40
and consensus building, but sometimes to an awareness of the need for
ethnic solidarity for mutual protection from a hostile culture (for
similar studies see Baskauskas, 1981, for Lithuanians and Haines,
Rutherford, & Parker, 1981, for Vietnamese).
Portes, McLeod, and Parker (1978) conclude from their work with
immigrant Cubans and Mexicans that contrary to popular stereotypes,
immigrant aspirations, "... are neither flights of fantasy nor the
product of purely subjective ambition" (p. 260). Aspirations are
based on past experiences and achievements, and the understanding of
the skills which the immigrants have and perceive as needed by the
host culture.
Some ethnic groups have not found it necessary to acculturate or
learn English to be successful in the U.S. Only when a group lacks
skills or entrepreneurship and depends on the dominant culture for
employment, is learning the language and culture of the dominant society
important (Sowell, 1981). Portes1 (1980) findings substantiate Sowell's
opinion regarding acculturation and English acquisition by showing that
the entrepreneurship of the Cubans has allowed for considerable economic
mobility within the first generation, even among those with limited
English fluency. Both Portes and Sowell point out that the phenomena
of entrepreneurship has also occurred within geographic regions populated
by high concentrations of other ethnic groups such as the Japanese, Jews,
and Germans.
Emotional Adjustment
Baskauskas (1981) finds that few studies have attempted to ex
plore the complex emotional state of the immigrant during the process