Numerous studies have shown a link between paternal factors and delinquency.
Such factors have included: lack of paternal supervision and discipline along with a history of paternal criminality (Loeber, 1990; Loeber & Dishion, 1983); inconsistent family communication patterns (Lessin & Jacob, 1984); high amounts of paternal defensive communication in a competitive context (Alexander, Waldron, Barton, & Mas, 1989); and conflictual, unaffectionate father-son relations (Borduin, Pruitt, & Henggeler, 1986; Hanson, Henggeler, Haefele, & Rodick, 1984).
Where comparison data are available, father and mother scores on broad measures of child-related stress typically have not differed in families of preschool-aged children with normal development or a range of developmental disabilities (Cameron, Dobson, & Day, 1991; Hagborg, 1989; Kazak, 1987; Perry, Sarlo-McGarvey, & Factor, 1992; Weinhouse & Nelson, 1992; Wolf, Noh, Fishman, & Speechley, 1989). Schuhmann, Foote, Eyberg, Boggs, & Algina (1998) found that although fathers of conduct-disordered preschoolers reported less parent-related stress than mothers, their child-related stress scores were elevated in the clinical range and comparable to mothers' scores. Similarly, Baker and Heller (1996) found that fathers reported elevated stress levels when their child's externalizing problems were in the severe range.
Webster-Stratton (1988) found that fathers' self-reported depression, poor marital adjustment, and negative life events were unrelated to fathers' behavior with their children, whereas maternal self-reported personal adjustment was significantly related to a high number of maternal criticisms and physically negative behaviors with their children. Christensen et al. (1983) found, however, that fathers' personal discomfort was negatively