The following example as it stands is ambiguous, although
a native speaker would probably hear a devoiced /a/ or

/i/ and therefore would know which is occurring.

ta.w(a)
Liawi.n.[dJa.t ma.n[d Ja. > S.i.W.
. say
uns hs
RIK s

he was gone in,

'(The door) iocked f t they say.' (Calacala)

he went in,

('(The sexton) having locked him in, (the priest) went in
(to the bedroom). ')

The following sentence from a folk tale told by
a Jopoqueri source has subordinated verbs nominalized

with -iri purposive, -tia.taki purposive, and -ta resultant:

Tatala.p irp.t'.ir sara.ta.:.ni.fi.pa.taki.x
father 3p get ~~ go ~ 3p

wawa.nak.x yapi.n[dja.ta.w

children tie up

wawa.lla.naka.x <Pugi.1] wax.t'.ita> sa.tayn.
children treat give 2+] say 353
I RIK

‘While she went to get their father, (leaving) the
children tied up, the children said (to the ostrich),
"Give us a treat".'