pp. 13-16: The interview then turns to Reubin Askew's re-election as a second-term governor.
Thomas states that 75 percent of Florida voters lean toward the conservative side, whether they
are Republican or Democrat. According to Thomas, Askew is not a conservative anymore,
citing, as an example, the governor's switch on endorsing school busing. Thomas also disputes
the polls on Askew's popularity. He feels that the Republican candidate, Jerry Thomas, will win
the election due to his strong county party organization. As for the fall congressional races,
Thomas feels certain that the Republicans will do well.

pp. 16-17: Thomas talks about the issues of the primaries being held so late in the year in
Florida, hut lie does not think that the late date makes much difference for political races. But
what concerns him is indifference to political races--in both parties. He says the Watergate
scandal set back the Republican Party in Florida.

pp. 17-19: According to Thomas, the George Wallace movement in Florida is strong. In a
hypothetical presidential primary, he feels that Wallace would beat Askew two to one. Thomas
again talks about Askew and speaks of the governor taking the opposite stance from his
conservative positions soon after he took office. He says Askew could not even carry his
hometown county today. Askew's downfall, as viewed by Thomas, has been the governor
surrounding himself with liberal and ultra-liberal aides. Thomas expands upon the "label" issue
and thinks that "Democrat"and "Republican" will become outmoded and replaced by "liberal-
labor party" and the "conservative party." A conscious Republican Party strategy will be to court
the conservative Democrats. He adds an anecdote about George Wallace, whom many referred
to as a conservative, but Thomas says that Wallace was really a liberal.

pp. 19-22: The interviewers then focus on names of those who could win the Republican
presidential primary in Florida in 1976. Thomas cites Ronald Reagan and Gerald Ford. He
compares Florida's party organization to other states, and lie feels that Florida's is the best,
except perhaps Tennessee's. Thomas says the reasons for the effective party organization in
Florida is the strong organization on the county level, especially the small counties.

pp. 22-23: Regarding the role of the Latin population in Florida, Thomas states that the party
lacks good leadership in South Florida and also points to the numerous rival political cliques
whose members are unwilling to form a cohesive political unit. He cites the differences between
the Cubans in Tampa and the Cubans in Miami and why they hold different political views.

pp. 23-27: Thomas says that the position of lieutenant governor is not necessary. As for Paula
IHawkins, lie thinks that she has a great political future, due, in part, to her building up a strong
organization--but she should be more cautious in her remarks. Thomas believes she could beat
Lawton Chiles in 1976 in getting elected to the U.S. Senate. He also feels that Florida is ready to
elect a woman to the U.S. Senate. He admires her tenacity and ability to work non-stop.

pp. 27-31: On the subject of the press in Florida, Thomas has mostly positive comments, except
for The St. Petersburg Times. Coming from Bay County in the Florida Panhandle--the old Pork
Chop Gang territory, Thomas reluctantly states that the reforms of the past eight years have been
good for the state, that is, reapportionment. But lie also feels that the Pork Choppers' influence is