Nonetheless, in both districts, the previous year's harvest was still the most important
 source of maize, on average, in spite of the effect of drought. This was undoubtedly severe. In
 Mchinji, two thirds of poorest households are normally self sufficient, but in the drought year this
 fell to 5 percent. The range of harvest fell from 4 65 bags down to 0 20 bags. In Salima,
 almost a third of households had no maize crop at all. The range of harvest for poor households
 is normally 4 32 bags, but in 1993/94 the highest harvest was 12 bags. The majority of all
 households had run out of maize by December.

 Intermediate and better-off households were also affected by drought. They had less maize
and fewer crops to sell. Some of them had to resort to ganyu. However, for most they could use
their crop sales to purchase maize. They were also more likely to sell livestock to purchase maize
and inputs. In Salima, better-off households did not use crop income for maize, only livestock
sales. Intermediate households were more likely to be able to afford to engage in petty trade,
which was generally a profitable income generating activity.

 The survey appears to show that one of the main effects of drought is to increase the scale
of market activities, particularly for the purchase of food. Households which would normally not
purchase maize, certainly not from crop sales, have to use what income they can generate to
supplement their own production. The main source for this is engagement in ganyu, but there is
usually less ganyu available in drought years, as better-off farmers are also affected. Household
food security for the poorest is very dependent on the functioning of the rural labour market.

 Intermediate and better-off households also have to make adjustments, but they are very
much less likely to become food insecure as they have a greater range of assets and income
generating opportunities they can call on. There is a concern, however, about the effect of
successive droughts on livestock holdings, which may, over time erode the level of assets in the
rural economy.

 Peters' work emphasises rather more the strategies households are employing to reduce
their vulnerability to drought (Peters 1995) and is based on surveys undertaken in Zomba and
Machinga. She identifies three major strategies: diversification of cropping patterns, husbandry
techniques and the introduction of new crops. Diversification takes place particularly into drought
resistant crops such as cassava, sweet potato and sorghum, which move from being secondary
crops to being equal to or even surpassing maize in response to a drought year. Dimba gardening
becomes more important in drought years are used for horticultural crops in the dry season,
particularly for sale. These two strategies have been affected by the recurrent drought and short
rains experienced in the 1990s. The third strategy is the introduction of new crops, such as hybrid
maize and tobacco, chillies and chick peas. Hybrid maize is earlier maturing and therefore deals
better with drought. Cash crops such as burley tobacco produce income which can be saved to
cover maize purchases in a bad season. Tobacco is also less adversely affected by a short rainy
season.


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