369

Sar.x.i.w. ‘He left.' (La Paz)

go ~ 3+3
Jani.w mun.x.i.ti. ‘It doesn't want to.' (La Paz)
no want 3-3
Future: sar.xa.: ‘I'm going home' (La Paz)
~—|+3

Imperative: chur.x.ma ‘give it to him' (Socca)
273

apa.n.x.ita ‘bring it to me’ (Huancané)

|
Desiderative: Jiw.xa.sma.wa. 'You may die.' (Salinas)
die -_-23

In Huancané /-xa-/ occurred on many verbs used in telling
a story. The tenses used were RIK, Simple, and -chi NI.
Examples of /-s.xa-/ and /-w.xa-/ are given in
6-2.21 and 6-2.23.2, where it was noted that /-xa-/ some-
times occurs before /-wiya-/ in Morocomarca. It appears
that /-xa-/, like -si-, may occur directly on a root,
forming a stem which may take other suffixes that usually
precede /-xa-/. England considered this /-xa-/ a dif-
ferent suffix of limited occurrence (Hardman et al. 1975:

3.152). Other examples are