Brooks: Diplomacy and the Borderlands 183 larations, his colleague in Madrid might be playing a double game." At the same time, Adams was convinced of the friendly attitude of Pol6tica, as well as of that of Count Pozzi di Borgo, the Czar's ambassador at Paris. These ministers evidently had instructions from St. Petersburg to favor the treaty, as is indicated in Nesselrode's letter to Pol6tica of November 27, 1819, and in a despatch of the preceding month sent by George W. Campbell, then minister of the United States in the Russian capital." Both emphasized Nesselrode's belief that Spanish ratification was necessary in order to preserve peace. Tatistcheff, apparently likewise instructed, officially gave his support to the Adams-Onis agreement. He assured Forsyth that he "personally believed the ratification necessary and proper for Spain, and certainly the policy of Europe required it to be done."" He addressed a note to the Spanish foreign office in which he cited the probability of occupation of the Floridas and Texas by the United States, their recognition of Buenos Aires and Chile, and their aid to other insurgents in the event Spain failed to accept the treaty." Meanwhile, Tatisteheff's personal influence at Madrid was on the wane. He had been instructed to support British policy there and thus lost favor with Ferdinand. In October, 1819, he de- parted, never to return." Interesting speculation can be undertaken concerning the effect on Russian policy of the expansion of the United States to the Pacific. During the negotiation, news of Adams' desire to draw the boundary to the Coast could not have reached St. Petersburg in time to arouse protest before the signing of the treaty. Nesselrode's views have been shown to be friendly toward the United States after that time. But within seven months after the ultimate rati- fication of the treaty, in September, 1821, Alexander issued his famous ukase claming exclusive jurisdiction on the North Coast above the Fifty-first Parallel. Such an avowal, which drew imme- diate protest from Adams, seems paradoxical in view of the pre- vious cordial attitude. It appears, however, to have resulted not from studied Russian foreign policy, but from a temporary coup of the Russian American Fur Company, which naturally would have liked to extend and protect its commercial domain. That the Czar's government did not commit itself to upholding the ukase is made clear in the reports of the United States minister, Henry