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The special nature of these suffixes is reflected
in their morphophonemics. Unlike most other noun suffixes
of general occurrence, whose morphophonemics do not vary

13

from one dialect to another, two of the complement/

relationals, -na and -taki ~ -tak"i ~ -tay, vary in pre-
ceding morphophonemics, and all of the complement/relationals
control the loss or retention of their own final vowels
except before consonant-requiring final noun suffixes or
the sentence suffixes -lla ~ -ya or -:-. The reason for
this is that final vowel-retention and -dropping rules
that are syntactically conditioned, identifying subjects
and direct objects (zero complements) of verbs or modi-
fiers in noun phrases, do not apply to stems or themes
ending in the complement/relationals, the case relations
expressed by the latter being in complementary distribu-
tion with the case or order relations expressed by the
former. That is, a stem ending in a complement/relational
suffix cannot also be simultaneously a subject, modifier
of a head of a noun phrase, or a zero complement. The

one exception to this rule is -mpi ~ -nti which as con-
joiner or accompanier may occur on a subject or zero

complement.

5-3.31.] -y pi _~ -nti conjoiner/accompanier/agentive/
instrumental

This morpheme has two base allomorphs. /-mpi/

occurs in La Paz, Juli, Socca, Huancané, Calacoa, Sitajara,