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through the interplay of several factors: investment capital and
managerial skills, sustained immigration which renews and expands the
labor force, and a demand for products and services from a language and
culture population similar to their own, but different from that of the
host culture. The barriers which prevent immigrants from moving into
the mainstream economy promote ethnic affinities within the enclave and
work to cement ties of solidarity.
Diaz' (1981) work contrasts with that of Portes and Wilson (1980).
He finds that the Cubans in south Florida are integrating into the
mainstream culture and labor force with remarkable speed. He suggests
that a variety of measures be used to observe the patterns of social
integration. His research indicates that the majority of Cubans in
the work force do not work for Cuban employers, and suggests that
"whatever entrepreneurship Miami Cubans have shown, it is in keeping
with prescribed goals and values of the host society and thus a positive
sign of social integration" (p. 7). While he does not deny there exists
a "ghetto economy" which acts as a deterrent for learning English or
integrating into the host culture, he cites naturalization indices as
a counterindicator of social integration. During the decade of the
1960s, the number of Cubans who became U.S. citizens increased ninefold
and the numbers have continued to remain high for the decade of the
1970s. Although Cubans have accepted U.S. holiday celebrations, they
have kept their own customs, many of which are dying out on the island.
Even though Spanish is spoken at home and reinforced through the media,
more than 30% of the Cuban children attend public school where they will
learn English. Diaz (1980) considers school enrollment an additional
indicator of the desire which Cuban-Americans display for social