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does not yet know the actual number of Cuban criminals who entered in
1980. Government statistics range between 2,000 and 24,000 persons,
with private estimates as high as 50,000 (Nichols, 1982). Rivero (1982),
a member of the Cuban/Haitian Task Force, finds substantial evidence
that only 18 of 1,600 Cubans incarcerated in the Atlanta federal
penitentiary were hardened criminals. Government handling of the issue
of what to do with the criminal element that came in 1980 confounded
the problem. Rivero (1982) believes government behavior was a direct
response to the strong reactions of the U.S. public toward the 1980
immigrants.
Reception by the Cuban-Americans
An obvious reaction to the notoriety of the 1980 immigrants has
been the behavior of some of the previous Cuban immigrants, now con
sidered Cuban-Americans, who seek to avoid what they consider con
tamination associated with a negative image of Cubans (see Gonzalez &
McCoy, 1980, for coverage of problems in south Florida; Rose, 1982,
for Atlanta; Wadler, 1981, for New York-New Jersey).
This reaction can be observed in a variety of different ways. One
evident linguistic marker which Cuban-Americans have adopted to put
historical distance between themselves and the new arrivals and to
establish legitimacy to their residence in the U.S. is the use of time
references which show the period in which the immigrant arrived. It
is common to hear Cuban-Americans say, "In all the 12 years I've lived
on this street . ."or "Since 1970, when I came here, I have . ."
Portes, Clark, and Lopez (1981-82) stress the importance the receiving
community plays in assisting the new immigrants in the acculturation