85 process. These researchers predict that if the already established Cuban-American community rejects the new arrivals, the new Cubans will have a far more difficult time in adjusting. Of the previous cohorts of Cubans, Portes et al. (1981-82) write, While similar in many background characteristics such as occupation, education, urban residence, etc., it is not likely that the relatively mild adaptation experienced by these exiles will be reproduced among those coming recently through the Marie! boat!ift. The rapidity and size of this flow have taxed not only federal and state resources but also those of the Cuban community itself, (p. 23) The researchers are optimistic that the new inflow "... can be absorbed by the enclave economy rather than shifted to the low-wage open labor market" (Portes et al., 1981-82, p. 23); the latter being seen as presenting a more difficult economic situation for immigrants and one in which most of the other migrating Latin Americans find themselves. Domino Park has become the symbol of the Cubanization of the southwest section of Miami known as Little Havana. It is a symbol of the old Cuban style of graceful living, a place where old men gathered to play dominos and share friendships established long ago on a now distant island, a place where people can pass by and enjoy a vivid, picturesque, typically Cuban scene. Before 1980, the park and the business district where it is located were considered safe, low-crime areas. Cubans from many different areas of south Florida referred to the park with pride, and considered it a reflection of the improvement that they have made to a conmunity which was in a state of economic deterioration before their arrival. Now there are iron bars on the