.16) v. infl., 2+3 S (6-3.31) v. infl., 1+3 S (6-3. 31) noun, verbalizer (5-3.42.1) noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.15) noun, directional, 'from, of' (5-3.31.4) PAGE 846 ta -v~ C /tak"i/ V C /-ctama/ /-:tama/ /-vtama:na/ /-ctan/ /-vtan/ /-:tan/ /-:tana/ /tana/ C 829 v. nom., subord., realized action (7-4.21.3) v. infl., 2+3 RDK (6-3.35.1), 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 1+3 RDK (6-3.35.1) v. infl., 2+3 F (6-3.32), 2+3 RDK (6-3.35.1) noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5) noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5) v. infl., 3+2 s (6-3.31) v. infl., 3+2 F (6-3. 32), 3+2 I {6-3.33), 3+2 RDK {6-3.35.1) v. infl., 3+2 s {6-3.31) v. infl., 3+2 s {6-3.31) V. i nfl . , 3+2 RDK (6-3.35.1) v. infl., 3+2 RDK (6-3. 35. l) v. infl., 4+3 s (6-3.31) v. infl., 4+3 F (6-3.32), 4+3 I (6-3.33), 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) v. infl., 4+3 F (6-3. 32), 4+3 RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., 4+3 RDK (6-3.35.1) v. infl., 4+3 s (6-3.31) v. infl., 4+3 F (6-3.32), 4+3 I (6-3.33) v. inf l. , 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) PAGE 847 830 /ta:na/ V v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-vtani/ v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtana/ v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2} /ta:sma/ V v. infl., 1 +2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:sna/ v. infl., 1 +2 D-2 (6-3.34.21), 1 +2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaspa:na/ v. infl., 3+2 D-2 (6-3.34.21} tata-v v. der. , scatterer (6-2.17.5) /tata' V . v. infl., 2+3 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-cta:ta/ v. infl., 1 +3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:ta/ v. infl., 2+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:tam/ v. infl., 3+2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtata:mac/ V. infl., 3+2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:tama/ V. infl., 3+2 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-vta:tan/ v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtatma/ V. infl., 3+2 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-vtatna/ v. infl., 4+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vta:tsma/ V. infl., 1 +2 RIK (6-3.35.2} /tat 11 a / V C v. infl., 1+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtawi/ v. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtay/ noun, beneficiary/purposive (5-3.31.5) /-vtay(ic)/ V. infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /tayna/ V V infl., 3+3 RIK (6-3.35.2} /-vtaysma/ V. infl., 1+2 RIK (6-3.35.2} /taystu/ V V. infl., 3+4 RIK (6-3.35.2} PAGE 848 831 /-vtayta/ V. infl., 2-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /tayta / V C v. i nfl., 1-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) / -v taytam/ v. infl., 3-+2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaytama/ v. infl., 3-+2 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaytana/ v. infl., 4-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaytna/ v. infl., 4-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vtaytu/ V. infl., 3-+ l RIK (6-3.35.2) /tayt 11 a / V C v. infl., 1-+3 RIK (6-3.35.2) -ti final, yes/no interrogative, negative (7-2.22, 7-4.23.3) /-vti:sta/ v. infl., 2-+ l RIK (6-3.35.2) /ti:stu/ V v. inf l. , 3-+4 RIK (6-3.35.2) /-vti:tu/ v. infl., 3-+ l RIK (6-3.35.2) /-ctmac v. infl., 3-+2 s (6-3.31) ~ V /-vtm/ v. inf l. , 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-vtma/ v. infl., 3-+2 F (6-3.32), 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-:tma/ V. infl., 3-+2 F (6-3.32), 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-vtma:na/ v. i n fl . , 3+2 RDK (6-3. 35. l) /-vtna/ v. infl., 4-+3 F (6-3.32) /-:tna/ v. infl., 4-+3 F (6-3.32) /-vtpac/ v. infl., 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-:tpa(n)/ v. infl., 3-+2 I (6-3.33) /-vtta/ noun, kinship (frozen) ( 53. 11 . l 5) PAGE 849 /t 11 a / C C /t 11 a / C V /t 11 a / V C /-:t 11 a / C /t 11 a/ V t 11 api-c t'a-c-/-:/ /-:-/ /-:-/ /-:/ /-:/ -wa /wa-/ V 832 /t"/ v. infl., 3 s (6-3.31) v. infl., s (6-3.31) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.1) v. i nfl. , RDK (6-3.35.1) noun, directional I Of, from' (5-3.31.4) V. der. , gatherer (6-2.14.2) /t'/ v. der., momentaneous (6-2.18.2) /: / noun, lp possessive (5-3.24) noun, verbalizer (5-3.41.2) v. der., causative (6-2.22) v. infl., F (6-3.32), 1-+3 I (6-3.33) final, topic/attenuator (7-2.22.1, 7-2.22.12) final, emphatic (7-2.22) /w/ final, absolute (7-2.22) v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2) PAGE 850 /-vwa:-/ /-vwaya-/ /-vwi-/ .-vwisa/ /-vwisu/ /wiya-/ V wja -v-/-xa/ .:.cxa /-cxa-/ / xa-/ V /-vxa/ -:xa / : xa/ .:.c_x_a _r_u _xa : s i -c /xata-/ C /xaya-/ C /xita-/ C /-y/ 833 v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2) v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2) v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2) noun, 'without' (5-3.12.12) noun, 'without' (5-3.12.12) v. der., distancer (6-2.23.2) noun, 'place' (5-3.21) I xi final, topic/attenuator (7-2.22.1, 7-2.22.12, 7-4.23.2, 7-4.23.3) noun, 'over, on' (5-3.21) v. der., completive (6-2.25.2) v. der., 'down'/remover (6-2.15.3) noun, lp possessive (5-3.24) noun, 'beside' (5-3.21) v. infl., F (6-3.32), (6-3.33) v. der., preparative of motion (6-2.17.6) v. der., static (6-2.17.7) v. der., 'on top of, up to' (6-2.15.4) v. der., accompanier (6-2.17.8) v. der., 'on top of, up to' (6-2.15.4) /y/ indep., 'just, only' (7-2.21.1) PAGE 851 /-ya/ /-ya-/ /-ya:/ /-ya:na/ /-ya:sma/ /-ya:tac/ /-ya:ta/ /-yatam/ /-ya:tam/ /-ya:tan/ /-ya:t 11 ac/ /-yi:sta/ /-yi:stu/ /-yitu/ /-yi:tu/ /-yri/ Zero complement 834 noun, kinship (frozen) (5-3.11.16); v. infl., F (6-3.32); final, politive (7-2.22, 7-2.22.2, 7-4.23.3) v. der., causative (6-2.22) v. infl., F (6-3.32) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35. l) v . i n fl . , l RD K ( 6 3 . 3 5 l ) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.l) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.1) v . i n fl . , 3 RD K ( 6 3 . 3 5 . l ) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.1) v. infl., RDK (6-3.35.1) v. nom., subord., actor/purposive (4-3.22.13, 7-4.21.11) noun (5-3.33) PAGE 852 REFERENCES Alb6, Javier. 1973a. 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(Travaux et Memoires de 1 'Institut de'Ethnologie, Universite de Paris.) Paris: Institut d'Ethnologie. Ross, Ellen M. 1953. Rudimentos de gramatica aymara. La Paz: Canadian Baptist Mission . . 1963. Rudimentos de gramatica aymara, 2nd ----e~d-.-La Paz: Canadian Baptist Mission. [Reproduced by the Peace Corps with permission.] n.d. Manual aymara para las aymaristas. La Paz: Sociedades Biblicas. Samarin, William J. 1967 Field linguistics A guide to linguistic field work. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Sebeok, Thomas A. 1951a. Aymara 'Little Red Ridinghood' with morphological analysis. Archivum Linguisticum 3.53-69 . . 1951b. Materials for an Aymara dictionary. -----,,--Journal de la Societe des Americani~tes n.s. 40.89-151. PAGE 861 844 Stark, Louisa. 1970. A reconsideration of Proto-Quechua phonology. [Paper read at 39th International Con gress of Americanists (Lima).] Swadesh, Morris. 1939. Sohre el alfabeto quechua-aymara. Bolet,n Bibliogr~fico de Antropologfa Americana. Mexico: Instituto Panamericano de Geografia e Historia. 1951. Diffusional cumulation and archaic residue as historical explanations. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 7:1-21. [Reprinted in Readings in Anthropology, vol. 1, Physical Anthro pology, Linguistics, Archaeology, ed. by Morton H. Fried, 199-218. New York: Crowell, 1959.] [Also reprinted in Language in culture and society, ed. by Dell Hymes, 624-637. New York: Harper & Row, 1 964.] Tarifa Ascarrunz, Erasmo. 1969. Suma lajjra aymara par lana. Gramatica de la lengua aymara. La Paz: Don Bosco. Tate, Norman. 1970. 'to carry'. Florida. An ethno-semantic study of Aymara Unpubl. term paper, University of Torero, Alfredo. 1972a. Grupos linguisticos y variaciones dialectales. Primer Seminario de Educaci6n Bilingue (Algunos estudios y ponencias). Lima: Ministerio de Educaci6n . . 1972b. Linguistica e historia de los Andes -----=---=-de l Peru y Bolivia. El reto del multilinguismo en el Peru, ed. by Alberto Escobar, 47-106. 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Gainesville: University of Florida. Villamar, German G. 1942. Gramatica del kechua y del aymara. La Paz: Editorial Popular. Wanka Torres, Vitaliano. 1973a. Kunkrisutak q"ana chawi. Cochabamba: Centro Pedag6gico y Cultural de Portales. 1973b. La promoci6n de la lengua aymara en el area rural. Tiahuanaco: Comisi6n para la Promoci6n de la Lengua Aymara (COPLA). Weinreich, Uriel. printing.] 1966. Languages in contact. The Hague: Mouton. [Fourth Wexler, Paul (ed.). 1967. English speakers. Beginning Aymara: A course for Seattle: University of Washington. W51ck, Wolfgang. 1972. Las lenguas mayores del Pera y sus hablantes. El reto del multilingUismo en el Peru, ed. by Alberto Escobar, 189-216. Lima: Institute de Estudios Peruanos. 1973. Attitudes toward Spanish and Quechua in bilingual Peru. Language attitudes: Current trends and prospects, ed. by Roger W. Shuy and Ralph W. Fasold, 129-147. Washington D.C.: George town University Press. Yapita, Juan de Dias. 1968. Lecciones de aymara. La Paz. 1968-9. Textos de aymara, nos. 1, 2, 3. La Paz: Departamento de Idiomas de la Universidad Mayor de San Andres. ______ . 1969. Noticias culturales. [Four issues.] La Paz: Institute Nacional de Estudios Lingilfsticos (INEL). PAGE 863 846 Yapita, Juan de Dios. 1970a. Yatinasawa. Gainesville: University of Florida . . 1970b. Aymara Newsletter nos. 1-7. Gaines------=-=-=ville: University of Florida . . 1970c. Boletin Ji:pi de Qumpi. Compi -----r( =-s-o =-, i v i a ) 1972-73. Literatura aymara, nos. 1-3. La Paz. 1973a. Alfabeto fonemico del aymara. Gainesville: University of Florida. 1973b. Linguistics in Bolivia. New Voices in Education 3:1.23-25. 1973c. Alfabeto fonemico aymara. Manuales Departamento LingUfstica No. l. Cochabamba: Centro Pedagogico y Cultural de Portales. 1974. Vocabulario castellano-ingles-aymara. Oruro: Indicep . -----. 1975. Brief description of local Aymara life. Gainesville: University of Florida. 1976. Aymara married life. Dialogo. Gainesville: Center for Latin American Studies, University of Florida. PAGE 864 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Lucy Therina Briggs was born in Washington, D. C. on December 20, 1930, the daughter of a Foreign Service Officer, Ellis Ormsbee Briggs, and Lucy Barnard Briggs. Her childhood was divided between Latin American and the United States. In 1952 she graduated from Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts with a B. A. in history, having spent her junior year in Geneva, Switzerland. After two years of secretarial and volunteer work in Korea, Miss Briggs passed the Foreign Service examina tions and entered the Service in 1957, later serving in the bureaus of inter-American and educational and cul tural affairs of the Department of State. Undertaking graduate studies while working full time at the State Department, Miss Briggs completed the Master of Science degree in linguistics at Georgetown University in 1969. In the following year she left the Foreign Service to pursue doctoral studies in linguistics at the University of Florida in Gainesville, working with the Aymara Language Materials Project under the auspices of a grant from the Office ot Education of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. 847 PAGE 865 848 As the recipient of a National Science Foundation graduate fellowship (1971-74), Miss Briggs did field work on Aymara dialects in Bolivia and Peru in 1972 and in 1973-74. Her publications include a chapter on the Aymara noun system in the grammar produced by the Aymara Language Materials Project and numerous articles on the language, and she has read several scholarly papers, most recently at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association at San Francisco in December 1975. In addi tion to pursuing an interest in anthropological linguis tics, Miss Briggs has taught English as a foreign language in Korea, in Washington, D. C., and at the English Language Institute of the University of Florida, and is interested in broad aspects of intercultural communication. She speaks fluent Spanish and French and has a useful knowl edge of Portuguese and Aymara. Miss Briggs is a member of the American Anthro pological Association, the Asociaci6n de LingU1stica y Filolog,a de Am~rica Latina (ALFAL), the Institute de Lengua y Cultura Aymara (La Paz, Bolivia), the Inter national Linguistic Association, the Latin American Studies Association, the Linguistic Society of America, the Modern Language Association, and the Cosmopolitan Business and Professional Women's Club (Washington, D. C.), and is a member of the Board of Directors of the Aymara Foundation, Inc. PAGE 866 ropology and Lingu I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy . . / ,~-//)}: // ,' / _4,,,c ~~9{1{. William E. Carter Professor of Anthropology I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. l' Paul Doughty Professor of PAGE 867 I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. . I ~c/J~ aaee: Harder Professor of Linguistics I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Norman N. Markel Professor of Speech This dissertation was presented to the Graduate Faculty of the Interdisciplinary Graduate Program in Linguistics in the College of Arts and Sciences, and to the Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. August, 1976 ~duahlchool