466

8 verbal inflectional suffixes with 3p comple-
ments (143, 2+3, 3+3, and 4+3) may have no expressed
complement in translation, e. g.

chur.i ‘he/she gave (something to someone)'
3>3
S

19 E or an explanation of what are meant by D-1
and D-2 /sa/ forms and /iri/ forms, see 6-3.34.

Onardman (Hardman et al. 1975:3.233) has
pointed out that contemporary 2+1 forms represent a
falling-together of earlier 2+1 and 2+4 forms. Seman-
tically 2>4 has now fallen out, but some contemporary
2>1 forms have a formal vestige of the 4p complement
in an /s/ that recurs intermittently in different tenses.
It 245° recurs in the 1+2 S suffix -sma (see also Hardman
1975).

las indicated in note 20, the /s/ in 1+2 Simple
-sma is a vestige of the 4p marker.

22 uhen 1+3 F /-:/ is followed by -xa sentence
suffix, the resulting combination /:xa/ is indistinguish-
able from one of the other voiceless fricative allo-
morphs of 1+3 F, /-:xa/. The latter may be followed by
the sentence suffix -wa, as in the following examples
from Compi:

Sara.:xa.w. ‘I'm going to go.'

Chura.:xa.w. '(Now that you ask) I will give
it to him.'

However, -xa sentence suffix does not occur after /-:xa/
173 Fs; *chura.:xa.xa is rejected. We are left with a
possible ambiguity in such forms as chura:xa, which may
be analyzed as either chura.:xa or chura.:.xa. So far,
no predictable difference in meaning has been discovered
that would facilitate determining which is occurring.

23an example of 1+3 F with palatal glide, for La
Paz and Socca, is

Aka.n.ka.s.ka.ya:.wa. "I will be here.'