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Unzueta's research (1981) finds that at least 42% of the 1980
population she studied had felt discrimination as a result of their
refugee status. The greatest amount of discrimination came from the
Cuban-Americans. The Cubans also report being more afraid of being
victimized in the community in which they are currently living than
in the resettlement camps where they first lived. This report con
firms what many Cubans have said; to many, the local neighborhoods
present a more hostile environment than that of the camp life. Some
seem to be traumatized by what they see as a large U.S. criminal
element. It should be noted, however, that more than 50% report no
discrimination and 80% report being accepted by their countrymen,
the Cuban-Americans.
One of the factors helping to integrate the new Cubans into the
Miami community is the festive spirit of traditional Latin American
holidays and the special festivities designed to bring the Anglo, Black,
and Latin communities together. Martinez (1982b) and Balmaseda (1982)
point out the importance of these celebrations. Martinez sees them
as indicative of a new spirit of cooperation building within the
various ethnic groups in Miami.
The research of Bach, Bach, and Triplet (1981-82) provides in
formation on characteristics of the 1980 entrants. Most were from
the mainstream of the Cuban economy. When employment background is
combined with age, sex, race, and residence, a profile emerges that
places most of the entrants in the center of Cuban society. Fernandez1
(1981-82) work concurs with the above research. He adds that in spite
of their location within the center of the Cuban society, "... many