INTRODUCTION
It has been well documented that fathers are neglected in research on
developmental psychopathology (e.g., Phares, 1996b; Phares & Compas, 1992). Following an extensive review, Phares and Compas (1992) reported that only 26% of studies of child and adolescent psychopathology included both mothers and fathers and provided separate analyses for each parent. Moreover, whereas 48% of the studies focused exclusively on mothers, only 1% focused exclusively on the role of fathers (Phares & Compas, 1992). This oversight has also been noted in the normative developmental research literature. Only 20% of the articles published in Child Development during 1990 included fathers (Russell & Radojevic, 1992).
The bias toward excluding fathers in studies of parental influence has serious
substantive and methodological implications for the understanding of family relationships and their impact on child adjustment, as well as for the development of prevention and intervention procedures. First, excluding fathers from participation does not allow for a comparison of each parent's contribution to childhood adjustment, nor for the likelihood that parental contributions are cumulative and interactive. Second, fathers' nonparticipation may generate biased data which limit their generalizability. For example, studies that have relied on mothers' reports of paternal activities and attitudes are of questionable reliability and validity. In addition, the father's presence or absence
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